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Decolonizing Feminist Economics - Possibilities for Just Futures; This book boldly introduces a decolonizing approach to feminist economics. The author provides valuable insights into feminist and decolonial perspectives on economics, moving beyond the boundaries of modern Eurocentrism. In doing so, she reveals profound insights into the relationship between colonialism, capitalism and patriarchy.

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This book is titled Decolonizing Feminist Economics: Possibilities for a Just Future. In this resource, Gisela Carrasco-Miró provides insights that seek to move beyond modern Eurocentrism. As is explained, this work "explores the relationship between colonialism, capitalism, heteropatriarchy and ecological degradation, while offering critical feminist and decolonizing tools."

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What Palestine teaches teachers of politics and law

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What Palestine teaches teachers of politics and law

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Afreen writes about what the Palestinian genocide means for teaching politics and law in the classroom.

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What Palestine teaches teachers of politics and law - Engenderings

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By Afreen Faridi We must not teach young learners the quintessential colonial method - wait for a people to die, make a museum of their genocide, then set up departments of decoloniality over their mass graves *** Liberal legal and political theory, morality and institutions which uphold the Westphalian human rights charter have dug their

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Witnessing silence: the Palestinian genocide, institutional complicity, and the politics of knowledge

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Witnessing silence: the Palestinian genocide, institutional complicity, and the politics of knowledge

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Aneeza Pervez uses autoethnography to highlight the complicity of academic institutions to sustain settler colonialism and normalise the genocide in Palestine.

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What encampments for Palestine teach us about epistemic justice

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What encampments for Palestine teach us about epistemic justice

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What encampments for Palestine teach us about epistemic justice

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Epistemic Debilitation and the Erasure of Genocide

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Epistemic Debilitation and the Erasure of Genocide

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Epistemic Debilitation and the Erasure of Genocide – Social Text

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In November 2023, I presented a paper entitled “Settler Colonialism as the Automation of Attritional Warfare,” based on South Africa’s history of racialized governance, at Duke University and at the University of British Columbia. This is the revised version of the preface to that talk.

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The Epistemicide of the Palestinians: Israel Destroys Pillars of Knowledge

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The Epistemicide of the Palestinians: Israel Destroys Pillars of Knowledge

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On Nov. 6, 2023, an Israeli airstrike destroyed Gaza's Al-Azhar University , one of the largest educational institutions in the occupied territory. Far from being the sole university targeted during Israel's recent escalation of ethnic cleansing in Gaza, and indeed throughout Palestine, a short video published by the Palestinian Ministry of Education and Scientific Research on the same day as the attack pointed out that a total of nine university buildings (at the time of the video's publication) in Gaza and two in the West Bank had been either " completely or partially damaged ." According to the video, at least 227,335 Palestinian students, including 555 Palestinians in Gaza with scholarships abroad, had faced severe disruptions to their higher education at the time.

In other words, it created a world in which only knowledge produced by European colonists and settlers was deemed legitimate, while colonized societies were compelled to construct new systems from scratch - often mirroring those of their colonizers - because their own systems had been destroyed. As a result, the structural conditions of knowledge production that facilitated the mechanisms of their colonialization also imposed constraints on their liberation.

Israeli efforts to discredit and sabotage Palestinian knowledge production, along with its literal and material attacks on Palestinian institutions of learning and their respective communities, serve as evidence of this.
The British Mandate and the Hebrew University
An early example of epistemicide in Palestine dates back to the British Mandate's attempts to thwart the development of a Palestinian system of higher education while enabling the establishment of Zionist Jewish universities. The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, established as a public university in 1925, is the most notable example of this. In response to the absence of a comparable Arab Palestinian institution , the eminent historian Ilan Pappé argues that the failure to open an Arab university in Jerusalem can be attributed to a combination of British colonialism, Zionist lobbying, anti-Arab racism, and an overall underestimation by both British officials and some Palestinian leaders of the scope and ambition of the settler colonial project of Zionism.

Furthermore, according to Pappé, the British Mandate afforded Zionist institutions a level of autonomy that "enabled it to build itself up as part of an independent infrastructure for a state within a state," thus allowing it to become foundational to the future Israeli state. At the same time, he describes the Mandate as micromanaging Palestinian education in an attempt to keep it apolitical and under the control of British colonial officials. As Pappé explains, the British "deemed the Palestinians yet another colonized people who had to be oppressed, while regarding the Zionist settlers as fellow colonialists." A Palestinian university, according to Pappé, "would have empowered the anti-colonial narrative, helping to counter the project of the Hebrew University that provided scholarly scaffolding to the Zionist ideology." In practice, this colonial sabotaging of Palestinian attempts at building knowledge systems laid the foundation for Israeli epistemicide.
The Nakba and Oral History
Nur Masalha describes the Nakba as causing the destruction of Palestinian society, and this would include their knowledge systems. Needless to say, the dispossession of Palestinian land and resources, along with the majority of the Palestinian population's new status as exiles and refugees, posed significant challenges to attempts to reestablish Palestinian systems of knowledge production. It is, therefore, unsurprising that oral history and memory accounts of the experiences of those who survived the 1948 expulsions are, in Masalha's words, "central to Palestinian history and the Palestinian society of today."

Unlike Katz, however, there is a countless number of Palestinian knowledge producers whose work is yet to be, and may never be within their lifetimes, similarly vindicated. In 2019, the Israeli Ministry of Defense created a department known as Malmab, tasked with concealing and locking away previously declassified archival materials related to the Nakba, among other topics. Former Malmab head Yehiel Horev explaine d that this was due to the possibility of such materials generating "unrest" among Palestinians. Coupled with the systematic discrediting of Palestinian oral accounts, Malmab's locking away of Israeli written sources further sabotages Palestinian knowledge production.
Epistemicide and Palestinian Institutions Today
Another facet of Israel's epistemicide of Palestinians is the interventions that the Israeli Occupation makes into the operations and academic freedom of homegrown Palestinian knowledge institutions.
Knowledge and Genocide
It is not only Israel and its institutions that have participated in the silencing, attacking, discrediting, and undermining of Palestinian knowledge production. Powerful institutions within the "blancosphere" (also popularly referred to as "The West"), including governments, news organizations, and academic institutions, also contribute to further enabling the epistemicide of Palestinians.

A brazen example of this would be U.S. President Joe Biden unilaterally passing judgment regarding who was culpable for the attack upon the Al Ahli Baptist Hospital in Gaza, accepting Israel's claims of innocence uncritically while wholly dismissing the accounts of Palestinian eyewitnesses. Similar roles are played by references from the BBC and many other mainstream media houses to the Gaza Ministry of Health as a " Hamas-run Ministry" - an attempt to delegitimize its reporting of casualties.

Not all examples are so brazen, however. Little has changed since Edward Said argued, in the aftermath of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, that Palestinians have been denied the "permission to narrate." According to him, the privileging of a "Western master narrative, highlighting Jewish alienation and redemption" erases the Palestinian understanding of reality, where the struggle for liberation is far from over. In this sense, the epistemic privilege accorded to the Israeli state and its institutions through its epistemicide of Palestinians plays a role in legitimizing it in the eyes of those more powerful than it.

To conclude, Israel's attempts to destroy Palestinian knowledge and systems of knowledge production form an essential component of its protracted genocide of the Palestinian people. Yet, as my late grandfather, who was expelled from his home in Jerusalem in 1948, said to me throughout my life: "You will always protect your wealth, but your knowledge will always protect you."

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The Epistemicide of the Palestinians: Israel Destroys Pillars of Knowledge

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Alpa Shah proposes a reconceptualisation of decolonization when it is appropriated by fascism.

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It Was Always Blood and Soil: Ecofascism and the Racial Capitalocene

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It Was Always Blood and Soil: Ecofascism and the Racial Capitalocene

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Simpson and Cheever juxtapose colonialism and ecofascism in this article.

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Taking Settler Colonialism Seriously in Abolition Ecologies: Centring Indigenous Dispossession in Geographies of Carceral Power, Ecocide, and the Abolitionist Ecological Imagination

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Taking Settler Colonialism Seriously in Abolition Ecologies: Centring Indigenous Dispossession in Geographies of Carceral Power, Ecocide, and the Abolitionist Ecological Imagination

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The article locates abolition ecologies in context of indigenous dispossession, carceral logic and anti-colonialism.

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Slavery is a Metaphor: A Critical Commentary on Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang’s “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor”

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Slavery is a Metaphor: A Critical Commentary on Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang’s “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor”

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This essay offers a critical analysis of the metaphysical and methodological presuppositions of Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang’s “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor”.

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Abstract

This essay offers a critical analysis of the metaphysical and methodological presuppositions of Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang's "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor". While Tuck and Yang position settler colonial spatiality as structured by a settler‐native‐slave triad, we argue that their critique of metaphor entails the collapse of the triad into a settler‐native dyad, the reduction of slavery to forced labour, and a division between the material and the symbolic that forecloses not only an analysis of slavery, but also the constitution of settler colonialism itself. Through an immanent critique of "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor" we identify what animates their critique of metaphor, and drawing on scholarship in Black studies, we offer an alternative theorisation of slavery and settler colonialism.

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Slavery is a Metaphor: A Critical Commentary on Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang's "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor"

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This essay offers a critical analysis of the metaphysical and methodological presuppositions of Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang's "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor".

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Tuck and Yang's Decolonization is not a metaphor

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Tuck and Yang's Decolonization is not a metaphor

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So You Want to Learn about Decoloniality? Five Texts for Beginners

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What is decoloniality, decolonization, colonialism, postcolonialism, and coloniality? Why is it important to learn about it now? This piece outlines five recommended texts on decolonization/decolon…

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The article highlights the need to focus on material nature of decolonisation, a visceral act beyond ontological abstraction.

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Decolonisation Is A Material Struggle — Hampton Institute

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[Pictured: Frantz Fanon is one of the most articulate thinkers on anti-colonial liberation movements, colonial and post-colonial studies.] By Alieu Bah Republished from This Is Africa . Always bear in mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in anyone’s h

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As Palestinians try to survive a genocide wrought about by western imperialism and zionism, the Sociological Review Journal attempts at challenging the silence and neutrality within academia towards as tacit complicity through a series of articles.

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Introduction to Special Section: Palestine: A Sociological Issue - Kirsteen Paton, 2025

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As I write this introduction in January 2025, a ceasefire has just been announced after 15 months of Israel’s daily bombardment and destruction of Gaza and mass killings of Palestinians. Just days ago, a study published in The Lancet reported that the death toll in Gaza is 41% higher than previous estimates (Jamaluddine et al., 2025). Over 64,000 Palestinians have been killed between 7 October 2023 and 30 June 2024, a number which equates to one in every 35 people in Gaza. Yesterday, newly inaugurated President Donald Trump rescinded sanctions against settler groups and individuals in the West Bank, as Israeli settlers stormed Palestinian villages, burning homes, nurseries and cars (Tufaha & Goldenberg, 2025). It is a week marked by coexistent feelings of relief, joy, grief and fear.

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Logically one would see universities as dialectical spaces where theory and praxis interact and effect one another. This section houses writings which interrogate the university as a site for decolonialisation in contemporary times. We attempt to set decolonisation against the devastating Palestinian genocide brought about by contemporary global imperial and colonial nexus and root it in how university spaces and participants are responding to such violence.

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Focusing on post-colonial capitalist development

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Focusing on post-colonial capitalist development

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Decolonizing Development: Liberatory Epistemologies from India and Latin America

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Decolonizing Development: Liberatory Epistemologies from India and Latin America

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By Rahul A. Sirohi, Sonya Surabhi Gupta

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Decolonizing Development: Liberatory Epistemologies from India and Latin America

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This book turns to the intellectual discourses that have emerged from India and Latin America, two outposts of the Global South, on the themes of imperialism, sovereignty, development, and socio-economic, racial and caste inequalities.
It recovers the elided reflective traditions of thinkers, writers and activists from these peripheries and highlights the distinctive ideas, alliances and parallelisms in their works, as well as the manner in which they articulate liberatory paradigms which contin

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Toward decolonial globalisation studies 

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Toward decolonial globalisation studies 

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By Jairo I. Fúnez-Flores

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This article draws on the epistemologies of the South, namely decolonial theory, to point to the analytical and interpretive limitations of northern theories of globalisation. It gestures toward de…

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This blog/substack by decolonial scholar Jairo I. Fúnez-Flores discusses many issues relevant for decolonial theory and praxis in an accessible manner.

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Decolonial Thought & Praxis | Jairo I. Fúnez-Flores | Substack

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Building a world where many worlds fit. Click to read Decolonial Thought & Praxis, by Jairo I. Fúnez-Flores, a Substack publication with thousands of subscribers.

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The first resource in this section is from the NAWI Collective. The Nawi Knowledge Portal is an open access repository that collates multi-themed research outputs and knowledge products. They specifically focus on amplifying the work of African women working to demystify the space of macroeconomic policy.

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The next resource in this section is a video interview with Maria Lugones who wrote a really influential article in 2010 titled: Toward a Decolonial Feminism. The interview below has some of her reflections on this topic. If you would like to access the article, but are unable to do so, please email us at info@d-econ.org

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In this book, Kalyan Sanyal reviews the traditional notion of capitalism and propounds an original theory of capitalist development in the post-colonial context.

In order to substantiate his theory, concepts such as primitive accumulation, governmentality and post-colonial capitalist formation are discussed in detail. Analyzing critical questions from a third world perspective such as: Will the integration into the global capitalist network bring to the third world new economic opportunities? Will this capitalist network make the third world countries an easy prey for predatory multinational corporations? The end result is a discourse, drawing on Marx and Foucault, which envisages the post-colonial capitalist formation, albeit in an entirely different light, in the era of globalization.

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In this book, Kalyan Sanyal reviews the traditional notion of capitalism and propounds an original theory of capitalist development in the post-colonial context. In order to substantiate his theory, concepts such as primitive accumulation, governmentality and post-colonial capitalist formation are discussed in detail.

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Decolonial? Postcolonial? What does it mean to ‘decolonise ourselves’? - Blog by Michael Tsang

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Decolonial? Postcolonial? What does it mean to ‘decolonise ourselves’? - Blog by Michael Tsang

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A useful introductory guide to terminology, decolonial and postcolonial theory and the contemporary decolonisation agenda.

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By Michael Tsang

I wish to use the first post of this blog series to offer some preliminary thoughts on the terminologies of the 'decolonial' (and 'postcolonial'), in order to get the sharing and conversation started. As I will explain below, sharing, after all, lies at the heart of the project of decolonisation for me. If we need to decolonise ourselves, we cannot do so by keeping our thoughts in our mind; we need to say them out loud and start conversations based on them.

My involvement in the 'decolonial' is also informed by my role as a member of Newcastle University's Postcolonial Research Group. As a sharp-eyed reader would notice, however, the word choice here is 'postcolonial'. An important starting point for me, then, is to clarify the meanings of 'the decolonial' and 'the postcolonial', and to understand what convergences and divergences there are between these two terms. The following will be my current reflections on these questions: What does it mean to 'decolonise ourselves' in the current context and how can existing theories help us understand this movement better?
The postcolonial
At the outset, the difference between 'postcolonial' and 'decolonial' is one about academic discipline. As the South African postcolonial scholar Benita Parry ( 2004) insists, 'postcolonial studies' was first called 'colonial discourse analysis' and had its roots in the late 1970s, particularly with the publication of the Palestinian-American critic Edward Said's seminal book, Orientalism (1978). The name 'colonial discourse analysis' shows clearly that postcolonial studies was first and foremost an analysis of discourse. Hence, the subsequent attention of the field has focused on the study of the political, economic, social, cultural, and historical impact of European colonialism as registered through texts such as literature. Postcolonial research often focuses on experiences in the Middle East, South Asia, and Africa, and notable critics in addition to Said and Parry include Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Homi Bhabha, and others.

Through years of research and self-reflection, postcolonial scholars have identified that even after independence, structures of dominance and exploitation are often perpetuated by the new native elites. It is in this light that, since the 1990s, the prefix 'post' in 'post(-)colonialism' is understood not as a temporal marker for a clear-cut transition after independence, but as a marker of relationship that registers the ongoing effect of colonialism on a former colony (see Shohat 1992). To express this idea, postcolonial scholars have collapsed the hyphen between 'post' and 'colonial': today, the general interpretation is that the hyphenated 'post-colonial' specifically denotes the time period after a colony has gained independence, but the unhyphenated 'postcolonial' refers to a complex understanding of the post-independence period as being continuously constituted and affected by structures and institutions imposed during the colonial era.
The decolonial
Decolonial thoughts may come from a different disciplinary tradition and have a different geographical focus, but coincidentally, many ideas in the decolonial school echo those in the postcolonial stream. The Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano is said to have come up with the concept of the 'coloniality of power', having studied Latin America extensively since the 1970s. Quijano's thoughts later came to be circulated in Anglophone academia thanks to his work being translated into English (see e.g. Quijano 2000) and taken up by the Argentine critic Walter D. Mignolo.

One key understanding of the 'decolonial' is that decolonisation does not equal decoloniality. As Mignolo puts it, decolonisation was a project in the second half of the 20th century for native people in regions of Asia, Africa, and South America to take back control of the state. This project was half a success and half a failure, because they also found that native elites who replaced the colonisers still clung on to and perpetuated the exact same structures of privilege and institutions of exploitation. In comes decoloniality, which seeks to understand the close-knit relationship between the colonial condition and the imposition of a Western logic of 'modernity' as a consequence of colonialism. Hence, 'decoloniality' is not so much a political project than it is an epistemological one: to 'delink' ourselves from the structure of knowledge imposed by the West, and then to 'reconstitute' our ways of thinking, speaking, and living. We may be tempted to think that, being a sociologist, Quijano's ideas were more suited to social science research, but Mignolo and many scholars have tried applying the decolonial to literary research on Latin and South Americas. The gist, as Walter Mignolo writes in On Decoloniality, is to understand decoloniality as a 'praxis' of 'undoing and redoing' (Walsh and Mignolo 2018, p. 120).
The postcolonial and the decolonial
One text that discusses the conceptual interaction between the postcolonial and the decolonial is the sociologist Gurminder Bhambra's essay, ' Postcolonial and Decolonial Dialogues ' (2014). Bhambra points out that both the postcolonial and the decolonial are concerned with the troubling notion of 'modernity', or, to be precise, with the way the West imposed a 'universal' model of 'modernity' on other parts of the world through imperial invasion and colonial governance.

Although there are minute differences between these two words, a more productive understanding of these differences is to see them as different perspectives that could be used as tools to facilitate our analyses. While it may be the case that you are more familiar with one theory than the other depending on the discipline and context you study, there is no reason to propose that either is superior to the other. Instead, it will be helpful to realise that both theoretical strands have evolved over a long period of self-reflection and constructive debates among scholars. Unfortunate it is, then, that in an interview a few years ago Walter Mignolo was still seeing the 'postcolonial' as a purely temporal category when he says 'what comes after X has to be conceptualised as post-X' - much postcolonial research has long argued against a facile temporal understanding of the prefix. The lesson to take away here is that whichever theoretical school one is trained in, it is always more fruitful to learn from the rich debates in different fields and to discover common ground to work on, rather than to make assumptions about each other that may eventually cause divergences.
To de-colon-ise
But if postcolonial and decolonial theories have already been in development for decades, why are we still talking about the project of 'decolonising the curriculum' today? In what ways are these theories relevant to the current context in which we talk about 'decolonising'?

Linguistically, whether the word is postcolonialism, decolonisation, or modernity, it is always the noun that was used to name these theoretical or conceptual strands. The word we are using now, however, is a verb form that suggests action - 'decolonise/decolonising' - highlighted both by the prefix 'de-' and the verb suffix '-ise'. Informed by these morphological features, we ought to notice also that this time we are not only focusing on decolonising the colonies, but we are also decolonsing 'ourselves' as students, researchers, and teachers based in higher education institutions in the former colonial empire of the UK, the US, or Euro-America (the West) for that matter. This entails a critical questioning of the very power relations in which we are embedded and the often privileged positions from which we are able to speak. Specifically, I propose three main guiding actions for the project of decolonising ourselves: to act, to reflect, to learn. Three happenings last year in 2020 can illustrate what I mean.

To act: The first is the outrageous killing of George Floyd in May 2020, which sparked mass protests against police brutality and racism in the United States. These protests, which can be seen as part of the larger Black Lives Matter movement going on since 2013, underline the ever-important need to speak up against unjust and unequal treatments we see in society. These inequalities are not limited to race, but also to social class and mobility, gender and sexuality, and language and culture, because these issues always intersect each other. Nothing will change if we don't act or speak up.

source: Wikimedia Commons

To reflect: The proposal from Oxford University's Oriel College to remove the statue of Cecil Rhodes in June 2020 has caused much controversy. In fact, it was part of a larger wave of campaigns to remove statues of historical figures like Rhodes who had supported or were involved in slavery, racism, and colonialism. It also tied in to an earlier ' Rhodes Must Fall' movement in South Africa in 2015 to remove another Rhodes statue in the University of Cape Town. While voices opposing the removal argue that figures like Rhodes had made substantial contribution to Britain and that removing statues means 'hiding' history, Oriel College's statement on the matter clearly shows that the proposal was the result of 'a thoughtful period of debate and reflection' demonstrating 'the college's 21st Century commitment to diversity'. Far from 'hiding' history, the removal of the statue - which is commemorative by nature - was an acknowledgement of how our intellectual understanding has evolved and improved from flawed perceptions of racial superiority in previous centuries. This is a clear example of how reflecting on our own histories and current positionings could yield productive actions that better demonstrate a commitment to values we cherish, such as equality, diversity, inclusivity, and social justice.

Amidst the Covid-19 pandemic, many Asian people living in the West have been discriminated against, often facing physical assaults for being lumped together as 'Chinese' due to the racist nickname given to Covid as the 'Chinese virus', or for wearing face masks long before Western governments and medical institutions conceded to including face coverings in their coronavirus strategies. The 'maskophobia', as it has come to be called, reveals the West's haughtiness in refusing to learn from existing knowledge and previous experiences that East Asian regions have consolidated after facing the SARS coronavirus epidemic in 2003. In the era of fake news and conspiracy theories, doctors have even had to debunk unscientific myths about oxygen deprivation from face masks. Judging from the success stories of controlling the pandemic in high-density Asian places like Taiwan and Japan, it cannot be stressed enough how important it is to learn from and about each other.

In the span of a single year, we witness three happenings - the death of George Floyd, the removal of the Rhodes Statue, and maskphobia against Asians amidst Covid - that together reflect the urgency to decolonise ourselves. The point of decolonising for me is to never see them as isolated incidents that happened in a vacuum or only concern some of us. Instead, it is imperative to understand them as reflective of the way all our histories (histories of colonisation, gender oppression, social class exploitation, etc.) are yoked together and affect each other in the present moment. The important thing to do is to build solidarities and communicate with each other as much and as truthfully as possible, because as Asian American Studies scholar Jennifer Ho ( 2020) says powerfully: 'anti-racism requires all of us to be in this together'.
References
Bhambra, Gurminder K. (2014) Postcolonial and decolonial dialogues. Postcolonial Studies 17 (2), pp. 115-121.

Ho, Jennifer. (2020) Anti-Asian racism, Black Lives Matter, and COVID-19. Japan Forum, 33 (1), pp. 148-159. doi: 10.1080/09555803.2020.1821749.

Parry, Benita. (2004) The institutionalization of postcolonial studies. In: Neil Lazarus, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Postcolonial Literary Studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 66-80.

Quijano, Aníbal. (2000) Coloniality of power, Eurocentrism, and Latin America. Nepantla: Views from South, 1 (3), pp. 533-580.

Shohat, Ella. (1992) Notes on the 'post-colonial'. Social Text, 31/32, pp. 99-113.

Walsh, Catherine E., and Walter D. Mignolo. (2018) On Decoloniality: Concepts, Analytics, Praxis. Durham and London: Duke University Press.
[Michael Tsangis Leverhulme Postdoctoral Fellow based in the School of Modern Languages, Newcastle University, working on a project on 20th-century book circulation between the West and East Asia (China/Japan). He is an administrator of this blog.]

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Michael Tsang - Decolonising Modern Languages and Cultures

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By Michael Tsang I wish to use the first post of this blog series to offer some preliminary thoughts on the terminologies of the 'decolonial' (and 'postcolonial'), in order to get the sharing and conversation started. As I will explain below, sharing, after all, lies at the heart of the project of decolonisation for me.

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Special Issue on "Blind Spots in IPE" - Guest Editors: Genevieve LeBaron, Daniel Mügge, Jacqueline Best and Colin Hay

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Special Issue on "Blind Spots in IPE" - Guest Editors: Genevieve LeBaron, Daniel Mügge, Jacqueline Best and Colin Hay

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This special issue considers marginalised perspectives and neglected trends in international political economy.

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Standing in the way of rigor? Economics’ meeting with the decolonization agenda - Article by Ingrid Harvold Kvangraven and Surbhi Kesar

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Standing in the way of rigor? Economics’ meeting with the decolonization agenda - Article by Ingrid Harvold Kvangraven and Surbhi Kesar

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This article analyses the evolution of colonialism in economics before focussing in on how we can decolonise economics teaching.

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Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial Studies

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Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial Studies

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This edited book by Crystal Bartolovich and Neil Lazarus discusses Marxist approaches to Eurocentrism alongside postcolonial studies.

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Adorno, Theodor W. 1973a, The Jargon of Authenticity, trans. Knut Tarnowski and Frederic Will, Evanston: Northwestern University Press

Adorno, Theodor W. 1973b, Negative Dialectics, trans. E. B. Ashton, New York: Continuum

Adorno, Theodor W. 1974, Minima Moralia: Reflections from Damaged Life, trans. E. F. N. Jephcott, London: Verso

Ahmad, Aijaz 1992, In Theory: Classes, Nations, Literatures, London: Verso

Ahmad, Aijaz 1995b, "Postcolonialism: What's in a Name?" in Roman de la Campa, E. Ann Kaplan, and Michael Sprinker, eds., Late Imperial Culture, London: Verso: 11-32

Ahmad, Aijaz 1996, "Imperialism and Progress," Lineages of the Present: Political Essays, New Delhi: Tulika, 1-43

Ahmad, Eqbal 1971, "Revolutionary Warfare and Counterinsurgency," in Norman Miller and Roderick Aya, eds., National Liberation: Revolution in the Third World, New York: Free Press: 137-213

Alexander, Neville (No Sizwe) 1979, One Azania, One Nation: the National Question in South Africa, London: Zed

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Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial Studies

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Cambridge Core - Literary Theory - Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial Studies

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The Eurocentric Conception of World Politics (Hobson)

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The Eurocentric Conception of World Politics (Hobson)

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John Hobson has written quite a lot about Eurocentrism in International Political Economy. A good place to start could be this good, but he also has many journal articles you may want to check out.

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The Eurocentric Conception of World Politics

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Cambridge Core - International Relations and International Organisations - The Eurocentric Conception of World Politics

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Eurocentrism and Its Avatars (Wallerstein)

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Eurocentrism and Its Avatars (Wallerstein)

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An interesting critique by Immanuel Wallestein of Eurocentrism in social theory

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EUROCENTRISM AND ITS AVATARS: THE DILEMMAS OF SOCIAL SCIENCE on JSTOR

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Immanuel Wallerstein, EUROCENTRISM AND ITS AVATARS: THE DILEMMAS OF SOCIAL SCIENCE, Sociological Bulletin, Vol. 46, No. 1 (MARCH 1997), pp. 21-39

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From “dependency” to “decoloniality”? The enduring relevance of materialist political economy and the problems of a “decolonial” alternative

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From “dependency” to “decoloniality”? The enduring relevance of materialist political economy and the problems of a “decolonial” alternative

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This article by Michael Nassen Smith & Claire-Anne Lester critiques decolonial theory from the perspective of Samir Amin.

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This is one of the first systematic critiques of Eurocentrism in social theory, by the Marxist economist Samir Amin. It includes critical engagement with the postcolonial scholar

Edward Said.

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Monthly Review | Eurocentrism: Modernity, Religion, and Democracy: A Critique of Eurocentrism and Culturalism

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Since its first publication twenty years ago, Eurocentrism has become a classic of radical thought. Written by one of the world’s foremost political economists, this original and provocative essay…

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Marxist and other materialist traditions have engaged with Eurocentrism in social theory in slightly different ways from decolonial and postcolonial theory. Here we present scholarship that provides overviews of these works.

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A debate on decolonial theory with two critics

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A debate on decolonial theory with two critics

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This in-depth conversation between the two literary scholars touches on

the origins of “decoloniality” theory in world systems analysis and Quijano’s epistemic turn

the reader’s experience of Mignolo’s writing

the influence of Conservative Revolution thinkers (Spengler, Schmitt)

the originality and/or marginality of the “decoloniality” school

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The Jargon of Decoloniality: Kavish Chetty and Neil Larsen in Conversation

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Abstract. A robust and critical post-Keynesianism can be specified on the basis of time, uncertainty, and the investigation of the institutions that struct

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A video on post-colonial theory and economics with Zein-Elabdin

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A video on post-colonial theory and economics with Zein-Elabdin

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Prof. Eiman Zein-Elabdin and Danish Khan
Inequality, Poverty, Power & Social Justice Initiative, 2021

The postcolonial critique of Economics is one of the sharpest and most comprehensive indictments of the discipline, highlighting the discipline's limited treatment of power and culture and the incompatibility of the discipline's theoretical frameworks and predictions with the contexts of most formerly colonised territories. This interview of Prof. Eiman Zein-Elabdin provides important insights into this rich literature. Within the interview, Prof. Eiman Zein-Elabdin discusses what got her interested in postcolonial approaches to economics, the overlaps between this framework and institutional economics, how the mode of analysis handles duality and the less discussed differences between centrally planned and centrally managed economies specifically how the latter is more suited to understanding the experience of developing countries. Finally, she also discusses the contemporary applications of postcolonial approaches to economics by engaging with how it can be used to understand the growing wealth and income inequality as well as how it can be a useful tool for understanding the political economy of militarisation beyond the mainstream conceptualisations.

Comment from our editors:

This is a brilliant interview, made even better by the amazing questions from Danish Khan. Apart from breaking down a seemingly abstract concept into a relatable framework, this interview starts with a detailed discussion of the interdisciplinary bodies of work that shaped the work of Eiman Zein-Elabdin from the writings of Vandana Shiva to Arturo Escobar. This is a good sneak peek into the journey and the thought process behind this seminal body of work, the details of which are rarely found in most academic discussions. The understanding of colonisation used in this discussion is also a departure from most academic literature as she also considers pre-european domination such as the muslimisation of Africa and other forms of domination before that and how they shaped the economic systems of their colonies, complicating the mainstream understanding of the interactions of colonisation and economics or economic processes. Everyone who is interested in the interactions of power, culture and economics should definitely watch this!

Go to: "Postcolonialism meets Economics" A Discussion with Prof. Eiman Zein-Elabdin

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"Postcolonialism meets Economics" A Discussion with Prof. Eiman Zein-Elabdin | Exploring Economics

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Exploring Economics, an open-access e-learning platform, giving you the opportunity to discover & study a variety of economic theories, topics, and methods.

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This popular article explores the insights of Samir Amin for decolonisation of economics.

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If you want decolonisation go to the economics of Samir Amin

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If you want decolonisation go to the economics of Samir Amin

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With the publication of Orientalism in 1978, Edward Said would become one of the most influential scholars of our era. The book transformed the study of the history of the modern world, as it offered insights into how racist discourses created and maintained European empires. As much for his political activities, Said and his work attracted a number of Right-wing critics, most notably perhaps Bernard Lewis. Less well known in the West is Samir Amin, the Egyptian economist who coined the term 'Eurocentrism'. The term comes from Amin's book Eurocentrism (1988), which criticised Said's view of empire from the Left and offered an alternative view, one based not on culture or discourse, but on a materialist understanding of capitalism and imperialism.

Said spent most of his career in the Global North, in New York City, while Amin spent his mostly in Africa, attempting to build African academic and political institutions to challenge the dependencies created through imperialism. When I met Amin for an interview back in 2016, he was 85 and still vigorously involved in building alternative institutions and challenging Eurocentric social theory. Although he died in 2018, his legacy remains acutely relevant.

In Eurocentrism, Amin exposed claims of how capitalism developed in Europe as flawed. He argued that this story of capitalism emerging from endogenous European characteristics of rationality and triumph - which continues to dominate social theory - is distorting. It disguises the true nature of the capitalist system, including the role of imperialism and racism in its history. Rather than representing an objective scientific explanation, Amin saw Eurocentric ideology. For him, assuming that capitalism can develop in the periphery in the way that it allegedly did in Europe is a logical impossibility. Amin also points out that the foundation of European cultural unity is racist, given that it creates a false opposition between languages and false historical dichotomies (eg, Greece is considered 'European' and not connected to the Orient; Christianity, too, is considered European). As such, Amin was an early and sophisticated critic of culturalist explanations in the social sciences.

Amin's critique of Eurocentrism differs from that of Said, who was more focused on how cultural portrayals of the non-Western are racist and harmful. Indeed, Said and Amin in many ways represent the contrast between postcolonial and Marxist views of imperialism in the social sciences - Orientalism for one, and Eurocentrism for the other. Amin, a neo-Marxist, was less interested in attitudes and culture, which preoccupy postcolonialists, and more interested in Eurocentrism as a polarising and ideological global project that reinforced imperialism and systemic inequalities by legitimising a global system that expropriated resources and exploited people in the Global South. For example, Amin demonstrated how Eurocentric social sciences contributed to legitimising the unrestricted predations of capital, which had real material impacts. While for Said challenging attitudes and culture might be enough to challenge imperialism, for Amin opposing imperialism always returned to the matter of capitalism.

Amin thought that Said's critique was too general and transhistorical, given that it did not distinguish between different European visions of the Islamic Orient. This lesson from Said compelled Amin to warn of the danger of applying the concept of Eurocentrism too freely. For Amin, Eurocentrism was a concept developed at a specific historical moment. He was also critical of Said for only denouncing European prejudice - or Orientalism - without 'positively proposing another system of explanation for facts which must be accounted for'. This is indeed precisely what Amin set out to do in his work. By exposing a more complete view of the development of capitalism without Eurocentric biases, Amin proposes to pursue a universal project free from European particularism, a 'modernity critical of modernity'. Such a claim can, of course, also be critiqued from a critical social science lens, given that it is arguably impossible for any social science theory to fully capture reality in an unbiased manner.

Amin's Eurocentrism, originally published in French in 1988, was among other things a response to postcolonial critiques that dismissed Marxist analyses, almost a priori, for being Eurocentric. Amin agreed that aspects of Marxism were Eurocentric - such as the teleological presumption that developing countries are simply at an earlier 'stage' of capitalist development and will, with time, catch up with Europe. But he also made the case for how Marxist concepts and historical materialism could provide strong critiques of Eurocentrism.

So, what was his alternative to Eurocentric science? From the vantage point of the periphery, Amin provided a framework to uncover unequal structures of the global economy - which Eurocentric theories cannot provide.

There are two ways of thinking about Amin's contribution to the field of development economics. One is the specific concepts that he put forward and how they have been extended in various ways to interpret the world. The other is his way of approaching social science, which holds the most potential for restructuring development economics as a field (as elaborated in my recent joint paper for the Review of African Political Economy). Let's begin with his approach to political economy.

Amin's concept of political economy pushes us to think structurally, temporally, politically and creatively about global economic problems. It defies disciplinary boundaries. Let us first consider his attention to structure. At a time when much of economics has come to rely on either methodological individualism or methodological nationalism - approaches that centre the individual or the nation as the most relevant unit of analysis - Amin begins with the insistence that we think structurally. He directs attention to the global structures that underpin an international system of exploitation. Thinking about the structure of the global economy was in fact what led Amin to make important contributions to dependency theory, which is a South-centred tradition that takes the polarising tendency of capitalism and the constraints it places on the postcolonial world as its starting point. Amin explored how unequal exchange - the inequalities embedded in international trade - was a crucial feature of the global capitalist economy, which was a legacy of colonialism and that continued to put countries in the Global South at a structural disadvantage.

Amin also insisted on the need to think temporally. He identified himself as being part of the school of global historical materialism, in which the historical spread of global capitalism is the key to understanding the polarisation between the core and the periphery. Amin's approach was also fundamentally political. He never denied that his ultimate goal was to change the world for the better. This distinguishes him from economists working in the Eurocentric tradition of claiming that social science is neutral, apolitical.

Finally, in his use of concepts developed in the metropolitan core to understand the world from the margins, Amin was a creative thinker. He called himself a 'creative Marxist' and emphasised that he would start from, rather than stop at, Karl Marx. Starting from Marx prioritises class struggle, exploitation and uneven capitalist development; Amin extended these concepts to analyse imperialism, unequal exchange, and polarising tendencies between core and periphery.

The Global North appropriated around $62 trillion from the Global South between 1960 and 2018

Given this historical approach to political economy, it was logical for Amin to extend Marx's theory of value to better understand imperialism. In Accumulation on a World Scale (1974), he showed that the mechanisms through which value continued to flow from the periphery to the core, reproducing an international division of labour and geographically uneven distribution of wealth, came from colonisation and its structures. Amin drew on the neo-Marxist economists Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy's seminal book Monopoly Capital (1966) in his conceptualisation of 'imperialist rent'. Imperialist rent, for Amin, derived from extra surplus value. In other words, more value could be extracted from the workers through production in the periphery - generating an additional rent for the capitalist, when compared with workers in the centre doing similar jobs. Amin argued that, while low-paid workers in the periphery are no less productive than their counterparts in the centre, the value they create is less rewarded - and this is what creates such an (imperialist) rent. Andy Higginbottom and other scholars have since extended Amin's insight, applying the concept to demonstrate how British and Spanish multinationals were able to take advantage of the commodity boom; see also Maria Dyveke Styve's work on 'The Informal Empire of London' (2017).

Colonialism shaped postcolonial economies such that the accumulation took place in especially uneven - or unequal - ways. In Unequal Development (1976), Amin distinguished between two different kinds of accumulation, one he called 'autocentric accumulation', which took place in the core and promoted the expanded reproduction of capital. The periphery, in contrast, was characterised by what he called 'extraverted accumulation', a type that did not lend itself to capital reproduction. He argued that uneven development evolved historically creating exploitative structures, which manifested themselves in contemporary times as unequal exchange. This in turn led to continued polarisation and increased inequality.

'Unequal exchange' in Amin was an attempt to explain factor price non-equalisation globally, where factor price refers to the remuneration to labour or other primary non-produced factors. This means that labour, raw materials and land are cheaper in the periphery. He called the undervaluation of labour in the periphery 'super-exploitation'. For Amin, unequal exchange was the outcome of monopoly capital's extension to the periphery to search for super-profits (or imperialist rent).

Amin changed the terms of the debates on unequal exchange. Until his work, the orthodoxy among economists was that workers in the periphery are simply less productive than those in the centre. It is important to note that the idea of unequal exchange and of 'super'-exploitation remains controversial among Marxists. In Das Kapital (1867), Marx himself discusses the futility of comparisons between different degrees of exploitation in different nations, and the significant methodological problems that arise. Many Marxists argue that the neo-Marxists such as Amin focused excessively on market relations at the expense of exploitation of labour.

In addition to participating in these theoretical debates, Amin was among the first to attempt to measure unequal exchange empirically. Many have followed in his footsteps since, such as Jason Hickel, Dylan Sullivan and Huzaifa Zoomkawala, whose research in 2021 found that the Global North appropriated around $62 trillion from the Global South between 1960 and 2018 (constant 2011 US dollars). Exploring a range of different methods for calculating unequal exchange, Hickel et al find that, regardless of the method, the intensity of exploitation and the scale of unequal exchange has been increasing significantly since the 1980s and '90s.

Amin also devoted a significant amount of time to thinking about ways to change an unjust system. He was heavily involved in activism, and developed some theoretical concepts to effect political change. The most well known is Amin's idea of 'delinking' - on which he published a book. Delinking: Towards a Polycentric World (1990) provides an assessment of possible ways forward for a sovereign state in the periphery. In Delinking, Amin argues that the specific conditions that allowed for the advancement of capitalism in Western Europe in the 19th century are not possible to reproduce elsewhere. So, he proposed a new model of industrialisation shaped by the renewal of non-capitalist forms of peasant agriculture, which he thought would imply delinking from the imperatives of globalised capitalism.

It is important to note that delinking is often widely misunderstood to mean autarky, or a system of self-sufficiency and limited trade. But this is a misrepresentation. Delinking does not require cutting all ties to the rest of the global economy, but rather the refusal to submit national-development strategies to the imperatives of globalisation. It aims to compel a political economy suited to its needs, rather than simply going along with having to unilaterally adjust to the needs of the global system. To this goal of greater sovereignty, a county would develop its own productive systems and prioritise the needs of the people rather than the demands on international capital.

As the world grows more interconnected, possibilities for delinking become more challenging

In my interview with him before he died, Amin emphasised the importance of the specific political economic reality of any given country to understand and situate the possibilities for delinking. At that time, with an odd amount of precision, Amin estimated that 'if you can reach 70 per cent delinking, you'll have done a great job'. He pointed out that a strong country that is, for historical reasons, relatively stable and with a certain amount of military and economic power will have more leverage to delink. So, while China may be able to achieve 70 per cent delinking, a small country such as Senegal will struggle to achieve the same amount of independence.

Delinking entails rejecting calls to adjust to a country's comparative advantage and other forms of catering to foreign interests. This is, of course, easier said than done. Amin noted that it would both require strong domestic support for such a national project and strong South-South cooperation as an alternative to the exploitative economic relations between the core and the periphery. Other aspects of delinking would involve investments in long-term projects, such as infrastructure, with the goal of improving the quality of living for most people in the country, rather than maximising short-term consumption or profit.

Several scholars have more recently studied historical development trajectories in relation to the question of delinking. For example, in 2020 Francesco Macheda and Roberto Nadalini applied the considerations to try to understand China's development trajectory, while in 2021 Francisco Pérez applied it to understand economic development in East Asia. However, as the world grows more interconnected, possibilities for delinking become more challenging.

We are at a moment now that it has become fashionable for universities in the Global North to express a desire to 'decolonise the university'. While many scholars are rushing to Said's Orientalism to understand how to do so, Amin's work and commitment to a South-centric social science may offer a more radical approach. Following Said, much of the commitment to decolonise the social sciences has been limited to challenging racist tropes and Eurocentric portrayals in the curriculum and in academic discourse. This is important in a moment where curricula have become increasingly narrow, Eurocentric and with a severe lack of diversity, especially in economics. So, what would an Aminian perspective add to the debates about decolonising economics beyond Said's contribution?

First, Amin's attention to how colonial legacies have shaped the economic and social structures of the world economy in a variety of ways opened the door for a wealth of scholarship on colonial legacies, imperialism and unequal exchange. In the perspective of decolonising the universities, then, Amin might bring in the need to promote South-centric understandings of the world, as well as alternative understandings of capitalism. This matters because scholarship that takes a critical approach to capitalism has largely been marginalised from economics curricula worldwide.

When Amin defended his PhD thesis at Sciences Po in Paris in 1957, it was a time when it was possible to obtain a doctorate in economics by extending Marxist concepts at elite institutions. Just a few years earlier, in 1951, Baran, a Marxist economist, had been promoted to full professor at Stanford University in California, shortly after Sweezy, another Marxist economist, retired from Harvard University in Massachusetts in 1947. In that moment, radical scholars across the world were putting forward new and competing explanations for the polarising tendencies of capitalism. There was a particular interest in re-interpreting Marx from a perspective of the postcolonial world, from scholars in India to Brazil. It was also a time when the Bandung conference - a gathering in Indonesia in 1955 of representatives from 29 newly independent Asian and African countries to build alliances around economic development and decolonisation - offered optimism for those who opposed colonialism and neocolonialism.

Amin can help us see the ideological foundations of mainstream economics

The mid-20th-century debates about Eurocentrism evolved from real material struggles against colonial and neocolonial relations, which stand in contrast to the contemporary field of economics, where analysis has been reduced to what can be studied within the framework of neoclassical economics and with certain accepted econometric methods. From an Aminian perspective, decolonising the university would need to make space for the kinds of radical scholarship - which critically scrutinises the role of the capitalist system itself in producing global inequalities and injustices - that was possible in the mid-20th century.

Second, Amin can help us see the ideological foundations of mainstream economics, as well as social science theorising at large. In this, he gives us the necessary starting point to challenge a field that remains Eurocentric. Third, we may also learn important lessons from Amin when it comes to strategy. He did not engage much with elite universities in the core. He was a pan-Africanist and a citizen of the developing world, and he focused his life on building up political and intellectual institutions in Africa. This contrasts with many initiatives from universities in the core that try to incorporate scholars from the periphery into their (often Eurocentric) institutions, rather than supporting Southern institutions and epistemologies.

Finally, Amin always tied his work to real material struggles - the need to oppose Eurocentric social science was important because it would expose the colonial dimension of the global economic system. This is important in the context of calls to decolonise the university often being carried out in isolation from broader social struggles related to decolonisation. Amin's work, thus, serves as a crucial reminder that colonisation was about material resources, and decolonisation, thus, cannot be accomplished through changes in epistemology alone.

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If you want decolonisation go to the economics of Samir Amin | Aeon Essays

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If you really want decolonisation, go beyond cultural criticism to the deep structural insights of economist Samir Amin

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Capitalism, Culture, Agency: Dependency versus Postcolonial Theory

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Capitalism, Culture, Agency: Dependency versus Postcolonial Theory

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This article critiques postcolonial theory from the perspective of dependency theory.

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Capitalism, Culture, Agency: Dependency versus Postcolonial Theory on JSTOR

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Ilan Kapoor, Capitalism, Culture, Agency: Dependency versus Postcolonial Theory, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 4 (Aug., 2002), pp. 647-664

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Economics, postcolonial theory and the problem of culture: institutional analysis and hybridity

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Economics, postcolonial theory and the problem of culture: institutional analysis and hybridity

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Economics, postcolonial theory and the problem of culture: institutional analysis and hybridity on JSTOR

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Eiman O. Zein-Elabdin, Economics, postcolonial theory and the problem of culture: institutional analysis and hybridity, Cambridge Journal of Economics, Vol. 33, No. 6 (November 2009), pp. 1153-1167

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Between political economy and postcolonial theory: first encounters

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Between political economy and postcolonial theory: first encounters

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Between political economy and postcolonial theory: first encounters on JSTOR

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Serap A. Kayatekin, Between political economy and postcolonial theory: first encounters, Cambridge Journal of Economics, Vol. 33, No. 6 (November 2009), pp. 1113-1118

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This section explores ways in which the decolonization of the economics discipline itself, and the ways in which it is taught, has been studied.

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This article discusses the decolonization of economics and presents survey data to explore what economists themselves think about decolonizing economics.

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Decolonising Economics and Politics teaching

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Decolonising Economics and Politics teaching

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Decolonising Politics and International Relations Classrooms

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Decolonising Politics and International Relations Classrooms

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This is a book about teaching ‘disobedient pedagogies’ from the heart of empire. The authors show how educators, activists and students are cultivating anti-…

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Description

Sociology, as a discipline, was born at the height of global colonialism and imperialism. Over a century later, it is yet to shake off its commitment to colonial ways of thinking.

This book explores why, and how, sociology needs to be decolonized. It analyses how sociology was integral in reproducing the colonial order, as dominant sociologists constructed theories either assuming or proving the supposed barbarity and backwardness of colonized people. Ali Meghji reveals how colonialism continues to shape the discipline today, dominating both social theory and the practice of sociology, how exporting the Eurocentric sociological canon erased social theories from the Global South, and how sociologists continue to ignore the relevance of coloniality in their work.

This guide will be necessary reading for any student or proponent of sociology. In opening up the work of other decolonial advocates and under-represented thinkers to readers, Meghji offers key suggestions for what teachers and students can do to decolonize sociology. With curriculum reform, innovative teaching and a critical awareness of these issues, it is possible to make sociology more equitable on a global scale.

About the Author

Ali Meghji is Lecturer in Social Inequalities at the University of Cambridge.

Table of contents

Introduction: Sociology and Coloniality

1. The Decolonial Challenge to Sociology

2. Beyond Intellectual Imperialism: Indigenous and Autonomous Sociologies

3. Walking while Asking Questions: Towards a 'Sociology in Conversations'

Conclusion: Sociology and the Decolonial Option

Reviews

"Sociology is a late comer to the decolonizing discourses in the social sciences and humanities. This book, therefore, is an important addition to a slow but steadily growing literature, and reaffirms the stance that to decolonize our discipline is only epistemically just."
Syed Farid Alatas, National University of Singapore

"In this well-written and lively book, Ali Meghji makes the 'decolonial' project accessible to a wide audience of students and scholars. A welcome guide to a complex intellectual terrain that social scientists can no longer ignore."
Julian Go, author of Postcolonial Thought & Social Theory

"Its main audience are those sociologists unfamiliar with the [decolonizing] perspective - in other words, the majority of sociologists. [...] Yet, the way in which Ali Meghji threads together the different decolonial arguments and elaborates on his own decolonial sociology program makes this more than just an introductory book. It is also a contribution to further the decolonial conversation. [...] It ought to be read by all sociologists.""Meghji offers a unique and highly valuable contribution to the discipline that goes beyond merely outlining these issues to show how they are reflected and implemented in everyday practice. I would recommend this book as required reading for all undergraduate and postgraduate sociology courses [...] applying a decolonial approach to teaching that factors in the numerous insightful and well-articulated justifications for change that Meghji so eloquently outlines.""the high point of the book [...] takes us through what [Meghji] calls 'a Sociology in Conversations', where he discusses the necessity of having a horizontal approach to knowledge production [...] A decolonial sociology should allow us to think less about 'things' and more about relationships.""A manifesto and rallying-cry, aimed at changing how sociology has been customarily done, critiquing inherited Eurocentric biases in thematics, theory and methodology, and correcting them with post-, anti- and de-colonial pedagogic and research practices."
David Inglis, European Journal of Social Theory
"A timely tool to assist our curricular revisions and present students with a comprehensible critical reflection on the canon, and possible remedies for invigorating the metaphorically terminal patient."
South African Review of Sociology

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Sociology, as a discipline, was born at the height of global colonialism and imperialism. Over a century later, it is yet to shake off its commitment to colonial ways of thinking. This book explores why, and how, sociology needs to be decolonized.

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Description

Recent efforts to diversify and decentre the literary canon taught at universities have been moderately successful. Yet this expansion of our reading lists is only the start of a broader decolonization of literary studies as a discipline; there is much left to be done. How can students and educators best participate in this urgent intellectual and political project?

Anna Bernard argues that the decolonization of literary studies requires a change to not only what, but how, we read. In lively prose, she explores work that has already been done, both within and beyond the academy, and challenges readers to think about where we go from here. She suggests ways to recognize and respond to the political work that texts do, considering questions of language and translation, comparative reading, ideological argument, and genre in relation to the history of anticolonial struggle. Above all, Bernard shows that although we still have far to go, the work of decolonizing literary studies is already under way.

Decolonizing Literature is a must-have resource for all those concerned by the development and future of the field.

About the Author

Anna Bernard is Reader in Comparative Literature and English at King's College London.

Table of contents

Acknowledgements

Introduction
1 Decolonization and Literature: A History
2 Unfinished Business: How Do We Decolonize Literature?
3 Language and Translation: What Is 'English' Literature?
4 'A Comparative Literature of Imperialism': Reading Colonial and Anticolonial Texts Together
5 Telling a Collective Story: Literature and Anticolonial Struggle
6 Decolonizing Genre: Anticolonial Understandings of Literary Craft
Conclusion

Reviews

' Decolonizing Literature is the book we need today. Reminding us of the transformative possibilities of politicized literary criticism, Anna Bernard is continuing the legacy of Edward Said, Barbara Harlow, and Benita Parry by helping us imagine ourselves into different futures.'
Anthony C. Alessandrini, Kingsborough Community College, City University of New York

'A full and substantial introduction to the contentious topic of "decolonizing" the English literary curriculum. Bernard's account, which is fully cognisant of the challenges of this project, is lucid and accessible but never glib or shallow.'
Priyamvada Gopal, University of Cambridge

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Recent efforts to diversify and decentre the literary canon taught at universities have been moderately successful. Yet this expansion of our reading lists is only the start of a broader decolonization of literary studies as a discipline; there is much left to be done.

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Description

Political science emerged as a response to the challenges of imperial administration and the demands of colonial rule. While not all political scientists were colonial cheerleaders, their thinking was nevertheless framed by colonial assumptions that influence the study of politics to this day.

This book offers students a lens through which to decolonize the main themes and issues of political science - from human nature, rights, and citizenship, to development and global justice. Not content with revealing the colonial legacies that still inform the discipline, the book also introduces students to a wide range of intellectual resources from the (post)colonial world that will help them think through the same themes and issues more expansively.

Decolonizing Politics is a much-needed critical guide for students of political science. It shifts the study of political science from the centers of power to its margins, where the majority of humanity lives. Ultimately, the book argues that those who occupy the margins are not powerless. Rather, marginal positions might afford a deeper understanding of politics than can be provided by mainstream approaches.​

About the Author

Robbie Shilliam is Professor of International Relations at Johns Hopkins University. His last book, Race and the Undeserving Poor, was listed in The Times newspaper's "twelve anti-racism books everybody should read" in 2020.

Table of contents

1. Introduction
2. Political Theory
3. Political Behavior
4. Comparative Politics
5. International Relations
6. Conclusion
Bibliography

Reviews

" Decolonizing Politics is a necessary book as it peels back the Western assumptions about politics and political life. This is a vital text for all students of political studies."
- Anthony Bogues, Brown University

"This is the kind of book that unlocks doors in people's minds. Most of all, it brings new energy to the urgent quest, the world over, to challenge Western dominance of the social sciences and humanities."
- Amy Niang, University of the Witwatersrand

&"In Decolonizing Politics, Shilliam provides a brilliant, erudite but also accessible and enjoyable guide to how to de-center the production of our knowledge about politics. This is a 'must read' for all students of Political Science, Political Theory and International Relations."
- Kimberly Hutchings, Queen Mary University of London

"Written with spunk and verve, this book is the refreshing and exciting introduction that the discipline of political science has been waiting for! While revealing the imperial, racial, gendered, and class hierarchies that shaped the intellectual roots of the discipline's core subfields and organizing concepts, the book introduces readers to anticolonial thinkers from the margins and borderlands, who offer compelling alternative routes to reimagining the human, the citizen, the path to development, and the causes of war and peace."
- Catherine Lu, McGill University

"This is a vital text for anyone committed to teaching Politics with honesty and rigour. Shilliam re-engages faithfully with canonical figures, such as Kant and Aristotle, confronting the constitutive dehumanising exclusions which have since been airbrushed from their theories, before introducing routes to repair by way of thinkers, such as Wynter and Anzaldúa, who imagine humanity without exclusions."
- Lisa Tilley, Birkbeck, University of London

"Political Science needs to be decolonized and Robbie Shilliam has done it. Crisp, clear and accessible, this book exceeds the ambition of a conventional textbook by developing and applying a decolonial method of reading across the discipline's subfields."
- David L. Blaney, Macalester College

"In Decolonizing Politics, Robbie Shilliam challenges Political Science to critically examine the colonial and racist logics at the foundations of the discipline. It may be an introductory text aimed at undergraduates, but I wish all mainstream political scientists dared to engage with its premise."
-Times Higher Education

"A valuable contribution to academic life."
-Ethnic and Racial Studies

" Decolonizing Politics critiques the colonial logics of four subfields of political science and reimagines each from its margins. Each chapter revolves around a theme that illuminates the history of imperiasl power and colonial rule in that part of the discipline."
-International Affairs

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Political science emerged as a response to the challenges of imperial administration and the demands of colonial rule. While not all political scientists were colonial cheerleaders, their thinking was nevertheless framed by colonial assumptions that influence the study of politics to this day.

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Description

The first book of its kind, Decolonizing Geography offers an indispensable introductory guide to the origins, current state and implications of the decolonial project in geography.

Sarah A. Radcliffe recounts the influence of colonialism on the discipline of geography and introduces key decolonial ideas, explaining why they matter and how they change geography's understanding of people, environments and nature. She explores the international origins of decolonial ideas, through to current Indigenous thinking, coloniality-modernity, Black geographies and decolonial feminisms of colour. Throughout, she presents an original synthesis of wide-ranging literatures and offers a systematic decolonizing approach to space, place, nature, global-local relations, the Anthropocene and much more.

Decolonizing Geography is an essential resource for students and instructors aiming to broaden their understanding of the nature, origins and purpose of a geographical education.

About the Author

Sarah A. Radcliffe is Professor of Latin American Geography at the University of Cambridge.

Table of contents

Author's note

Preface

List of Tables, Textboxes and Figures

Chapter 1 Why decolonize geography?

Chapter 2 Postcolonialism and Decoloniality

Chapter 3 Decolonizing Geographies

Chapter 4 Decolonizing Geographical Concepts

Chapter 5 Decolonizing Geography's Curriculum

Chapter 6 Decolonizing geographical research practice

Glossary

Bibliography

Index

Reviews

' Decolonizing Geography is both a landmark textbook and a compelling scholarly manifesto. It offers a wide and wise reckoning with geography's colonial past and lingering imperial and racist substance - with the promise of something better.'
James Sidaway, National University of Singapore

'This book provides an overview of the issues, presents the stakes and suggests admirably concrete and feasible steps towards producing broad decolonization in the academy. This will become an indispensable text for students, academics and perhaps even university administrators, including BAME/DEI officers. The author should be congratulated for the accomplishment.'
Jovan Scott Lewis, University of California, Berkeley

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The first book of its kind, Decolonizing Geography offers an indispensable introductory guide to the origins, current state and implications of the decolonial project in geography. Sarah A. Radcliffe recounts the influence of colonialism on the discipline of geography and introduces key decolonial ideas, explaining why they matter and how they change geographys understanding of people, environments and nature.

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This website collects a lot of interesting and easily digestible resources about decolonisation of geography.

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Decolonising Geography challenges the reproduction of colonial practices of knowledge in our classrooms. It contributes to developing curricula that challenge 'universal truths' and objective knowledge in geography by offering pedagogical techniques to empower students to take responsibility in co-creating knowledge and building critical geographies; offering a space for reflection on the content we teach in secondary geography; and providing practical teaching resources.

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Other disciplines are slightly ahead of economics in terms of the amount of critiques leveled towards it. Here you can find engagements with ways of decolonising development studies, international political economy, politics, geography, and other disciplines.

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This section presents resources that consider how to decolonize the curriculum, pedagogy and more broadly universities.

It highlights the importance of thinking critically about:

- The pluralism of the theories, schools of thought, perspectives and methodologies we teach.

- The topics and issues that we consider to be key in the teaching of the discipline.

- The colonial influence on the pedagogical practices we use.

- The extent of the opportunities we provide to students to be interrogative.

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This next resource is titled: What About the Global South? Towards a Feminist Decolonial Degrowth Approach. For a small taste of what is being discussed here, we have included this quote:

"How does degrowth need to be pursued to promote intragenerational socio-ecological justice without falling into the trap of reporducing (neo)colonial continuities? Albeit there is not (and cannot be) an ultimate answer to this question,

we have argued that an integral consideration of feminist and postcolonial

lines of thought can greatly contribute to making degrowth

(more) decolonial." ~ Dengler & Seebacher (2019:247)

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Toward Decolonial Feminisms Interviews 2018

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This section makes suggestions for some resources that grapples with decolonial, feminist work. It also has some suggestions for decolonizing feminist economics (which include analysis on ecological degradation) and a feminist, decolonial degrowth approach.

This emphasizes the importance of engaging with intersectional approaches in our teaching, research, private reflection and collective organizing.

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Decolonial pedagogies walking and asking. Notes to Paulo Freire from AbyaYala

Catherine Walsh makes an effort here both to explicitly ‘pedagogize’ the decolonial, and to name, engender and think from and with decolonial pedagogies of resistance (building on but also departing from Freire).

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Additional information

Notes on contributors

Catherine E. Walsh
Catherine Walsh is senior professor and director of the doctoral programme in Latin American Cultural Studies at the Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar in Ecuador. Her work is focused on the political, epistemic and ethical project of critical interculturality, and on concerns of decoloniality, taking as key the themes of knowledge, ancestrality, race and gender, education, law, state re-founding, and decolonial thought and pedagogy.

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Decolonial pedagogies walking and asking. Notes to Paulo Freire from AbyaYala

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Catherine E. Walsh Catherine Walsh is senior professor and director of the doctoral programme in Latin American Cultural Studies at the Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar in Ecuador. Her work is focused on the political, epistemic and ethical project of critical interculturality, and on concerns of decoloniality, taking as key the themes of knowledge, ancestrality, race and gender, education, law, state re-founding, and decolonial thought and pedagogy.

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Pedagogy of the Oppressed

This classic by Paulo Freire (1968) is considered one of the foundational texts of critical pedagogy, and proposes a pedagogy with a new relationship between teacher, student, and society. It has been used as both a starting point for decolonial scholars to build on further for a critical and decolonial pedagogy, but it has also been critiqued by decolonial and postcolonial scholars who see Freire's approach as being founded on Enlightenment principles of rationality and individualism, thus being in line with, rather than opposed to, colonial structures. Critiques of Freire are listed below.

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Crossing Borders and Changing Pedagogies: From Giroux and Freire to feminist theories of education

Sue Jackson applies a feminist pedagogical approach to Freirian, postmodern and poststructuralist pedagogies.

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ABSTRACT We are living in times of change and uncertainty, where many groups are challenging existing structures. Challenges to education have come from postmodernists and poststructuralists, calling into question previously held beliefs and ideologies, and from people from a variety of cultural and ethnic groups, examining the relationship of the oppressed and the exploited to educational structures. Through consideration of the work of Henry Giroux and Paulo Freire, considered to be liberatory and radical, I will consider ways in which their work might inform feminist theory, but also consider how feminists in turn have built on their work, considering new levels of insight. I will call for feminist perspectives to be interwoven with the already rich and valuable ideas of educationists such as Paulo Freire and Henry Giroux to enable us all-women and men-to move towards a feminist pedagogy of change.

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Crossing Borders and Changing Pedagogies: From Giroux and Freire to feminist theories of education

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ABSTRACT We are living in times of change and uncertainty, where many groups are challenging existing structures. Challenges to education have come from postmodernists and poststructuralists, calling into question previously held beliefs and ideologies, and from people from a variety of cultural and ethnic groups, examining the relationship of the oppressed and the exploited to educational structures.

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Decolonization and the pedagogy of solidarity

Rubén A. Gaztambide-Fernández proposes three modes for a pedagogy of solidarity that is committed to decolonization. He argues for the possibilities of relational, transitive, and creative solidarity as a strategy for recasting not only human relations but also the very notion of what it means to be human, as crucial for decolonization.

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Rubén A. Gaztambide-Fernández OISE/University of Toronto

Keywords: solidarity, pedagogy, decolonization, cultural analysis

Abstract

The concept of solidarity is often evoked within projects of decolonization. More recently, however, the failure to construct solidary relationships that seriously engage the demands posed by decolonization has provoked scepticism as well as suspicion regarding the viability of solidarity. A consideration of the genealogy as well as the multifarious uses of the concept of solidarity reveals some of the ways in which the concept reinscribes colonial logics and operates to obscure complicity and continued colonization. At the same time, it is possible to articulate a set of parameters for solidary relations through which to imaginatively construct new ways of entering into relations with others. In fact, when informed by the failures of responses such as multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism to the problem of human difference, solidarity remains an important possibility. This article proposes three modes for a pedagogy of solidarity that is committed to decolonization. It argues for the possibilities of relational, transitive, and creative solidarity as a strategy for recasting not only human relations but also the very notion of what it means to be human, as crucial for decolonization.

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Decolonization and the pedagogy of solidarity

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Rubén A. Gaztambide-Fernández OISE/University of Toronto Keywords: solidarity, pedagogy, decolonization, cultural analysis The concept of solidarity is often evoked within projects of decolonization. More recently, however, the failure to construct solidary relationships that seriously engage the demands posed by decolonization has provoked scepticism as well as suspicion regarding the viability of solidarity.

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Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom

This classic by bell hooks sees teaching students to "transgress" against racial, sexual, and class boundaries in order to achieve the gift of freedom as the teacher's most important goal.

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"After reading Teaching to Transgress I am once again struck by bell hooks's never-ending, unquiet intellectual energy, an energy that makes her radical and loving." -- Paulo Freire

In Teaching to Transgress,bell hooks--writer, teacher, and insurgent black intellectual--writes about a new kind of education, education as the practice of freedom. Teaching students to "transgress" against racial, sexual, and class boundaries in order to achieve the gift of freedom is, for hooks, the teacher's most important goal.

bell hooks speaks to the heart of education today: how can we rethink teaching practices in the age of multiculturalism? What do we do about teachers who do not want to teach, and students who do not want to learn? How should we deal with racism and sexism in the classroom?

Full of passion and politics, Teaching to Transgress combines a practical knowledge of the classroom with a deeply felt connection to the world of emotions and feelings. This is the rare book about teachers and students that dares to raise questions about eros and rage, grief and reconciliation, and the future of teaching itself.

"To educate is the practice of freedom," writes bell hooks, "is a way of teaching anyone can learn." Teaching to Transgress is therecord of one gifted teacher's struggle to make classrooms work.

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Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom

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"After reading Teaching to Transgress I am once again struck by bell hooks's never-ending, unquiet intellectual energy, an energy that makes her radical and loving." -- Paulo Freire In Teaching to Transgress,bell hooks--writer, teacher, and insurgent black intellectual--writes about a new kind of education, education as the practice of freedom.

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Reinventing critical pedagogy as decolonizing pedagogy: The education of empathy

Michalinos Zembylas explores one of the aspects of coloniality that has come to the forefront of discussions in recent years, which is the colonial legacies of affects and emotions. Within critical theories in general and Freirean theory and critical pedagogy in particular, the achievement of social justice and the dismantling of oppressive relations have often been linked in part with the development of affects such as empathy. Zembylas argues that it is not clear how the workings of empathy in critical pedagogy might be conceptualized, when relations of coloniality are placed in the foreground. In which ways does the pursuit of critical consciousness through empathy map onto colonial histories and conditions? This article suggests that decolonization may not be always compatible to Freirean theory and critical pedagogy, yet it suggests that critical pedagogy can be reinvented as “decolonizing pedagogy”; to show this, the analysis focuses on the workings of empathy.

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Reinventing critical pedagogy as decolonizing pedagogy: The education of empathy

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Michalinos ZembylasMichalinos Zembylas is Professor of Educational Theory and Curriculum Studies at the Open University of Cyprus. He is also Honorary Professor at Nelson Mandela University in the Chair for Critical Studies in Higher Education Transformation. He has written extensively on emotion and affect in relation to social justice pedagogies, intercultural and peace education, human rights education, and citizenship education.

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Pedagogies of Difference Rethinking Education for Social Justice

These essays strive to bridge competing discourses of difference--for instance, feminist or anti-racist pedagogical models--to create a more inclusive education that adheres to principles of equity and social justice.

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Book Description

Peter Pericles Trifonas has assembled internationally acclaimed theorists and educational practitioners whose essays explore various constructions, representations, and uses of difference in educational contexts. These essays strive to bridge competing discourses of difference--for instance, feminist or anti-racist pedagogical models--to create a more inclusive education that adheres to principles of equity and social justice.

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Pedagogies of Difference: Rethinking Education for Social Justice

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Peter Pericles Trifonas has assembled internationally acclaimed theorists and educational practitioners whose essays explore various constructions, representations, and uses of difference in educational contexts. These essays strive to bridge competing discourses of difference--for instance, feminist or anti-racist pedagogical models--to create a more inclusive education that adheres to principles of equity and social justice.

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Decolonising the Classroom

This article explores the extent of inclusive and decolonised classroom dynamics in Dutch universities. She focuses on the intricate ways of classroom interaction which can usher those present in retracting from participating and engaging in class due to micro-aggressions, intimidation, or oppression.

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1. Home

2. A-Z Publications

3. Tijdschrift voor Genderstudies

4. Volume 20, Issue 3

5. Article

ISSN: 1388-3186

E-ISSN: 2352-2437

Abstract

Abstract

Taking the concept of credibility as a focal point, this article explores inclusive and decolonised classroom dynamics in the Dutch universities. Though much has been written on diversity and decolonisation in higher education, from curricula to epistemology to recruitment, there is a dearth in the discourse when it comes to decolonisation of classrooms. Drawing on Sally Haslanger's conceptualisation of 'credibility' in classroom dynamics (2014), I focus on the intricate ways of classroom interaction which can usher those present in retracting from participating and engaging in class due to micro-aggressions, intimidation, or oppression in any form. As class participation and engagement are pivotal to success in the current format of academia that values individual participation and visibility, especially so in the Humanities, special attention to credibility addresses how classrooms can be transformed into inclusive teaching environments for all. The main question of this paper is: how are inclusive classrooms, in which every attendee feels credible as a knowledge producer, created and sustained? Classroom dynamics are complicated when both visibly and invisibly 'marked' attendees join the classroom, as power dynamics, inherent biases, and (micro-)aggressions can become hurdles in the learning process. It is the coloniality (Quijano & Ennis, 2000) of the classroom and the overrepresentation of Man (McKittrick, 2014) which I first analyse to demonstrate the need for decolonisation of the classroom. Then, I show the innovative investigative lens that the concept of credibility can offer in analysing classrooms through an illustration. Based on this exploration of classroom credibility, tools to evaluate the coloniality of classrooms and strategies to decolonise the classroom may be formulated.

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Decolonising the classroom | Amsterdam University Press Journals Online

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Abstract Taking the concept of credibility as a focal point, this article explores inclusive and decolonised classroom dynamics in the Dutch universities.

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Table of Contents

List of contributors; Acknowledgments; Introduction: decolonization and feminisms in global teaching and learning - a radical space of possibility, Rosalba Icaza and Sara de Jong; PART I Knowledge;Chapter1 CarteArte: below and on the left in purple, Batallones Femeninos; Chapter2 Pacific peoples, higher education and feminisms, Sereana Naepi; Chapter3 Feminizing and decolonizing higher education: pedagogies of dignity in Colombia and Australia, Sara C. Motta; Chapter4 Undoing colonial patriarchies: life and struggle pathway,s Xochitl Leyva Solano; Chapter5 About the Transnational Network Other Knowledges: La Red Trasnacional Otros Saberes (RETOS) between crises and other possible worlds, Red Trasnacional Otros Saberes; PART II Voice;Chapter6 The decolonization manifesto, Wanelisa Xaba; Chapter7 The liability of foreignness: decolonial struggles of migrants negotiating African identity within UK nurse education, Roselyn Masamha; Chapter8 Decolonial feminist teaching and learning: what is the space of decolonial feminist teaching? Françoise Vergès; Chapter9 ATELIER IV Manifesto, Françoise Vergès et al.; PART III Institutions;Chapter10 What a new university in Africa is doing to decolonize social sciences, Jess Auerbach; Chapter11 Coloniality of power, knowledge and modes of (des)authorization: occupation practices in Brazilian schools and universities, Marta Fernández and Andréa Gill; Chapter12 Learning from prisons: decolonial feminism and teaching approaches from prison to university, Elena Vasiliou; Chapter13 Post-it notes to my lecturers, Roselyn Masamha; PART IV Disciplines;Chapter14 Intervention, Sixteen participants of the "Crossing Borders" conference in Lesbos, Greece, July 2016; Chapter15 On babies and bathwater: decolonizing International Development Studies, Olivia U. Rutazibwa; Chapter16 "Straight from the heart": a pedagogy for the vanquished of history, Asha Varadharajan; Chapter17 Notes on Europe and Europeans for the discerning traveller, Robbie Shilliam; Index

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Decolonization and Feminisms in Global Teaching and Learning

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Decolonization and Feminisms in Global Teaching and Learning is a resource for teachers and learners seeking to participate in the creation of radical and liberating spaces in the academy and beyond. This edited volume is inspired by, and applies, decolonial and feminist thought - two fields with powerful traditions of critical pedagogy, which have shared productive exchange.

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This article focuses on the geo- and body-politics of knowledge production related to global citizenship education. It introduces a set of concepts and questions, developed in the work of (mainly) Latin American scholars, that problematise Eurocentric conceptualisations of modernity, globalisation, knowledge and 'being' with several implications for education. Through conceptual tools that engage the 'darker side of modernity', the 'coloniality of power/being', 'epistemic racism' and 'abyssal thinking', the ideas presented in this article aim to pluralise possibilities for global citizenship education in ways that address ethnocentrism, ahistoricism, depoliticisation and paternalism in educational agendas, upholding possibilities for decoloniality, diversality and 'ecologies of knowledge' in educational research, policy and pedagogy.

Acknowledgements

I would like to acknowledge the Consortium for Peace Studies at the University of Calgary for their hospitality and support towards the completion of this work through the Dr. Arthur Clark Global Citizenship Fellowship awarded in 2010.

Notes

1. I concur with Grosfoguel who argues that national identities are 'colonial constructions' (2008, 18). That is why I very rarely define myself as a 'Brazilian' author or educator. However, I decided to use the national identities to introduce the scholars in this article to emphasise (albeit inadequately) an absence of 'Other' voices in global citizenship education debates speaking from different geographical locations.

2. I have chosen to focus on one representative article from six different scholars: five from Latin America and one from Portugal. Accessibility (in terms of both language and online availability through creative commons agreements) was one of the criteria of selection with a view to encouraging readers to engage with this literature.

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(Towards) decoloniality and diversality in global citizenship education

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This article focuses on the geo- and body-politics of knowledge production related to global citizenship education. It introduces a set of concepts and questions, developed in the work of (mainly) Latin American scholars, that problematise Eurocentric conceptualisations of modernity, globalisation, knowledge and 'being' with several implications for education.

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Women in Academia Crossing North-South Borders: Gender, Race, and Displacement

This book draws on decolonial studies, postcolonial feminist scholarship, and studies on identity, to bring together personal accounts written by female scholars who migrated from Latin America and joined universities in the Global North, and female scholars who moved from the Global North to teach in Latin American universities. The contributors examine how their lived experiences with gender, race, and place/displacement have impacted their social identities and on their roles as researchers and teachers. They describe how personal and intellectual negotiations in their new location have influenced their fight for plural forms of knowing and being.

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Women in Academia Crossing North-South Borders: Gender, Race, and Displacement

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This collection draws broadly on decolonial studies, postcolonial feminist scholarship, and identity studies to present autoethnographies written by female scholars who migrated from Latin America...

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"What does it mean to decolonise the economics curriculum?" by Alvin Birdi, Director of the Economics Network, and Danielle Guizzo (University of Bristol) was published 7 June 2021 by the Economics Observatory. A shorter article by Prof. Birdi, "Decolonising the economics curriculum: a practical approach", appeared in the Economics Network Newsletter for Spring 2021.

What is Decolonisation?, included below, is a six minute introduction by Dr Foluke I. Adebisi of The Law School, University of Bristol.

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Decolonizing the IPE syllabus: Eurocentrism and the coloniality of knowledge in International Political EconomyDecolonizing the IPE syllabus: Eurocentrism and the coloniality of knowledge in International Political Economy

Felix Mantz examines the manifestations of Eurocentrism and the coloniality of knowledge in the teaching of IPE by analyzing an IPE Master’s program of a UK university. Three points of critique are centered throughout this analysis: (1) economism, (2) the absence of race and (3) the conceptualization of ‘The International’.

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Abstract
This pedagogical intervention examines the manifestations of Eurocentrism and the coloniality of knowledge in the teaching of IPE by analyzing an IPE Master's program of a UK university. Advancing a decolonial reading of this program, I draw on the growing body of decolonial theories critiquing political economy scholarship and teaching. Three points of critique are centered throughout this analysis: (1) economism, (2) the absence of race and (3) the conceptualization of 'The International'. In addition to identifying how these issues manifest in the IPE course, I suggest ways to address them, illustrating how decolonial pedagogical transformations and epistemic pluriversality can lead to better analytical frameworks, as well as contribute to epistemic and global justice. This intervention begins by outlining the IPE program in question before introducing a decolonial analytical framework that centers the coloniality of knowledge and Eurocentrism. This framework is then mobilized throughout the analysis which is divided into the three points of critique mentioned above. Afterwards, I propose some alternative bodies of knowledge as decolonial options for IPE syllabi and conclude with suggesting further research avenues. This intervention seeks to engage IPE professors and researchers who are interested in or committed to decolonizing IPE syllabi, programs and departments.

Acknowledgements

Special thanks and gratitude to Lisa Tilley for her indispensable guidance and mentorship throughout the different stages of this paper. Many thanks to Debbie Samaniego, the participants of the 2018 CPD Annual Mentorship Workshop, Nagore Calvo and Hannah Owens for their insights and feedback. I am also grateful for the three anonymous reviewers whose comments and engagements have contributed greatly to this paper.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Felix MantzFelix Mantz is currently a MRes/Ph.D. student at Queen Mary University of London. Both his MRes and Ph.D. studies are funded by the Economic and Social Research Council's LISS DTP program. His research interests besides IPE and decolonizing the academy include indigenous politics and indigeneity in Africa, anti-systemic resistance movements, and intersectional, eco-feminist, anti-colonial and decolonial theories and praxes.

Notes

1 I anonymize the institution in the hopes that my critique will be taken into consideration for the curriculum-building and teaching of IPE at this university.

2 Anticipating a predominantly critical audience, I focus primarily on decolonization with respect to critical IPE.

3 The general outline of this program with regards to length (one-year, full-time) and structure (two teaching semesters with one or two compulsory core modules and multiple elective modules, and one dissertation semester) is common to Master's IPE programs across the UK including for instance, those at LSE, King's College London, University of Birmingham, University of Manchester or University of Warwick.

4 This refers to economic crisis.

5 I thank the reviewers for alerting me to this body of work of which I was previously unaware.

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Decolonizing the IPE syllabus: Eurocentrism and the coloniality of knowledge in International Political Economy

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Abstract This pedagogical intervention examines the manifestations of Eurocentrism and the coloniality of knowledge in the teaching of IPE by analyzing an IPE Master's program of a UK university. Advancing a decolonial reading of this program, I draw on the growing body of decolonial theories critiquing political economy scholarship and teaching.

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This toolkit is intended to act as a briefing for programme and module convenors, on what ‘decolonising’ learning and teaching might entail. At its root it is about making what we teach and how we teach it more responsive to the problems of colonial and racialised privilege and discrimination within our teaching practice. This is not a set of prescriptions but a set of suggestions and ideas for colleagues and students to think through, individually and collectively. It is animated by a spirit of critical dialogue within education, and is also connected to wider institutional questions about the principles and practices of good teaching – in particular work on racialised attainment and inclusive pedagogy. Its aim is to stimulate reflection, dialogue and changes in teaching practice that reflect our values as an intellectual community and as an institution

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Abstract
UK Higher Education is characterised by structural and institutional forms of whiteness. As scholars and activists are increasingly speaking out to testify, whiteness has wide-ranging implications that affect curricula, pedagogy, knowledge production, university policies, campus climate, and the experiences of students and faculty of colour. Unsurprisingly then, calls to decolonize the university abound. In this article, we draw upon the Critical Race Theory method of counter-storytelling. By introducing composite characters, we speak back to assumptions that universities are race-neutral, meritocratic institutions. We illustrate some of the key themes that shape the experiences of faculty of colour in UK Higher Education: institutional racism, racial microaggressions, racial battle fatigue, and steadfast fugitive resistance. We argue that, despite the paradox of working under (what purports to be) a 'decolonial' agenda, widespread calls to decolonize our universities have further embedded rather than dismantled whiteness, thus continuing to characterise the careers, wellbeing, and daily lives of faculty of colour.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Dr. Nadena Doharty is a sociologist of education working for the School of Education at the University of Sheffield. Nadena read her undergraduate degree in Sociology and Politics and postgraduate degree in International Relations at Goldsmith's College, University of London. After a PGCE specialising in Sociology and Politics, Nadena earned her PhD at the University of Keele. Nadena's areas of research and publications include: the Sociology of Education, Black History, inequalities in education, racialised identities in schooling, Critical Race Theories, and critical/anti-racist pedagogies.

Dr. Manny Madriaga is a native Californian who conducted PhD research on whiteness and American national identity at the University of Sheffield with support from a UK Universities Overseas Scholarship Award and a Sociological Studies Graduate Teaching Assistantship. His research interests include: 'race' and education, inclusive practice, disability and education, whiteness (critical race theory) and inequalities and disadvantage. Manny has published widely in these areas and is an active participant in the BME Staff Network across Sheffield Hallam and the University of Sheffield.

Dr. Remi Joseph-Salisbury completed his PhD at the University of Leeds in 2016 before working as a Senior Lecturer at Leeds Beckett University for two years. In 2018, Remi moved to the University of Manchester to take up the position of Presidential Fellow in Ethnicity and Inequalities. Remi's first book 'Black Mixed-Race Men' was published by Emerald in 2018, and was awarded the British Sociological Association's Philip Abram's memorial prize for the best first and sole-authored book. His co-edited collection 'The Fire Now: Anti-Racist Scholarship in Times of Explicit Racial Violence', was published in November 2018. Remi has published in national and international journals on topics covering his broad interests including race, racism, anti-racism, the 'post-racial', mixedness, masculinities, and education. As well as his academic outputs, Remi writes regularly for media outputs and is the 'Race and Resistance' columnist at Red Pepper Magazine.

Notes

1 Beginning at Harvard, before spreading to campuses across the US and the UK, 'I too am...' was a campaign in which students 'held up boards that quoted or described their daily experiences of racial microaggressions... As the [Harvard] campaign's Tumblr Page suggests, 'I too am' emerges from a collective sense that Black student voices 'often go unheard' on campus, their 'experiences are devalued', and their 'presence is questioned'. The campaign represents a 'way of speaking back' (Tumblr, 2014, no page).' (Joseph-Salisbury, Joseph-Salisbury, R. (2019a). Institutionalised whiteness, racial microaggressions and black bodies out of place in Higher Education. 2019a Whiteness and Education, 4(1), 1-17. https://doi.org/10.1080/23793406.2019.1620629 , 10).

2 Not all universities are members of the Charter and of the 56 members of the scheme, only 12 institutions have managed to demonstrate a 'bronze' level of commitment to race equality. None have achieved silver or gold (Advance HE, Advance HE. (2019). 2019 Race equality charter members and award holders. https://www.ecu.ac.uk/equality-charters/race-equality-charter/members-award-holders/ )

3 Buckaroo is a children's game in which the aim is to pile as many items onto the mule without causing it to buck all of the items off. The winner is the one who has achieved this.

4 Further information can be found here: https://www.ecu.ac.uk/equality-charters/race-equality-charter/about-race-equality-charter/

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The university went to 'decolonise' and all they brought back was lousy diversity double-speak! Critical race counter-stories from faculty of colour in 'decolonial' times

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Abstract UK Higher Education is characterised by structural and institutional forms of whiteness. As scholars and activists are increasingly speaking out to testify, whiteness has wide-ranging implications that affect curricula, pedagogy, knowledge production, university policies, campus climate, and the experiences of students and faculty of colour. Unsurprisingly then, calls to decolonize the university abound.

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I write this from Aotearoa New Zealand, an immigrant in this country as I was in the United States for the 15 years prior. The way I see it, I am an immigrant from post-colonial India to two settler colonial states. In addition to my identity as an immigrant cis-South-Asian woman, I also identify as an academic. I often think of myself as an accidental academic. Academia was a space that offered me refuge as an immigrant, but it also allowed me to do the thinking, critical, questioning work I needed to do - but in a safe space. I started graduate studies in the post-9/11 world. As you can imagine, academia served as a particular refuge in that particular historic moment.

I have been in academia, either in training or teaching since...well, since I was seventeen. I have learned, trained, researched, and taught in four continents - my post-doc was in Geneva (even though most of that post-doc time was spend doing research in India). There are a lot of things I do not know, but there are some things I do know - one of them happens to be the intricate workings of academia - its peoples, its egos, its structures, the spaces of suppression, subversion, and subtle resistance. Within this space I see the hard work of resistance from individuals and groups, but also the dogged structural underpinnings of academia. Between the individual struggles and systematic dogma, is the troubling paradigm where academic structures and powers co-opt the struggles as their own - but contribute little to the cause. Over the years, I have seen academia do this co-optation and rebrand itself but not genuinely willing to do the hard work required to imagine a better academia. I have learned to navigate academia, but continually remembering to view this space critically.

This blog post, written as I transition into a tenured position at the interdisciplinary Centre for Science in Society at Victoria University of Wellington, is my attempt to remember to keep thinking and engaging critically. I have been precariously employed and over the past few years, I have seen what precarity does to one's sense of self and relationship to others. I hope I never forget that feeling as it has been one of the most intellectually exhausting, but also critically generative space. It was in this space of academic precarity as an immigrant living and working on indigenous land, that I have seen the interesting mobilizing of the word 'decolonizing.' I have started to see the complexity inherent in how decolonizing has been co-opted from a vibrant and critical engagement to an academic buzzword. This was recently bought home to me when I saw a student wearing a rather colourful t-shirt with a 'Decolonize the ..." typed in boldface in the front.

While it was unclear to me what they wanted to decolonize, I was troubled by the text on the shirt, not because of my dislike of buzzwords (I've used them before) or because of the student wearing it, but rather it was just at the end of a long line of hollow 'decolonizing' moves I had witnessed - online and offline. Within the academy, I have seen the sloppy attempts to 'decolonize' a syllabus or a programme without any real structural changes - in the programme, the class, the faculty, or the university. This is NOT decolonizing the syllabus, or the programme, or the university. To take on decolonizing work without having ever engaged with the long tradition of scholars who have written on decolonizing - is sloppy and opportunistic. Especially sloppy if you have not read the seminal Tuck and Yang article which asks you to not use decolonizing as a metaphor.

In my avowed attempt to stay critically focused, I thus hold my fellow academics to account and ask for some refrain when using the word 'Decolonizing.' It does a disservice to the amazing indigenous scholarship and activist work that is targeting power structures to shake and reshape them to accommodate indigeneity. So, my humble suggestion, till you are actually willing and able to do the work of decolonizing the structures you (and even me) benefit from currently, let us think of better words to do what we are actually doing.

This does not give us/you a pass to not attempt to decolonize academia, but rather start planning the ways in which to do it and putting into place plans (hiring indigenous faculty on permanent positions, provide scholarships to indigenous students, accommodate teaching/learning structures to different knowledge production sites and ways, etc.) starting now. But at this exact moment, when enjoying the privileges afforded by academia on indigenous land, and when we actively working or are unable to work towards decolonizing work, we need to acknowledge that reality.
LANGUAGE FOR A PROGRESSIVE ACADEMIA - WORDS BEYOND 'DECOLONIZING'
To that end, here are some alternative suggestions to talk about the work we are doing now, while thinking of a decolonized sovereign nation future. To really keep it simple, I even suggest words start with the letter D [1].

Diversify your syllabus and curriculum

Digress from the cannon

Decentre knowledge and knowledge production

Disinvest from citational power structures

Diminish some voices and opinions in meetings, while magnifying others

All of this allows for anti-colonial, post-colonial, and de-colonial work in the academy; but not make claims to a 'decolonized programme,' 'decolonized syllabus,' or a 'decolonized university.' It allows you to be honest - about who you/we are and how you/we are situated within certain privileges.

This means starting the work that actual decolonizing requires - but those are long term goals and require YOU/ME to do a LOT of work. They also require becoming accomplices (not an ally or spectator) in local indigenous communities and politics as the fight for land and resources continues. There are concrete plans that can be put in place and how to get there (i.e. genuinely support decolonization) in a five-to ten-year period. Do not give up on the vision...just remember, academia is not there yet.
PROPOSED WAYS TO DECOLONIZED ACADEMIA - START PLANNING NOW
Just in case you were wondering, what will the decolonizing future facing project look like and what you can actually do enable it? This requires work and planning (starting now), rather than taking that energy and excitement (around decolonization) to just rebrand yourself and your site of knowledge production and praxis.

There are amazing scholars who can teach us all about the ways we can do this planning work. I share their wisdom humbly and with the hope that it allows the start of a conversation about the future of the academic space you/we inhabit.

Hire faculty from indigenous and marginalized communities so they can magnify the voices and concerns of their communities. Change your hiring criteria (and your hiring committees), if needed, to meet this goal.

Hire said faculty on permanent positions - not on precariously created contracts. To bring on a junior faculty for a year or two position (while dangling the possibility of a permanent position someday) means they are on the longest interview ever!

Hire faculty that actually challenge you - and listen to them (they are more than your token hire).

Be willing to be inter/multi/anti disciplinary - look beyond your cannon.

Design classes that have a '?' at the end of the title. Example: Decolonizing Geography?: How, When, and by Whom? Or Decolonizing Knowledge?: (re)Imagining the Future in Sociology.

Do not expect your precariously hired POC/BAME/Indigenous/queer/junior faculty to do the diversity work (or, ahem, as you call it 'decolonizing' work for you to take credit on - we do it in our scholarship, research, teaching, thinking, talking, listening, and being in the university and we need to be rewarded for it directly).

Create syllabus and curriculums that are innovative - there are more ways to assess work than the research essay, but do not use this as a short cut to not help marginalized students with academic work.

Make space for indigenous and marginalized students - both physical and intellectual.

Then there is the slightly more complex thing to do simultaneously, as a way to create space for indigenous and marginalized students:

Take the extra time with these students to help them/us [2] learn to read and write like 'power.' Teach us ways to operate in this oppressive world. Do not assume we cannot write as well as you, thus you should not put in the time or effort.

Also take the extra time to learn how we think, read, and write. Learn from us the ways we see and seek to change this oppressive world. Respect our refusal to write like you, even after you train us well to write like you.

These are not really radical suggestions. If you are one of these lovely people trying to decolonize your space, you already know this. But this is just a good reminder to myself as I move out of my precarious space and into a tenured position that decolonizing is not a metaphor!

While there are many examples of amazing scholarship that challenges colonial structures underpinning academia, I offer one example of a dear colleague doing this work every day. She offers a wonderful course that does this heavy, preliminary work of encouraging students to think of a better academia (better anthropology in particular). Lorena Gibson's paper titled, Anthropology for Liberation is an honest and humble attempt to think about a future of a discipline without making grand claims to have decolonized the discipline or academia. Like she says, this is the first step in a long journey that she has to walk alongside other scholars, students, and communities.

Through her work (amongst others) it is clear to see that decolonizing is real work which needs to have real world structural consequences - not hypotheticals. It should not be a buzzword to increase your 'woke' student enrollments. Do not deploy it in service of the structures it was created to destroy.

It is my obligation as an immigrant living, working, researching, and teaching on indigenous land to respect and remember the history - and act as an accomplice to the local communities, particularity when it means unsettling my own academic privilege and identity. Together, it is our obligation as academics to make plans for a decolonized academia, to take care our students, and hold people to account who use this amazingly powerful word recklessly for their own self-interest. This is important to recognize and curtail, so we can start the very hard work of imagining and planning a decolonised academia - rather than just rebranding the current space and carrying on business as usual.

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Do Not 'Decolonize' . . . If You Are Not Decolonizing: Progressive Language and Planning Beyond a Hollow Academic Rebranding - Critical Ethnic Studies

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I write this from Aotearoa New Zealand, an immigrant in this country as I was in the United States for the 15 years prior. The way I see it, I am an immigrant from post-colonial India to two settler colonial states.

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Decolonising development studies: reflections on critical pedagogies in action

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(2013). Decolonising development studies: reflections on critical pedagogies in action. Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement: Vol. 34, Teaching and Learning in International Development Studies: Challenges and Innovations / L'enseignement et l'apprentissage dans les études du développement international : Défis et innovations, pp. 384-399.

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Amid growing calls to 'decolonise the curriculum' in universities, economics has been particularly targeted for having problems with race and Eurocentrism. Addressing them would require a radical restructuring of how the discipline is taught and researched.

In the wake of the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in the summer of 2020 and the protests that followed, academic economists, along with others in higher education, have faced a reckoning regarding racism and Western (Eurocentric) biases within their discipline. It was against this backdrop that we had a pair of events led by the Diversifying and Decolonising Economics (D-Econ) initiative at the Bristol festival of economics in November 2020.

The conversations, chaired by Romesh Vaitilingam, featured Carolina Alves, Fadekemi Abiru, Surbhi Kesar, Ingrid Harvold Kvangraven, Keston Perry, Imran Rasul, Rhonda Vonshay Sharpe and Farwa Sia. You can watch them here:

Historical efforts to decolonise economics

The discussions highlighted that recognition of the need to tackle racism and to 'decolonise' economics is not new. Rhonda Vonshay Sharpe pointed out that in the United States, the organised struggle of black economists within the American Economic Association stretches back to 1969. Similarly, many Latin American intellectuals made explicit efforts to decolonise the social sciences in the 1970s ( Kay, 1989); and Edward Said's seminal Orientalism ( 1978) opened the door for an examination of the colonial discourse that had prevailed across the social sciences. Economics, however, has been a latecomer to these discussions (as noted by Zein-Elabdin and Charusheela, 2004).

This is why the festival's discussions were infused with an urgency to tackle economics' problems with race and Eurocentrism, and long-entrenched biases in the field that make reforms challenging. When thinking about how we got here, Carolina Alves reminded us of the expression that the victor writes the history, and the same is true in economics.

Viewed in this context, it should not be surprising that we learn a very narrow and Eurocentric version of economics. Decolonising the subject, from her perspective, is about exposing the biases in economics; it means exploring the development of the field, asking who defined and shaped it and why, and then questioning whether it is appropriate to consider economics to be a discipline with universal laws.

What do we mean by the 'colonisation' of economics?

Talk about decolonising economics inherently implies that it has been 'colonised'. So, has it? Ingrid Harvold Kvangraven argues that one can think of colonisation of economics as the erasure of three elements:
The erasure of colonialism in the field's depiction of the development of capitalism
In economics, and in large parts of the social sciences, the development of capitalism tends to be depicted as a period of triumph for rationality and incredible inventions from Watt's steam Engine to Hargreaves' spinning jenny. In this portrayal, the relationship between capitalism's development on the one hand and colonialism, the slave trade and structural racismon the other, is completely ignored. Yet this depiction is the foundation of standardised economic laws that are seen to function uniformly across all social, political and historical contexts, abstracted from imperialism and exploitation.
The erasure of non-Western scholars in the history of economic thought
The history of the development of economic ideas tends to start with Adam Smith, despite many economists writing before him. For example, the Arab historian Ibn Khaldoun developed many of the insights about economics with which Adam Smith (writing 400 years later) has since been credited (for example, the central role of the division of labour in stimulating growth).

This erasure is not only about a distant past. For example, Fadekemi Abiru reflected on the important lessons from post-colonial and feminist perspectives on economics. These perspectives take us away from traditional economic ideas to approaches that are fruitful for understanding the impact of colonial rule and empire on economies and societies across the world, as well as gender-aware lenses for economic enquiry.
The erasure of pluralism and power
Since the Cold War, economics has increasingly narrowed to a fairly monolithic discipline, becoming 'depoliticised' and cloaked in language that suggests that economic theory is neutral and objective. This conceals power imbalances and structural inequalities in knowledge production itself.

Presenting mainstream economics as a 'set of principles' amounts to colonisation because it denies space for alternative ways of thinking about the world, especially those emerging from former colonies. It also fails to acknowledge that those principles are political, and highly contested. Several of the panellists expanded on this, by emphasising the wealth of alternative views of economics that can offer important insights but that are excluded from the hierarchical and narrow 'top-five' economics journals.

What is the impact of colonisation of the discipline?

These 'three erasures' have serious implications for the discipline. For example, Surbhi Kesar emphasised their impact on international development efforts, highlighting how they reproduce a Western-centric view of what economic development should be by assuming that developing economies are simply 'late' developers and can seamlessly follow the path of the West. Policies that take such a starting point have ultimately failed because they do not take into proper consideration the particular ways that colonialism fundamentally shaped the structures of those economies.

Farwa Sial built on this point, drawing on her own work showing that the neat distinction between the public and private spheres that we see in economics, which is based on enlightenment views of how a 'modern' economy operates, fails to capture alternative economic models in the Global South that do not delineate so clearly between these spheres.

What would a decolonised economics look like?

The discussions concluded that what decolonising economics means is:

To acknowledge that the development of capitalism was actually founded on a colonial and racist project. This has implications for how we theorise about capitalist dynamics today.

To 'de-centre' Western ideas in the history of economic thought.

To 're-politicise' economic theory and give more space to theories emerging from outside the West.

Decolonisation in practice: teaching

Keston Perry described just how far behind economics in the UK is in terms of grappling with racial inequalities, as courses about race are almost non-existent in universities (see also ' Rethink economics to help marginalized people '). Yet, there are a number of concrete steps that can be taken to decolonise the teaching of economics. At the Bristol festival, Carolina Alves highlighted the need to teach alternative (or heterodox) economics approaches in addition to the mainstream, and to emphasise to students that who and what they are taught is the result of a political battle over ideas.

A recent survey by Times Higher Education (THE) shows that over 70% of academics agree that decolonisation of the curriculum is important (compared with 22% who disagree). The survey also showed that around a third of the respondents said that the killing of George Floyd changed their view on the importance of this issue.

But there is a highly unequal distribution of attitudes across disciplines. For example, a recent study demonstrates that mainstream economists, especially those based in the Global North, are highly unlikely to teach about racial inequalities and colonialism, compared with heterodox economists, economists based in non-economics departments and economists based in the Global South ( Kvangraven and Kesar, 2020) - see Figure 1.

Figure 1: Percentage of economists who teach about racialised inequalities or the role of European colonialism in their courses (by department)

Note: n=421; Others includes development studies, political economy, politics and interdisciplinary departments
Source: Institute for New Economic Thinking's blog

Given that introductory economics courses today are largely organised around apolitical and ahistorical economic principles, the historiographical discussion of capitalism and its relationship to class struggle, colonialism and imperialism, has been watered down. The recognition that there is a plurality of ways to 'do' economics is often lost on students, which has contributed further to a reduction in the diversity of approaches.

As a result, there is much work to be done to decolonise the economics curriculum. The first step is to acknowledge the narrowness of the field and its problem with race - with particular attention to including excluded voices. As Rhonda Vonshay Sharpe highlighted, many economists fighting for the inclusion of marginalised voices feel fatigued after calling for change since the late 1960s. The second step is to challenge the status quo, and to question who gets to define and shape the discipline and why.

Decolonisation in practice: research

Discussions around research focused on two main issues: first, the research being done on race itself; and second, biases that prevail in academic publishing, which remains the dominant criterion for promotion.

Imran Rasul presented his preliminary findings from a study of the extent to which economists publish research on race. He finds that between 2000 and 2020, only 1.4% of economics papers were on race-related issues, compared with 9% in sociology and 4% in political science over the same period. All social science disciplines have seen an upward trend in the proportion of papers that deal with race, but economics today is where sociology was in the 1980s and where political science was in the 1990s.

We should note that Imran Rasul's analysis considers the mainstream of these fields and that there are alternative strands where more race-related economics research takes place. Rhonda Vonshay Sharpe emphasised The Review of Black Political Economy in particular, as a place where economists publish on important race-related economics topics such as racial stratification, racial economic discrimination and racial capitalism.

In addition to the lack of race-related research, we also see other biases in academic publishing in our field. It remains much more likely that academic work focused on the United States will be published in a top-five economics journal compared with research on other countries, a bias that cannot be explained by data or researcher quality ( Das and Do, 2014; The Economist, 2020).

Even within development economics, scholars based in the Global South rarely publish in top economics journals - for example, only around 10% of papers in development economics had an author or co-author from the Global South in 2018 ( Naritomi et al, 2020). This indicates a familiar pattern of scholars in the Global North setting the research agenda and doing research on issues in the Global South, rather than engaging with local experts.

To decolonise economic research then, the whole publishing practice in economics needs an overhaul. There is already evidence that economics is among the most hierarchical and least interdisciplinary of the social sciences ( Fourcade et al, 2015). It is also increasingly being recognised that it deals inadequately with colonialism and race (see also Tilley and Shilliam, 2018).

Concluding remarks

The discussions at the festival highlighted many of the challenges faced by the economics discipline, but also presented actions that can be taken to address the pressing issues of race and decolonisation. The panels brought to light an uncomfortable notion with which we as economists must sit: telling the truth about who we are and how our field developed requires recognising our own biases. Decolonising economics then is not only about the curriculum or our research, but also about being self-critical and aware of our own position and privilege.

Eiman Zein-Elabdin

Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni

Meera Sabaratnam

Robbie Shilliam

William A. Darity

Darrick Hamilton

Where can I find out more?

Who are experts on this question?

Photo by Marco Vaitilingam

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#economicsfest: Does economics need to be 'decolonised'? - Economics Observatory

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In the wake of the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in the summer of 2020 and the protests that followed, academic economists, along with others in higher education, have faced a reckoning regarding racism and Western (Eurocentric) biases within their discipline. It was against this backdrop that we had a pair of events led [...]

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This study is the product of a collective effort, and all contributors are acknowledged in the annex. This contribution was drafted by Arjan de Haan with inputs from the large group and direct writing contributions by Enrique Mendizabal, Rajesh Tandon, Vaqar Ahmed and John Cockburn. I am very grateful for the generous inputs and contributions; the final writing of this note is my responsibility. While I do so as an IDRC employee and draw extensively from IDRC experience, the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of the IDRC or its Board of Governors.

Researchers in the Global South have fewer opportunities, outlets and resources than their Northern counterparts and struggle to influence development co-operation decision making because of funding modalities, procurement practices and preferences for research by prestigious institutions in the Global North.

While Southern leadership to mobilise Southern research is critical, development co-operation providers financing for research and the research community should use the current focus on localisation and decolonisation as an opportunity to change the ways they work and partner to address the disparities.

Development policy research can help make official development assistance (ODA) better suited to needs, including during emergencies such as the COVID-19 pandemic, 1 and ensure that interventions are implemented effectively based on knowledge of local contexts and potential barriers. 2 Sustainable Development Goal Target 9.5 calls for enhancing scientific research and technological capabilities, making ODA support for research particularly important given that lower income countries invest relatively little in research. 3

However, development research is dominated by Northern institutions and tends to be conducted by educated male elites. Women and minority groups are under-represented, and Southern researchers overall face multiple and compounding barriers to contribute to development policy making and programme design and evaluation. This disparity limits the availability of locally grounded and based evidence which informs continued public debate.

Development research is dominated by Northern institutions. A growing number of studies find that publications are overwhelmingly conducted by researchers based in the Global North and that this has persistently been the case. Recent research by Partnership for Economic Policy (PEP) fellows shows that fewer than 1 in 6 of the articles published in the top 20 development journals from 1990 to 2019 were by Southern researchers (11% of the total number of articles published in this period were collaborations of Southern and Northern researchers). Additionally, 57% of presenters at international conferences are from Northern universities 5 (Amarante and Zurbrigg, 2022[1]; Amarante et al., 2021[2]).

A growing number of studies find that publications are overwhelmingly conducted by researchers based in the Global North and that this has persistently been the case.

This North-South divide is compounded by other disparities. Porteous (2022[3]) finds that the distribution of economics research across Africa's 54 countries is highly uneven and that within countries, research is concentrated in regions with a higher income and large urban areas. 6 Equally important are disparities of gender and ethnicity. Women are under-represented in most spheres of development research. And research in countries in the South - and indeed in the Global North - tends to be done by well-educated elites while minority and remote communities tend to be under-represented: As a researcher from Delhi, India, said, he is also considered "Northern" in the northeast of India. Norms of research quality and/or excellence tend to privilege certain forms of knowledge and exclude the knowledge of local and indigenous communities.

If the measure of research quality includes research impact, Southern research is high-quality research and local researchers are more effective in terms of innovation and affecting policy change.

The barriers for Southern researchers are manifold and often compounding. As noted, researchers in the Global South, and in regions within Southern countries, are published less often in influential journals and present less often at prestigious conferences. Not being published deprives global development debates of on-the-ground Southern perspectives. It can also negatively impact researchers' reputations and, in turn, reduce opportunities outside publishing.

Funding for Southern development research is limited. Despite efforts to support Southern development research, a large share of globally available funding remains tied and funds Northern research institutions that are already better endowed than those in the Global South. Few governments in the Global South prioritise or have the resources to fund research: Low-income countries spend a mere 0.23% of gross domestic product on research and development while high-income countries spend 2.74% (UNESCO, 2022[4]).

Similarly, Southern and local researchers often face barriers to contributing to development policy making and the production of development reports, in programme design and evaluation, etc. Inputs from researchers from premier Northern institutions tend to be highly valued - potentially at the cost of not having different types of knowledge and the voices of different groups. Anecdotal evidence suggests that staff in development agencies and even local governments can have different expectations from Northern and Southern researchers, for example regarding timeliness.

Funding modalities and procurement policy may also unintentionally reduce opportunities for Southern researchers. During the roundtable discussion, experts highlighted procurement policies that require Southern researchers to partner with Northern think tanks and companies. Donor requirements for handling big grants disadvantage small institutions, predominantly in the Global South, and research with local and indigenous communities. This can significantly impact agenda setting and make think tanks dependent on donors with a stronger capacity-building emphasis.

North-South research partnerships have great potential and have played a role in strengthening and mobilising Southern research, but they can also reinforce inequalities and need to be based on principles of equity. Many Southern leaders have experienced merely symbolic and unequal partnerships. They stress that they need to be on an equal footing and that such collaborations should be based on the expertise as well as the values and culture of the Southern researchers. Communication styles can differ across contexts and cultures, and partnerships must recognise this.

There are successful examples of support for Southern research. A rapid literature review and the input from the roundtable suggest that these efforts are not very well documented. There doesn't appear to be a clear overview of funding, for example, let alone of lessons of effectiveness in support. This suggests an opportunity for the donor community to document and monitor this more systematically, enabling better insight into how Southern research does contribute to more impactful development co-operation.

Initiatives to (further) mobilise Southern research for development exist, of course, and it is important to document and learn from good practice. The IDRC, for instance, has directly supported Southern research for five decades with a mandate (unchanged) from the Parliament of Canada. The lessons the IDRC has documented and continues to analyse on what makes Southern research impactful and how this can be effectively supported continue to be of great interest. Other agencies and donors that have similarly directly promoted Southern research capacity include the Netherlands, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (2019[5]) and foundations such as the Rockefeller Foundation, Ford Foundation and Hewlett Foundation. While there are many interesting examples of initiatives to support Southern research - among them the Think Tank Initiative, 8 ArtNET and the establishment of migration research chairs 9 - there are persistent questions around sustainability and lack of core funding. A recent, important multi-donor effort is support to the Science Granting Councils Initiative, which operates mostly in Africa.

Southern leadership to mobilise Southern research is critical. Examples of Southern networks that promote Southern research, often with ODA and philanthropic support, include the Partnership for African Social and Governance Research, the African Economic Research Consortium, the Economic Research Forum, the UNESCO Knowledge for Change, the K4C Consortium, and On Think Tanks. Another example, the PEP's Policy Analysis on Growth and Employment (PAGE) programme, is outlined in Box 15.1.Southern institutions that play a leading role in knowledge brokering and scaling and in connecting Southern research to global debates include the African Population and Health Research Center, the Climate and Development Knowledge Network, scalingXchange, and Southern Voice.

Funders also have developed programmes of research with North-South partnerships. Large UK research programmes such as the African Cities Research Consortium 10 have created impressive networks. Similarly, Dutch development co-operation established thematic platforms that partner with Dutch and Southern institutions. 11 These partnerships can fulfil important roles. Growing South-South co-operation may provide new opportunities.

Big disparities in development research remain between North and South, within countries, and between social groups. Despite improvements in research capacity over the last 20 years, Southern researchers continue to face barriers to participating in global forums as well as research and debate - even about their own countries. Marginalised groups face additional barriers. Recent debates about decolonisation have highlighted how deeply entrenched disparities are in development co-operation. Research is not exempt from these disparities, but new approaches to decolonisation and localisation present new opportunities to address them.

These barriers exist for a multitude of reasons and hence, action on multiple fronts is required. Maximising the potential of Southern research to support better development co-operation may require development agencies to change the way they operate to enhance the role of evidence in policy making, recognise the value of Southern and local knowledge, and ensure that ODA modalities support the mobilisation of locally produced research.

It is important to understand and address the barriers for Southern research created by donors' and funders' policies and practices. Critical areas to interrogate and potential changes include funding modalities, grants, contracting and procedural barriers, and eligibility criteria that sometimes exclude Southern institutions; practices in North-South partnerships; and Southern participation in designing donors' projects, developing results frameworks, and monitoring and evaluation. Beyond the formal procedures, the contribution of Southern and local research must be recognised and valued.

Apart from financial resources, it is also important to allow (and budget for) time to enhance capacity and mutual learning. Donor support can be time constrained because of funders' own time-bound targets and commitments; support to research needs to plan for mutual learning within these constraints. Southern-based intermediary organisations can play a bridging role.

The research community should ensure that global development debates and practices include participation from the South, that Southern research reflects diversity and inequalities within countries (a cross-sectional perspective), and that local research is well positioned for impact.

There are many good practices in research partnerships, including those between Northern and Southern researchers. These partnerships need to be based on recognition of the distinct contributions and differences in approaches and ways of communication across these geographies. Partnerships should focus on real co-creation of research agendas and implementation.

A systematic review of initiatives to support Southern and local research would help understand what has worked to reduce inequalities in research opportunities and funding, identify the most significant barriers, build a stronger case for support, and inform the existing practices of both funders and research leaders. The IDRC roundtable of Southern experts organised for this report is a step in that direction, but more in-depth work, supported by a consortium of donors, would make an important contribution.

The basis for addressing global inequities in research is understanding and valuing not only local researchers' different perspectives and ways of communicating but the different value that local researchers, embedded in their communities, bring to development questions. This equally applies to understanding what constitutes "research excellence" and the importance of integrating local relevance, legitimacy and embeddedness in how such excellence is defined.

Adopting an intersectional perspective in the promotion of Southern-led research is paramount. The various layers of disparities - globally and within countries - are critically important for the questions of local research, legitimacy and representation. Research needs to be not only Southern led, but also led by groups typically with less voice, such as women, youth, and indigenous and other minority groups.

Amy Etherington, IDRC

Ana-Lucia Kassouf, Partnership for Economic Policy, University of Sao Paulo

Andrea Ordez, Southern Voice

Arjan de Haan, IDRC (facilitator)

Edmond Totin, International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics

Enrique Mendizabal, On Think Tanks

Fadi El-Jardali, American University of Beirut

Isabelle Kim, Global Affairs Canada

Jane Mariara, Partnership for Economic Policy

Jesse Uneke, African Institute for Health Policy & Health Systems

Linda Oucho, African Migration and Development Policy Centre

Lynette Kamau, African Population and Health Research Center

Margaret Angula, University of Namibia

Petronella Chaminuka, Agricultural Research Council

Rajesh Tandon, Participatory Research in Asia

Tatiana Rincon, Fundacion Capital

Ursula Harman, Consultant

Vaqar Ahmed, Partnership for Economic Policy, Sustainable Development Policy Institute

Notes

← 2. The analysis in the "In focus" draws on a roundtable discussion organised for this report among 15 leaders in Southern development research hosted by the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) in September 2022 as well as a literature review. The roundtable participants discussed barriers and opportunities for Southern (and local) research and offered critical recommendations regarding the role that Southern and local research can and should play in development policy and co-operation.

← 5. See also Chelwa (2021[8]) and Cavanagh et al. (2021[7]).

← 6. Porteous's analysis helps understand the country factors that contribute to published research, including peacefulness, political institutions, international tourist arrivals and having English as an official language.

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New article: Nobel Rebels in Disguise - Assessing the Rise and Rule of the Randomistas

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I just published a new article in the Review of Political Economy, "Nobel Rebels in Disguise - Assessing the Rise and Rule of the Randomistas," which assesses the theoretical and empirical foundations of the use of randomised control trials in Economics, and its impact on policy debates in development economics and in the aid industry....

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Decolonising the Statistics Curriculum - Slide Deck by Donald Reid

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Decolonising the Statistics Curriculum - Slide Deck by Donald Reid

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This slide deck begins to consider how to decolonise the statistics curriculum and thus is useful when considering how to decolonise quantitive research methods.

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Decolonising quantitative research methods pedagogy: Teaching contemporary politics to challenge hierarchies from data - Article by Nadine Zwiener Collins, Juvaria Jafri, Rima Saina, Tabitha Poulter, 

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Decolonising quantitative research methods pedagogy: Teaching contemporary politics to challenge hierarchies from data - Article by Nadine Zwiener Collins, Juvaria Jafri, Rima Saina, Tabitha Poulter, 

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This article explores the authorities and hierarchies exerted through quantitative data and develops a decolonial approach to the teaching of quantitive methods.

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Epistemic Freedom in Africa Deprovincialization and Decolonization  - Conversation with Sabelo J. Ndlovu Gatsheni

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Epistemic Freedom in Africa Deprovincialization and Decolonization  - Conversation with Sabelo J. Ndlovu Gatsheni

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In this episode, moderator Anotida Chikumbu sits with Professor Sabelo J. Ndlovu Gatsheni, Chair of Epistemologies of the Global South with Emphasis on Africa, to discuss his 2018 book, 'Epistemic Freedom in Africa: Deprovincialization and Decolonization'.

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Epistemic Freedom in Africa Deprovincialization and Decolonization (Sabelo J. Ndlovu Gatsheni)

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Decolonial Research Methods Webinar Series

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Decolonial Research Methods Webinar Series

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This is a six part webinar series with a range of speakers hosed by the National Centre for Research Methods.

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National Centre for Research Methods (NCRM)

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Professor Vineeta Sinha – Decolonial Research Methods webinar series

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Decolonising research and evaluation methodologies - Ubuntu Lecture by Professor Bagele Chilisa 2022

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Decolonising research and evaluation methodologies - Ubuntu Lecture by Professor Bagele Chilisa 2022

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Professor Bagele Chilisa has written extensively on indigenous knowledge as well as publish a book titled “Indigenous Research methodologies” (2011).

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Africa Social Work & Development Network ASWDNet

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DECOLONISING RESEARCH & EVALUATION METHODOLOGIES --- Ubuntu Lecture by Professor Bagele Chilisa 2022

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Decolonising Methods and Methodologies - Webinar with Dr Linda Tuhiwai Smith

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Decolonising Methods and Methodologies - Webinar with Dr Linda Tuhiwai Smith

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Dr Linda Tuhiwai Smith's book 'Decolonising Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples '(1998) remains an international bestseller. In this webinar, hosted by the University of York's IGDC, Dr Tuhiwai Smith discusses decolonising research methods and considers how to navigate and resist colonial legacies of knowledge production.

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Decolonising Methods and Methodologies - Dr Linda Tuhiwai Smith

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In this section, we provide resources considering how we can: decolonise research methods and methodologies; decolonise epistemology and address knowledge production hierarchies; decolonise quantitative research methods; and address the underrepresentation of researchers from and based in the Global South.

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Kalyan Sanyal in this thesis on rethinking capitalist development departs radically from the existing dominant discourse on development as capitalist transition (which is informed by capitalocentric and Global North-centric vision of development) to rethink the postcolonial capitalist development.

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Table of Contents

1. Introduction: Rethinking Capitalist Development 2. Ship of Fools 3. Accumulation as Development: The Arising of Capital 4. De-essentializing Development: Capital and Governmentality 5. Difference as Hegemony: Capital and the Need Economy 6. Conclusion: Towards a New Political Imaginary for Post-colonial World

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In this book, Kalyan Sanyal reviews the traditional notion of capitalism and propounds an original theory of capitalist development in the post-colonial context. In order to substantiate his theory, concepts such as primitive accumulation, governmentality and post-colonial capitalist formation are discussed in detail.

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This section delves into how postcolonial and decolonial scholarship has interacted with the economics discipline in particular.

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Slavery is a Metaphor: A Critical Commentary on Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang's "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor" Abstract: 'This essay offers a critical analysis of the metaphysical and methodological presuppositions of Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang’s “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor”. While Tuck and Yang position settler colonial spatiality as structured by a settler‐native‐slave triad, we argue that their critique of metaphor entails the collapse of the triad into a settler‐native dyad, the reduction of slavery to forced labour, and a division between the material and the symbolic that forecloses not only an analysis of slavery, but also the constitution of settler colonialism itself. Through an immanent critique of “Decolonization is Not a Metaphor” we identify what animates their critique of metaphor, and drawing on scholarship in Black studies, we offer an alternative theorisation of slavery and settler colonialism.'

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Abstract

This essay offers a critical analysis of the metaphysical and methodological presuppositions of Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang's "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor". While Tuck and Yang position settler colonial spatiality as structured by a settler‐native‐slave triad, we argue that their critique of metaphor entails the collapse of the triad into a settler‐native dyad, the reduction of slavery to forced labour, and a division between the material and the symbolic that forecloses not only an analysis of slavery, but also the constitution of settler colonialism itself. Through an immanent critique of "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor" we identify what animates their critique of metaphor, and drawing on scholarship in Black studies, we offer an alternative theorisation of slavery and settler colonialism.

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Slavery is a Metaphor: A Critical Commentary on Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang's "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor"

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This essay offers a critical analysis of the metaphysical and methodological presuppositions of Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang's "Decolonization is Not a Metaphor".

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Decolonization is not a metaphor Tuck and Yang challenge the "easy adoption of decolonizing discourse by educational advocacy and scholarship" which "turns decolonization into a metaphor" (p. 1). They are particularly critical of a tendency to rely on postcolonial theory which overlooks ongoing settler colonialism. By calling for a decolonization only of the mind – here Tuck and Wang are particularly critical of Paolo Freire's legacy - academics may participate in what they call "settler moves to innocence" (p. 10) that allow guilt to be assuaged without changing the distribution of land, power or privilege – real and ongoing colonisation

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This is a widely cited paper that critiques the idea that decolonization is anything other than a material project to ensure the end of colonization and repatriation of land. It has been used to critique 'decolonization' efforts in universities that equate decolonization with other issues of social justice such as diversity projects. However, this paper has also itself been critiqued for a whole host of reasons, including for creating a false dichotomy between the material and discursive aspects of colonisation. We link to some such critiques below, including the article "Slavery is a Metaphor" by Tapji Garba and Sara-Maria Sorentino.

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Eve Tuck State University of New York at New Paltz

K. Wayne Yang University of California, San Diego

Keywords: decolonization, settler colonialism, settler moves to innocence, incommensurability, Indigenous land, decolonizing education

Abstract

Our goal in this article is to remind readers what is unsettling about decolonization. Decolonization brings about the repatriation of Indigenous land and life; it is not a metaphor for other things we want to do to improve our societies and schools. The easy adoption of decolonizing discourse by educational advocacy and scholarship, evidenced by the increasing number of calls to "decolonize our schools," or use "decolonizing methods," or, "decolonize student thinking", turns decolonization into a metaphor. As important as their goals may be, social justice, critical methodologies, or approaches that decenter settler perspectives have objectives that may be incommensurable with decolonization. Because settler colonialism is built upon an entangled triad structure of settler-native-slave, the decolonial desires of white, non-white, immigrant, postcolonial, and oppressed people, can similarly be entangled in resettlement, reoccupation, and reinhabitation that actually further settler colonialism. The metaphorization of decolonization makes possible a set of evasions, or "settler moves to innocence", that problematically attempt to reconcile settler guilt and complicity, and rescue settler futurity. In this article, we analyze multiple settler moves towards innocence in order to forward "an ethic of incommensurability" that recognizes what is distinct and what is sovereign for project(s) of decolonization in relation to human and civil rights based social justice projects. We also point to unsettling themes within transnational/Third World decolonizations, abolition, and critical space-place pedagogies, which challenge the coalescence of social justice endeavors, making room for more meaningful potential alliances.

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Eve Tuck State University of New York at New Paltz K. Wayne Yang University of California, San Diego Keywords: decolonization, settler colonialism, settler moves to innocence, incommensurability, Indigenous land, decolonizing education Our goal in this article is to remind readers what is unsettling about decolonization.

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Interesting critiques of decolonial and postcolonial scholarship

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Interesting critiques of decolonial and postcolonial scholarship

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The Edited volume by Zein-Elabdin and Charusheela provides an interesting collection of essays that engage with this theme from the lens of institutions, gender, culture, among others

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Table of Contents

Part 1. The Space of Postcoloniality Part 2. Economics as a Colonial Discourse of Modernity Part 3. Economics as a Contemporary Hegemonic Discourse Part 4. Toward a Non-Modernist Economic Analysis

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In the last half century, economics has taken over from anthropology the role of drawing the powerful conceptual worldviews that organize knowledge and inform policy in both domestic and international contexts. Until now however, the colonial roots of economic theory have remained relatively unstudied.

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A critique of the positioning (and seeming lack of decolonial praxis) of advocates of the coloniality/ modernity school who are often located in the North, and have seemingly created an exclusionary economy of citation, prestige, lecture circuits etc.

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Ch'ixinakax utxiwa: A Reflection on the Practices and Discourses of Decolonization

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Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui; Ch'ixinakax utxiwa: A Reflection on the Practices and Discourses of Decolonization. South Atlantic Quarterly 1 January 2012; 111 (1): 95-109. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1472612

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DELINKING Mignolo introduces to English readers the coloniality/modernity group and Quijano's work, forged out of dialogue with Dependency theorists in the 1970s and a concern that DT focused on political/economic matters to the exclusion of knowledge production. Mignolo talks of conceptual/ decolonial 'delinking' as parallel to Amin's concept

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1. Although this essay owes to all the participants in the modernity/coloniality project, its last stretch owes much to many conversations and exchanges of material with Anibal Quijano and Enrique Dussel as the leading figures of the project; with Ramón Grosfóguel and his contribution to shift the perspective of world-system analysis from its original disciplinary top-down orientation to the perspective of Puerto Rico and the Latino/as in the US in the modern/colonial world system; with José Saldívar, and his continuing contribution to walk in the border, to extend his original vision of the 'dialectics of our America' in the late eighties to the changing landscape of the beginning of the twenty first century; With Javier Sanjinés, Catherine Walsh, Freya Schiwy and Nelson Maldonado-Torres who are driving the project to new dimensions with unforeseen consequences. Javier Sanjinés opened up a door to the complex history and current situation in Bolivia. His work on 'mestizaje up-side down' has been instrumental to rethink a long legacy of 'mestizaje' as the oxymoronic figure to imagine the nation-state across the colonial difference. Catherine Walsh with her work with Indigenous and Afro communities in the Andes, and her reflection around the concept of 'ïnter-culturalidad' (introduced by Indigenous intellectuals), 'ancestralidad' (introduced by Afro-Andean intellectuals) and 'an-other thinking' that she takes from Abdelkhebir Khatibi in order to underline the de-colonial dimension of inter-culturalidad and ancestralidad. Freya Schiwy has brought to the project the problematic of gender and patriarchy and has theorized the role of 'indigenous subaltern intellectuals' using video instead of alphabetic writing to overcome the forces of coloniality that cast them as barbarian for their lack of writing. And to Nelson Maldonado-Torres for his ground-breaking reflections on the philosophical and political dimension of the category of . The damnés confront us, on the one hand, with the coloniality of being (the damnés IS a product and a consequence of coloniality) and at the same time has an enormous de-colonizing potential. In this regard, the damnés opens up a new space and a new social actor, next to the subaltern and the multitude. Last but not least, three consecutive visits to Minsk (Belarus) and Moscow, between 2001 and 2004 opened up my vistas and prompted questions about the place of Rusia/Soviet empire in relation to Western Christian, liberal and capitalist empires. I owe much in this arena to Madina Tlostanova for her work on trans-cultural aesthetics from the perspective of Rusian/Soviet ex-colonies and for her analysis of Russia/Soviet Union as a 'Janus Faced Empire' (with one eye toward its inferior colonies and the other to its superior West). And during the past three years, I have been working and in close conversations with Arturo Escobar and graduate students, at Duke and UNC, gathered around a working group under the label of 'Globalization, Modernity/Coloniality and the Geopolitics of Knowledge. Last but not least, several conversations and collaborations with Boaventura de Sousa Santos - in the past four/five years - brought to the foreground his notion of 'an epistemology of the South' that he advanced in the mid-nineties and that materialized recently in his prominent work in and for the World Social Forum.

2. The participant-members of the research project were Anibal Quijano, Enrique Dussel, Catherine Walsh, Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Freya Schiwy, José Saldívar, Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Fernando Coronil, Javier Sanjinés, Margarita Cervantes-Salazar, Libia Grueso, Marcelo Fernández Osco, Edgardo Lander, Arturo Escobar and myself. The participant-invited guests from the Duke faculty whose works and interests are related, were Miriam Cooke, Ebrahim Moosa, Roberto Dainotto, Ralph Litzinger and Leo Ching.

3. http://www.usatoday.com/tech/webguide/internetlife/2004-06-03-virtual-realty_x.htm

4. The idea of that knowledge is part of the colonizing processes, has already a history in Latin American scholarship and intellectual debates. Brazilian 'anthropologian' Darcy Ribeiro in the early seventies clearly stated that the imperial march toward the colonies goes with arms, books, concepts and pre-concepts. In philosophy and sociology, Enrique Dussel and Orlando Fals Borda claim the de-colonization of the social sciencies and of philosophy (which of course presupposed that social sciences and philosophy, that is knowledge, has been colonized. In colonial studies, French scholar Robert Ricard spoke of the 'spiritual conquest of Mexico' and a few years later, French scholar Serge Gruzinski followed suit with a book on 'la colonizatioin de l'imaginaire'. In her classic book on Waman Puma de Ayala, published in 1986, Rolena Adorno opened her argument by stating that her book was an act of decolonization of scholarship. I myself followed the path of my predecessor and in my book on the darker side of the renaissance cast colonization of knowledge in the domains of language, memory and space. It was clear by then that in the politics of scholarship we were not trying to take assault the state and to take power when thinking de-colonization but to assault knowledge and to take over epistemic power.

5. For an update on the pros and cons of dependency theory see Grosfugel (2000).

6. Quijano (1989); for a more extended version of the ideas explored in the nineties, see Quijano (2000) see also, in the same issue the article by Lander.

7. For a summary and contextualization, see Escobar (2004).

8. The bibliography generated by different members of the project around the question of knowledge (coloniality and de-coloniality of) is quite significant. And the elaboration of coloniality of and de-coloniality of being is already being debated. Among the many publications of coloniality and de-coloniality of knowledge, see Lander (), Walsh Walsh , Catherine , Schiwy , Freya & Cástro Gómez , Santiago ( eds ) ( 2002 ) , Schiwy , Freya & Ennis , Michael ( eds ) ( 2002 ) 'Knowledge and the Known: Andean Perspectives on Capitalism and Epistemology', Special Dossier , et al. ( 2002 2002 Nepantla. Views from South , vol. 3, no. 1 , pp. 1 - 98 . ). Indisciplinar las ciencias socials. Geopolíticas del conocimiento y colonialidad del poder. Perspectivas desde lo Andino . Quito : Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar y Abya-Yala . ), Grosfoguel () and Schiwy & Ennis (

10. The concept of 'delinking' (in French, 'la desconnection') was introduced by Egyptian sociologist Amin (1985), especially, 'The problematic of delinking', pp 44-84). The concept is a crucial one, although in Samir Amin's version its formulated at the level of economic and political (state) delinking. Without an epistemic delinking it is difficult to really delink from the modern notion of Totality. In the case of Amin, he was still caught in the mirage of Marxism and, therefore, of modernity. Thus, his delinking was proposed at the level of the content rather than at the epistemic level that sustain the logic of coloniality. I will bring together, in complementary fashion, Amin's 'delinking' with Quijano's 'desprendimiento'.

11. Quijano (2000, p. 447).

13. I am using here 'de-colonization' and 'de-coloniality' as exchangeable in certain context, but always keeping in mind the historical distinction between (a) political de-colonization and liberation between 1947 and 1970, approximately, in Africa and Asia and (b) epistemic de-colonization. Ramon Grosfóguel described as 'second decolonization' and Catherine Walsh and Nelson Maldonado-Torres refers to as 'de-coloniality'. The pedagogical advantage of de-coloniality over de-colonization is twofold. On the one hand, it names the task of unveiling and undoing 'the logic of coloniality' and, on the other, it names a project and a process that should be distinguished from the diverse meanings attributed to 'post-coloniality'.

15. See one of his initial statements, 'Ciencia propia y colonialismo intellectual: los nuevos rumbos' Bogotá: C Valencia Editors, 1971; and more recently, 'Research for Social Justice: Some South-North Convergences', 1995, http://comm-org.utoledo.edu/si/falsborda.htm#plenary;

16. See Ernesto Laclau 1996.

17. A new working class under neo-liberal economic re-structuration as Hardt and Negri argued (2000). However, the 'crowd' and the 'multitude' at least two stories and two genealogy of thoughts. In the 1960's and early 1970's Zavaleta Mercado, in Bolivia, was trying to make sense of a society in which 'Indians' and 'paisants'; 'Indians' and 'mine workers', mestizos, cholos formed a crowd difficult to distinguish clear in class formation. Zavaleta Mercado was admirer of Gramsci, but clever enough to understand that Bolivian society was quite different from Italian society, even from the South of Italy!! He then introduced the crucial concept, of difficult translation, 'sociedad abigarrada'. The 'crowd' and the 'multitude' were different also from the clear-cut notion of 'people' in European nation-State, where people were also identified by their citizenship. For both, Hernandez Arregui in Argentina and Zavaleta Mercado in Bolivia, the fact that the same terms (nationalism, people, multitude) meant quite different things in Europe and in their ex-direct colonies and current dependent nation-states, was simply explainable because European nation-states were imperial while South American nation-states were colonial. How can abstract universals such as nationalism or multitude, could be the same when you look at the world from Argentina, Bolivia, from Italy or from the US? When you look at them from the perspective and the subjectivity of imperial or of colonial local histories?

19. The splendors and miseries of Hardt and Negri's Empires lies precisely in being caught within the limits of Western history and categories of thoughts.

21. The World Social Forum, with all its limitations, offers without a doubt a new articulation of delinking projects after decolonization in Africa and Asia during the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The First Social Forum of the Americas that took place in Quito in July of 2004 is, with all its limitatons, a point of no return and where delinking arguments and practices are already well underway. The II Cumbre de las Nacionalidades Indigenas, with all its limitations, that took place in Quito also the week before the Social Forum of the Americas, offers still another unmistakable example.

23. Let me specify, for the critical and inquisitive reader who may be thinking 'but what is Europe, Europe is no homogeneous!!)' that when I say Europe I am referring to Hegel's conceptualization in his lesson in the philosophy of history. That is, the heart of the Greco-Roman legacy - Italy, Spain and Portugal in the South; France, England and Germany in the North; Greek and Latin language foundation; Italian, Spanish and Portuguese as the languages of the Renaissance; French, English and German, as the languages of the Enlightenment.

24. I am aware that colonized/colonizer composite has fallen into desuetude. I am just using it as a short cut for the continuous re-production of the rhetoric of modernity and the logic of coloniality. Certainly, Europeans are not one homogeneous group (neither Christians, nor Marxists). In the same vein, Indians or Afro in the Americas are not an homogeneous group either. However, European diversity is grounded in Greek and Latin languages and Christianity. Indians and Afro are not. Aymara and Quechua on the one hand or Bantu and Wolof on the other, provide an epistemology (or if you wish a cosmology) that is very different to the cosmology (or epistemology if you wish) provided by Greek and Latin as has been framed in the dominant history of European imperial/colonial modernity.

26. To simplify matters I will not explore the new stage, Organo-logy (e.g., the organization of knowledge and the knowledge of organization) within the chonological paradigmatic changes within Western epistemology. Organo-logy is displacing the centrality of the Ego in favor of the Organization: the individual is part of a team, of a corporation, of an organization and no longer the 'heroe' that overcomes the importance of the 'team'. The basketball final, in 2004, between Detroit Piston and Los Angeles Lakers is a good example of the displacement from ego-logy to organo-logy: there were no 'stars' in Detroit Piston's team, they won as a 'team' not as the effort of individual figures.

27. Delinking and changing the terms of the conversation means, among other things, to fracture the naturalized assumption that links words and things, as Foucault taught us. Geo-logy as sciences of the earth places the accent on the object of investigation, while geo-politics of knowledge and understanding put the enunciation at the center, an enunciation that could shape, describe and frame any possible 'object'. Thus, geo-politics of knowledge and understanding could articulate either emancipating projects (as the Creoles from Spanish and British descent did) or liberating and decolonizing projects, as we will see below in the early example of Waman Puma de Ayala, the Haitian revolution already mentioned, and more recent and consistent projects carried out by intellectuals in the academy and social movements.

28. What calls for thinking for example in Hanna Arendt, Jacques Derrida or Frantz Fanon? It is not just or only the floating spirit of abstract categories that come from heaven to the mind; they make you think, and then you realize that you exist. It is the other way round: you feel the embodiment geo-historically and biographically and it is from that embodiment that you realize that you exist, and you exist in a modern/colonial world that has distributed the population of the planet racially, sexually and by gender that you think. The geo- and ego-political revolution of our time lies precisely in (a) the affirmation of the reversal and (b) the unveiling of the geo- and bio- political embodiment that has been concealed in modern epistemology from the Renaissance, under the name of God (Theo-logy), the Reason of the emancipated individual (Ego-logy), and the supremacy of the Organization (e.g., in the sense of cybernetics, kubernetes, knowledge of the organization and the organization of knowledge) over the individual (Organo-logy). Cybernetic researchers quickly realized that 'the science of observed systems' cannot be divorced from 'the science of observing systems because it is we who observe. The cybernetic approach is centrally concerned with this unavoidable limit of what we can know: our own subjectivity. In this way cybernetics is aptly called 'applied epistemology'. At minimum, its utility is the production of useful descriptions, and, specifically, descriptions that include the observer in the description. Cybernetic descriptions of psychology, language, arts, performance, or intelligence (to name a few) may be quite different from more conventional, hard 'scientific' views - although cybernetics can be rigorous too. Implemented in conjunction with imperial/global designs, the emancipating possibilities offered by cybernetics were used and applied 'instrumentally' in software and/or hardware, in the design of social and managerial of interpersonal systems. Last but not least, it is interesting to point out that in the mid-nineties, Sage Publications started a news journal: Organization. The Interdisciplinary Journal of Theory and Society. In the mid-nineties too, in Argentina, the monthly publication Gestion (Management) was started. Addressed to the executive world (and with an annual cost of $250), the journal was entirely devoted to the organization of corporation, business, offices, etc. in order to gain efficiency minimizing costs. If we look the administration of the universities in the US, from the late 80s on, we will see the same train. Thus, the corporate values and orientation of the university corresponds to the growing dominance of Organo-logy as overarching imperial metaphor.

29. Adorno (1986, 2000).

30. Rolena Adorno′s seminal work on Waman Puma de Ayala opens with a statement that can hardly be misunderstood, although it has been conveniently forgotten by most of the critics that praised the book. It is clear and loud, though: 'In the pages that follow I have attempted to perform an act of decolonization in the forum of historical literary scholarship' (1986, p. 3). We could of course debate whether Adorno was succesful or not, but we cannot ignore what will remain as a turning point of her contribution to literary and historical scholarship. The Zapatistas have performed in a diffrerent terrain (that of the social movement) a theoretical revolution that clearly brings together decolonization with delinking (e.g., that is, decolonization without delinking it is just a different name for emancipation within the system, as the American or the French revolutions were). For the Zapatistas theoretical revolution, see Mignolo () and for the history of the movement to the creation of Los Caracoles, see Munoz Ramirez (2003), Ornelas (2003), and above all the Zapatistas documents on www.ezln.org. Another radical example of epistemic and social delinking is the organization Via Campesina and above all the concept of 'soberania alimentaria' ( www.ecoloxistesasturies.org/Temas/ Asturies/Campo/ViaCampesinaSoberaniaAlimentaria.doc), Last but not least, similar processes are taking place in the World Social Forum (de Souza Santos, 2003).

33. I developed this argument in the conclusion to Local Histories/Global Designs ('An other language, an other logic, an other thinking').

34. I have been using the expression body politics to describe the complementary dimension of the geo-politic of knowledge in the de-colonial shift. Ramon Grosfóguel suggested 'body-politics' instead which, on the one hand, avoid the confusion with the same expression used by Michel Foucault to mean a different social phenomena. On the other hand, it is more appropriate to make visible the color, gender and sexuality of the 'thinking body'; and making visible the white, male and heterosexual body-politics that lies, invisible, behind the hegemonic politics of knowledge of imperial European modernity.

35. I do not think that the reference to 'Juntas de Buen Gobierno' in the Zapatista′s political theory and political economy are of recent invention without reference in the past.

36. Please bear in mind that epistemic theo-politics is not just a question of the past, buried in the history of the European Renaissance and the New World colonies. It remained well and alive next to the dominance of epistemic ego-politics and it is resurfacing now with vengeance in the brilliant theo-political critique of the ego-political foundation of the social sciences. See Millbank (1990). It is useful to think de-colonization of knowledge and of being as beyond Theology and Secular Reason (ego-logy and organo-logy), as far as de-coloniality comes from an spatial epistemological break, called Pachakuti, the turn around seen from the perspective of the inhabitants of Tawantinsuyu when the Spanish arrived with the intention of taking over gold, government and souls.

38. Amin′s de-linking proposal did not contemplate the need of Soviet colonies to delink from the Soviet union, neither the situation of Japan′s colonies. Delinking was thought out within the frame of liberal and capitalists empires, that is, in the history of Western expansion since 1500.

40. Ferguson (2002).

41. See Martín Alcoff and Medieta (2000).

49. We should keep in mind that there the logic of coloniality and the rhetoric of modernity has been expanded all over the world. The question that needs attention to bring the rhetoric of modernity and the logic of coloniality at a world scale, and beyond the limited scope of the Christian and Liberal capitalist colonialism of Western Europe (Spain, Portugal, Holland, England and France), is the need to bring the Soviet revolution, the role of Japan and China in the global order, and the raise of Islamic fundamentalisms. How can we account for this complex configuration based on the principle that modernity combines the rhetoric of salvation, emancipation and progress with the logic of coloniality - of genocide, oppression, exploitation, expendability of human lives) - that it conceals? For reason of space I will leave China and Japan out of my consideration, and focus on the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia and on the rise of Islamic fundamentalisms. To account for the historical complexity in terms of the narratives based on the rhetoric of modernity and the logic of coloniality, we need the concepts of colonial and imperial differences as has been created and conceptualized by the rhetoric of modernity (Tlostanova 2003, Mignolo & Tlostanova 2006).

50. Take for example Badiou () and Zizek (, Eurocentrism, book on god). In both cases, a critique of 'minorities identity politics' in favour of universalism, hides the fact that they are both inscribed in a 'hegemonic identity politics' that, because hegemonic, makes invisible the geo- and bio-historical inscriptions of the bodies from and with they think. It is a 'privilege position' to be able to criticize others for openly doing what they themselves are doing and hiding. For a critique of the imperial underpinnings of both Badiou's and Zizek's arguments see Mignolo ( Mignolo , Walter ( 2002 ) 'The Enduring Enchantment (or the Epistemic Privilege of Modernity and where to go from Here') , in 2002 Enduring Enchantments, South Atlantic Quarterly special issue, vol. 101, no. 4, pp. 927 - 954 . ).

51. 'Pacha' is a word of complex meaning, space/time but also life and energy that encompasses life in all its forms of living organisms of which 'humans' are only a small part. See Bouysse-Cassagne & Harris (1987).

52. Of course that 'tradition' was invented, but was invented by those who re-articulated during the Enlightenment the narratives of the Renaissance and needed 'tradition' instead of Middle Age and barbarians. But 'tradition' encompasses both space and time, and that is the power of the denial of co-evalness in eighteenth and nineteenth century narratives from European perspectives. Such perspectives, fully geo-politically grounded, hided its geo-political bases and presented themselves as universal narratives.

53. See Mignolo (2000).

54. Interestingly enough translated as ' primitive accumulation' in English, while Spanish translations retained the biblical meaning in Marx's own language: 'original' as in the original sin.

55. Tlostanova 2003, p. 47.

56. Hegel (1822).

57. Hegel 1822, p. 102.

58. Hegel 1822, p. 350.

59. I have confronted Huntington's position in two separate essays. One, 'Huntington's Fears: 'Latinidad'in the Horizon of the Modern/Colonial world' was presented first orally in the conference 'Latino/as in the World System', Berkeley, April 2004. To appear in the conference proceedings, edited by Ramón Grosfóguel et al. The second, 'Imperial/Colonial Metamorphosis: From the Ottoman and Spanish Empires to the US and the European Union', paper read in the conference Islam, Latinité, Transmodernité (Istanbul, April 2005), published in the conference proceedings, edited by Candido Mendes (Rio de Janeiro: UNESCO and Universidad Candido Mendes, pp. 91-145, 2005).

61. 'Americanity as a concept, or the Americas in the Modern World-System', in ISSAI, 134, pp. 549-557.

65. See the after-word to the second edition of The Darker Side of Renaissance, 2003.

66. The interesting anecdote of Bolivian candidate to Miss Universe, from Santa Cruz (El Nacional, The Economist), is revealing of the fact that the racism and the colonial matrix of power persist in Bolivia after 500 years, now integrated to new for of racial violence generated by market economy (Amy Chua 2003)

67. I develop this idea in more detail in the afterword to the second edition of The Darker Side of the Renaissance.

68. I introduce and develop the idea of 'an-other paradigm' in Mignolo (b).

69. Let me repeat so the reader cannot be confused by old habit of thinking taking for granted that the West is a geography and not a language-memory-conceptual apparatus than penetrated directly or indirectly billions of consciousness all over the world): in Greek, Latin and the six imperial modern/colonial European languages.

71. Luis Macas and Jorge García in an oral presentation of the goal and curriculum of the Universidad Intercultural de los Pueblos y Naciones Indígenas del Ecuador, Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, July 2002. For a general view see, http://icci.nativeweb.org/boletin/19/macas.html. The Universidad Intercultural is not an isolated phenomenon as it is already connected to the network of the Indigenous People in the Americas ( http://www.aulaintercultural.org/breve.php3?id_breve=184).

72. Enrique Dussel (2001). Dussel's point is that Marx's used the conceptual apparatus of science to unveil the logic linking plus-valued labor and capital-accumulation. In my argument, that is equivalent to saying that Marx unveiled the logic of coloniality in Europe, when capitalism was re-articulated by the emergence of the industrial revolution and of a new social class, the proletariat, that replaced massive slavery and serfdom during the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. Dussel's insight comes from looking at the history of Europe from the perspective of the colonies and, in that sense, supersedes Louis Althuser's 'coupure epistemologique'. For Althusser, Marx's break was to translated the ideological discourse of political economy into a scientific discourse (See Balibar (1979)). Although Althusser is not wrong in point that out, what I underlying is that Dussel's take on Marx belongs to a difference epistemic space: the space of de-coloniality rather than of post-structuralism.

73. The Wretched of the Earth ( Les damnés de la terre), 1961, pp. 30, 40.

76. Amselle (1999).

79. The unavoidable links between identity and epistemology (that is normally denied from the perspective of 'white epistemologies', male and female), has been clearly and forcefully argued by analytic and Latina philosopher Linda Alcoff ( 2005 Alcoff , Linda ( 2005 ) 'Identity Politics: North and South' , paper debated at the workshop 'Shifting the Geo-graphy and the Bio-graphy of Knowledge', Center for Global Studies and the Humanities, Duke University, February . ).

80. Koselleck ().

81. Futures Past, 1985.

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An overview of (possible) dialogues between postcolonial/subaltern studies (focusing on challenging narratives which placed Europe as the exclusive centre of 'Modernity' and denied subjecthood to colonised people) and the coloniality/modernity school (which  argues that enduring coloniality is indistinguishable from 'modern' systems of knowledge)

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The traditions of thought associated with postcolonialism and decoloniality are long-standing and diverse. Postcolonialism emerged as an intellectual movement consolidating and developing around the ideas of Edward W Said, Homi K Bhabha and Gayatri C Spivak.

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This section delves into resources that explore the diverse landscape of decolonial and postcolonial theories and theories of post-colonial capitalist development, including critiques within and of the traditions. It explores what such theoretical examination entails and the diverse array of theories, schools of thought, perspectives, and methodologies integral to decolonial, postcolonial and post-colonial capitalist development discourse, including how they expose the pervasive colonial underpinnings inherent in institutions that shape our economies, such as culture, race and gender.