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How Skin Tone Affects School and Workplace Outcomes | Dark Girls | Oprah Winfrey Network

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"Mommy, I have dark skin, and you have light skin," said my 3-year-old daughter recently. I asked her where she learned that? She replied shyly, "my teacher."

As a parent who wants to instill confidence and bravery in children , I was both shocked and fearful as I didn't know the context of the conversation, how it was conveyed, or how my daughter received and interpreted that message. And that's the part that scared me the most.

Added to that, I was already concerned about the diversity and inclusion efforts at the school because there was no mention of Black History Month celebrations. But Valentines Day, St Patrick's Day, and Dr. Seuss Week were met with great fanfare and celebration.

I thought about mentioning the lack of Black History Month activities to the school administrator but I thought maybe the kids were too young to tackle the issue of race, which would inevitably come up with a Black History celebration.

So I was very surprised by what my daughter shared from her teacher regarding the color of her skin.

Cultural differences

As a Jamaican immigrant, it's sometimes difficult to process the cultural and societal nuances in a new country. As immigrants, we either fully assimilate into the new cultural norms or hold on to our own cultural experiences and refer back to those experiences to inform the new situations we encounter.

So for me, I couldn't understand why the topic of skin tone would be up for discussion in a classroom filled with 3-year-olds.

I thought back to my childhood, and I couldn't remember the conversation around light skin and dark skin ever coming up in an early childhood environment.

But as a to the U.S., I am fully aware of the issues of racism and colorism that exist.

The right time to discuss race and skin tone

Kids are acutely aware of differences in skin tone. Babies as young as three months old look at people differently based on how closely they resemble their primary caregiver.

So children are never too young to learn about diversity and inclusion, but educators need to be mindful of how they frame diversity and inclusion conversations.

Dark skin vs light skin

Discussing what makes us different and unique is important, but it shouldn't be about pointing out dark skin versus light skin.

Inadvertently, the teacher touched on issues that affect the Black community such as colorism without even knowing it. And without the proper knowledge and awareness of these issues, she may be sending the wrong message to young kids.

If curious kids ask questions or make statements about the differences in skin color, educators can use it as an opportunity to create meaningful dialogue. The conversation can be reframed to open up an early introduction to biology.

They can talk about the fact that the color of our skin is determined by our biological makeup and the amount of melanin present. They can reinforce that there are many different shades and skin tones and not just light or dark and that all skin is beautiful.

When the focus is just on dark and light skin it ignores the fact that there are countless shades and complexions and it sends a message to kids that they should define themselves by the color of their skin.

Involve parents in these conversations

Educators should also involve parents in these types of conversations. Let parents know that this topic might be discussed, how they plan to approach it, and allow parents to share any feedback or concerns they might have.

This can also provide an opportunity for parents to start their own conversations with their young kids around these issues. And in this way, both parents and educators are working together to tackle these tough conversations.

Frame the conversation

From the conversation I had with my daughter, she was told she has dark skin by her teacher, and other kids have light skin.

Already she and the other kids in her class are being taught to differentiate themselves based on the color of their skin when there is so much more to them than the color of their skin.

We all have different racial and cultural backgrounds that we should embrace. But we shouldn't be teaching our children to identify themselves by the complexion of their skin tone.

Ultimately, what I had to reinforce to my daughter was that we all have beautiful skin.

While it's important to highlight the things that make us different, care needs to be taken in how we highlight those differences.

Martin Luther King Jr. said it best in his "I Have A Dream' speech.

"I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character."

And that's the dream I have for my daughter.
Tiffany Trotter is the author of Brave Little Firsts , the remarkable firsts of women from around the world, and the founder of BraveSelfStarter , a community dedicated to helping newcomers to the U.S. navigate and personal finance .

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Dark Skin vs Light Skin: How Schools are Perpetuating Colorism

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"Mommy, I have dark skin, and you have light skin," said my 3-year-old daughter recently. I asked her where she learned that? She replied shyly, "my teacher." As a parent who wants to instill confidence and bravery in children , I was both shocked and fearful as I didn't know the context of the conversation, how it was conveyed, or how my daughter received and interpreted that message.

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The Brief: "Dark Skin vs. Light Skin" trend on TikTok makes fun of light-skinned Black people or mixed people. These videos are marked by creators performing every day tasks in a sexy manner.

DEEP DIVE

TikTokers in the Black community are poking fun at the colorist divide among Black people by creating "Dark Skin vs. Light Skin" videos. Lighter people benefit from "light skin" privilege and other colorist ideals that perpetuate the stereotype that Black people (or mixed people) with fairer skin tones are closer to European, and as a result, more approachable, likeable, and better looking.

These ideals are mocked on TikTok by Black creators doing casual, mundane activities in a "sexy" manner. The videos are meant to be humorous, though, some might take offense. These TikToks are set to Chrishan's "Sin City" (Remix) feat. Ty Dolla $ign. These TikToks began growing in popularity late May and early June 2020. There are currently over 1 million videos linked to the sound.

Creator @Dez2fly is making a name for himself as the CEO of this trend, having mocked light-skinned cops, doctors, uncles, students, barbers, dentists, and the list goes on. His videos are marked by the "light skin" individual flipping their hair and putting their arm out by their side.

@dez2fly
👁👄👁 He probably kissed the mop and twirled after #dez2fly #lightskin

One of his most popular takes poked fun at light-skinned protestors who attempted to bring about change with their good looks. His May 30 video was viewed over 6.1 million times and received over 1.1 million likes.

@dez2fly
👁👄👁 Lol yeah he needs to go to jail for that #comedy

♬ Sin city - yoitzmarc

His light-skinned toddler video was watched over 3.7 million times and received 714,000 likes.

TikToker @vicsweird compared how light-skinned people and dark-skinned people use the swings. It was viewed over 13.2 million times and amassed over 2.5 million likes.

Creator @bbygshaii's video about light-skinned people's reactions to a bug bite was viewed over 1.9 million times and garnered over 466,000 likes.

Other takes on the trend:

@brynnewiilliams
somebody take this app away from me #lightskin #sexyoverload #caution #supersexy #toosexy #emotional #ahaaaaaa #withoutme? #fyp

♬ Sin City SIIIIKKKKEEE - dontadadon

@namirwebber3
Harambe cousin looking diffrent😳 (repost)

♬ Sin city - yoitzmarc

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The Brief: "Dark Skin vs. Light Skin" trend on TikTok makes fun of light-skinned Black people or mixed people. These videos are marked by creators performing every day tasks in a sexy manner. DEEP DIVE TikTokers in the Black community are poking fun at the colorist divide among Black people by creating "Dark Skin vs.

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Iyanla Hosts a Candid Talk About Colorism With 6 Black Women | Iyanla: Fix My Life | OWN

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Part 2: Sports Commentators Explain Colorism in the NBA #StephCurry

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"..these beauty preferences that we have, there are not something we are born with, their learned and if their learned, they can be unlearned.

Among us are CEOs, co-founders, and structures of marketing -you all are the arbiters of what society considers beautiful by deciding who you choose on an advertising or who you choose to be the face of your brand. When you have the opportunity to make that choice make the unconventional choice.

Those of us that consume these messages may play a role too, because the first step to change is awareness. And now everyone in this room is a little more aware and will see the world just a little bit differently. And we don't have to passively accept what society tells us to think is beautiful. We can question it, we could challenge the status quo because when we do we get one step closer to broadening the standard of beauty and create a society where the world can see that D girls are beautiful too."

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Colorism: Skin Tone Affecting Job Opportunities - Your Corporate Black Girl

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These are a few of things that everyone thinks about the night before they walk into a room of people that can define their financial fate.

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Complicating Colorism: Race, Skin Color, and the Likelihood of Arrest - Amelia R. Branigan, Christopher Wildeman, Jeremy Freese, Catarina I. Kiefe, 2017

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Abstract Both conventional public beliefs and existing academic research on colorism presuppose that variation in skin color predicts social outcomes among minorities but is inconsequential among whites. The authors draw on social psychological research on stereotyping to suggest that in quick, low-information decisions such as an arrest, the opposite may be true.

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Nick Cannon on the Self-Hate & Colorism in the Black Community: "Light is Right" (Part 10)

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The "Black-ish" clip that every American should see

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In the past three decades, there have been alarming spikes in suicide in African American populations. Between 1981 and 1994, the suicide rate for African Americans 18-29 increased by 169%, while the rate for European Americans in the same age group rose by only 18% during this period ( CDC, 2011). Though the incidence of suicide-related mortality for both European and African American women is low (about 6.2 and 2.1 per 100,000, respectively; CDC, 2011), the rate of suicide attempt is higher for women than for their male counterparts ( Joe, Baser, Breeden, Neighbors & Jackson, 2006). African American women have the highest rate of medically treated suicide attempts, defined as attempts with consequences severe enough to require medical intervention ( Spicer & Miller, 2000). This pattern suggests that African American women may engage in more serious self-harm than women of other races, constituting a significant public health concern.

A conceptual model of suicide risk in low-income African American women

We currently have a limited understanding of the combinations of culturally-specific experiences and social psychological characteristics associated with suicide risk and resiliency among African American women, prompting calls for additional research in this area ( Joe et al., 2006; Poussaint & Alexander). The existing literature points to the fundamental role of social statuses in the patterning of mental health outcomes, with differential exposure to stressors and access to coping resources as intervening mechanisms ( Phelan, Link, & Tehranifar, 2010). We employed a stress process framework to conceptualize the influence of race and gender-related stressors on suicidal ideation and behavior. There is ample support for this approach to suicide research, with a number of empirical studies demonstrating linkages between stressful life events (e.g., widowhood or job loss) or chronic strain (e.g., poverty or family discord) and suicidal ideation or behavior ( Conwell, Dubertstein, & Caine, 2002; Dube et al., 2001; Evans, Hawton, & Rodham, 2004; Maris, 1997; Moscicki, 1997). For example, using a large epidemiological dataset, Feskanich and colleagues (2002) found a nearly fivefold increase in risk of suicide among women in a high stress category relative to those reporting low stress.

Importantly, "the stressors to which African American women are exposed and their appraisals of stressors reflect this population's distinct history, sociocultural experiences, and position in society ( Woods-Giscombe & Lobel, 2008: 173)." Because gender, race, and socioeconomic status (SES) influence degree of exposure, experiences, and reactions to stressors ( Forman, Williams, & Jackson, 1997; Jackson, 2002; Jackson, Hogue, & Phillips, 2005; Pearlin 1999; Wethington, McLeod, & Kessler, 1987), it is critical to develop models that are tailored specifically to vulnerable race/gender/class subgroups. To address this gap in the literature, we have tested a model of suicide risk and resilience among low-income African American women that is rooted in theories of stress and coping. We argue that racist and sexist life events constitute unique stressors for low-SES African American women, who are in a vulnerable position of structural disadvantage with respect to race, class, and gender. Those who experience higher levels discrimination and threats to their self-esteem, sense of control, and positive racial and gender identity may be more likely to turn to suicide as an expression of frustration or as a potential relief from their difficult circumstances.

Yet, many low-income African American women are resilient in the face of persistent racism and sexism. We draw on stress theory and moderating factors to explain why some women in this position are at greater risk for suicidality than others. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) argue that resources operate through 1) modifying situations that give rise to stress; 2) influencing the meaning of stressors such that they become less threatening; or 3) reducing the level of psychological distress that occurs in response to the stressor. Thus, stressors should have a substantially reduced effect in the presence of these resources, which allow individuals to effectively manage or neutralize stress before it affects physical or psychological health.

Social psychologists emphasize that the efficacy of coping resources depends on the match between the psychosocial characteristic or trait and the nature of the stressor ( Lazarus 1999; Morrison and O'Connor 2005). When examining how women cope with race and gender-related stressors, it is critical to consider mechanisms that could influence racial and gender identity and experiences. Consistent with this idea, we include ethnic resources (i.e., ethnic identity achievement and affirmation, as well as participation in ethnic communities and cultural experiences) in our conceptual model as potential protective factors for suicide among low-SES African American women. For instance, having pride about being African American might enable women to reframe a racist slight as the behavior of an ignorant individual rather than a valid threat to her self-worth, reducing the stress response to such events. In contrast, ethnic pride would probably not be an effective protectant when experiencing a stressor like marital discord, while valuing one's role as a spouse might be.

Likewise, our model incorporates the moderating effects of skin color. Colorism (i.e., the privileging of lighter over darker skin within a racial group) and its link to the feminine beauty ideal have important and understudied influences on African American women's racial and gender identities. By examining skin color, we are not attempting to reduce the effects of racism to "blacker" or "whiter." We acknowledge that the social construction of racial phenotypes is more complex than this. Rather, we meaningfully consider the importance of skin color for people's racial and gender experiences and identities. Because skin color has been shown to be a particularly salient factor for low-SES women of color relative to African American men or affluent African American women ( Thompson & Keith, 2001), this trait is an important component of our conceptual model. In sum, while our set of moderators is not intended to be exhaustive, ethnic resources and skin color are excellent candidates for protective factors against race and gender-related stressors since they impact how African American women experience race, class, and gender in the U.S.

The conceptual model described above is presented in , and is derived from Pearlin's (1999) theory and depiction of the stress process involving stressors, moderating resources, and mental health outcomes in the context of social and economic statuses. In what follows, we review literature supporting the relationships outlined in this model. Then, we present results testing these relationships using data from 204 primarily low-income African American women in the B-WISE (Black Women in the Study of Epidemics) project.

Gendered racism and suicide risk

There has been very little research investigating risk and protective factors for suicide among low-income African American women, and no studies have empirically linked racism or sexism experiences to suicidal ideation or behavior. Thus, we looked to the broader literature on mental health consequences of racial and gendered stressors for guidance. Since depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, psychological distress and other mental health problems are strongly correlated with suicidal ideation and behavior ( Kessler, Borges, & Walters, 2001; Moscicki, 2001), we expected to identify similar mechanisms and based our expectations of the relationship between race and gender-related stressors and suicide outcomes on this body of research.

According to Brown (2003), adverse mental health outcomes among African American women may be linked to stress associated with the intersection of gender, racial, and socioeconomic disadvantages relative to more privileged social statuses. Here, we argue that low-SES African American women's experiences of racism and sexism constitute stressors that increase suicidality, though the impact of these stressors may be contingent on levels of culturally-specific risk and protective factors. Low-SES African Americans are disproportionately vulnerable to major racist life events like employment discrimination ( Clark et al., 1999; Forman et al., 1997). Also, some research suggests that SES moderates the impact of racism on health outcomes such that it has a stronger effect among low-SES African Americans relative to high-SES African Americans or other race-SES subgroups ( Feagin, 1991). Thus, low-SES African American women are probably exposed to more overt racism than those who are socioeconomically advantaged, and may also possess fewer resources with which to cope with these stressors ( Feagin, 1991; Forman, Williams, & Jackson, 1997; Pearlin 1999).

Anderson's (1991) theory of acculturative stress and Clark, Anderson, Clark, and Williams' (1999) biopsychosocial model integrate research on social psychological aspects of racism and acculturation with traditional perspectives on social stress and psychopathology. Anderson (1991) argues that "conflicts in values, beliefs, and patterns of behavior lead to tensions between two or more autonomous cultures" (p. 696). In the U.S., African American cultural values and behaviors are often undervalued or at odds with the dominant European American culture, resulting in persistent threats to the self-concept and ethnic identity of African Americans.

While episodic stress derives from discrete and relatively infrequent experiences of direct racism and sexism, African American women are also vulnerable to daily hassles in the form of more subtle and often unintentional degradations and exclusions ( Harrell, 2000). Termed microaggression, brief and subtle verbal, behavioral, and environmental slights and insults by European Americans toward African Americans have been called the "new face of racism" ( Sue et al., 2008). The psychological effects of these experiences on African Americans are particularly harmful because the individual is left to decipher the perpetrator's message and may question their own perceptions. Likewise, the "invisibility syndrome" has been used to describe the effects of dominant negative attitudes and stereotypes that conceal the talents, contributions, and true identities of African Americans, leading to considerable stress and confusion about being African American and about one's place in the world ( Franklin, Franklin, & Kelly, 2006).

The stress associated with racial microaggressions as well as more overt forms of racism have significant adverse consequences for African Americans ( Brown, 2003; Clark et al., 1999; Utsey & Hook, 2007; Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000). Substantial empirical research has linked racism experiences to psychological distress and depression ( Jackson, Brown, Williams, Torres, Sellers, & Brown, 1996; Kessler, Mickelson, & Williams 1999; Landrine & Klonoff, 1996; Sellers, Caldwell, Schmeelk-Cone, & Zimmerman, 2003), and has suggested that these are more powerful risk factors than other kinds of stressful life events (Authors, 2011; Utsey, Giesbrecht, Hook, & Stanard, 2008). Scholars have documented the traumatic nature of racist incidents and challenged traditional conceptions of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), urging psychologists to broaden their conceptualization to encompass racism as a psychosocial stressor ( Bryant-Davis, 2005; Sanchez-Hucles, 1999).

African American women experience microaggressions and stress on the basis of both race and gender. This phenomenon has been termed racialized sexism ( hooks & Mesa-Bains, 2006), as well as gendered racism ( Thomas, Witherspoon & Speight, 2008). African American women experience a unique form of double jeopardy ( Beale, 1995) that involves sexual objectification, second-class citizenship, and assumed inferiority across multiple settings outside of their communities ( Sue, 2010). For African American women, efforts to cope with simultaneous racism and sexism (hereafter termed gendered racism) require substantial identity and emotion work, often resulting in high levels of stress and depression ( Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). For African American women, gendered racial identity has greater salience compared to the separate constructs of racial or gender identity, indicating that both of these social statuses simultaneously influence perceptions of self and psychological distress ( Thomas, Hacker & Hoxha, 2011). Quantitative research supports these findings, suggesting that racism and sexism experiences are highly correlated, and that African American women are more likely to experience and be distressed by sexism ( Klonoff & Landrine 1995; Landrine, Klonoff, Gibbs, Manning, & Lund, 1995) and racism ( Greer, Laseter, & Asiamah, 2009; Moradi & Subich, 2003) than European American women and African American men, respectively.

When examined as separate constructs, the adverse effects of racism and sexism have received mixed support. Some studies have found that when racism and sexism are examined as separate predictors of psychological distress among African American women, sexism emerged as the only significant correlate ( Moradi & Subich, 2003; Szymanski & Stewart, 2010). However, King (2003) found that racism and the interaction of racism and sexism were significant correlates of psychological distress among African American women. Furthermore, Krieger (1990) found that both racism and sexism resulted in adverse health outcomes for African American women. As a result these mixed findings, scholars have suggested examining racism and sexism as a single construct ( Moradi & Subich, 2003). Among the few studies that have examined gendered racism, results demonstrate adverse mental health consequences for African American women, increasing psychological distress and symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder ( Buchanan & Fitzgerald, 2008; Moradi & Subich, 2004). Therefore, African American women who perceive both racism and sexism appear to be at an increased risk for psychological distress, potentially leading to suicidal ideation and behavior.

The protective role of ethnic resources

For African Americans, who have historically been subjected to racial and economic oppression, culturally-specific resources may be uniquely relevant ( Gibbs, 1997). Early in the development of theories of race and ethnicity, Du Bois (1903) recognized the importance of racial identity and attitudes in determining African Americans' well-being. It is from the interplay between one's own racial identity and broader European American society that the meaning and impact of being African American are constructed ( Sellers et al., 2003). While exposure to racism can influence the meaning of being African American, so, too, can cultural experiences and subjectivities stemming from African Americans' historical and contemporary circumstances. In other words, a strong and positive racial identity and community can alter the effects of racism on African Americans' self-concepts and level of distress, blocking internalization of negative racial stereotypes and experiences. Thus, culturally-specific psychosocial factors may be a key resource, having the potential to buffer the adverse impact of stressors associated with disadvantaged statuses ( Scott, 2003; Sellers, Copeland-Linder, Martin, & Lewis, 2006).

Positive ethnic identity - feeling connected to one's ethnic heritage and having an affirmative sense of pride and belonging to one's ethnic group - has been identified as protective of mental health among African Americans. Ethnic identity is a multidimensional construct that includes ethnic group behaviors, as well as knowledge and awareness of cultural beliefs and traditions of one's ethnic group ( Phinny & Ong, 2007). Phinney (1992) identifies ethnic behaviors and practices, affirmation and belonging, and ethnic identity achievement as critical components of ethnic identity development. A strong ethnic identity helps neutralize feelings of marginalization and devaluation that may develop in response to status-based threats to a positive self-concept ( Outten, Schmitt, Garcia, & Branscombe, 2009; Verkuyten, 2010). Thus, ethnic and other culturally-specific resources may be uniquely relevant and salient for socioeconomically disadvantaged African Americans confronting racism-related stressors.

Empirical research provides evidence that ethnic identity and cultural practices can act as stress buffering mechanisms. Simply exploring one's ethnic identity was recently found to enhance psychological well-being in a large sample of minority adults ( Ghavami, Fingerhut, Peplau, Grant, & Wittig, 2011). Other research suggests that positive ethnic identity moderates the effects of race-related stress on psychological well-being ( Iwamoto & Liu, 2010; Utsey et al., 2008) and on depression with suicidal ideation among African American adults ( Walker, Wingate, Obasi, & Joiner, 2008). In addition, positive ethnic identity is inversely related to the internalization of societal beauty ideals among African American young adult women ( Rogers-Wood & Petrie, 2010). These findings support the need for an examination of ethnic identity as a stress buffering mechanism.

Skin color and colorism

Skin color may also play a role in the stress process for socioeconomically disadvantaged African American women. Differences in skin tone often give rise to colorism, or preferences for light complexion within a racial or ethnic group ( Bodenhorn, 2006; Hochschild & Weaver, 2007; Keith & Thompson, 2003). Systematic complexion advantages accruing to lighter skin African Americans date back to slave trade in the U.S. and persist today ( Frazier, 1957). The American media has fueled negative stereotypes and discrimination through the portrayal of African Americans with dark skin as lacking civility, having lower intelligence, and being less than human ( Feagin, 2001). These stereotypes and the legacy of the American slave trade have produced a socioeconomic color gradient in the U.S. such that lighter-skinned African Americans have higher levels of income, occupational prestige, and education than those with dark skin, on average, as well as higher marriage rates ( Hunter, 1998; Keith & Thompson, 2003; Hochschild & Weaver, 2007).

In addition, light skin and associated European American features are central components of the American feminine beauty ideal ( Patton, 2006). Definitions of beauty are socially constructed, varying across time and cultures. Beauty ideals reflect and reproduce racial, socioeconomic, and gender stratification, with marginalized and less powerful groups being held to the physical standards of the privileged European American majority (Saltzberg & Chrisler, 1997). In the U.S., research suggests that lighter skin is perceived as more attractive than darker skin and Afrocentric characteristics by the majority of Americans, regardless of race ( Bond & Cash, 1992; Maddox, 2004). Consequently, African American women with darker skin are oppressed on the basis of both race and nonconformity with the racist feminine beauty ideal. Given the role of colorism in structuring educational attainment and income, economic strain and classism add additional elements of risk for darker women of color.

The effects of skin color on the stress process and mental health may work through at least two mechanisms. First, because African American women with darker skin are afforded less social status and prestige than their lighter peers, they may be more likely to internalize negative stereotypes and prejudices. Using data from the National Survey of Black Americans, Thompson and Keith (2001) found that women with darker skin had lower self-esteem, especially if they had lower socioeconomic status. These findings suggest that women with darker skin may be more vulnerable to the adverse effects of racism and sexism if they do not possess social psychological coping resources. Additionally, darker African Americans may be more likely to perceive or experience discrimination and other race-related stressors than their lighter counterparts, increasing the impact of these experiences on health outcomes (Keith & Herring, 1991; Klonoff & Landrine, 2000). For example, using data from the Detroit Area Study, Hersch (2006) found that African Americans with light skin reported substantially better treatment by European Americans than those with medium or dark skin, and they attributed this behavior to their light skin color.

In sum, though the relationship between racism and mental health is well-established, empirical research has rarely been extended to suicidal ideation or behavior. In addition, there have been numerous recent calls for research exploring risk and protective factors for suicide in African American women, noting a particular need to understand "culturally relevant factors...beyond social support and religiosity ( Walker, 2007, p. 389)." To address these gaps in knowledge, we explored the effects of gendered racism experiences on socioeconomically disadvantaged African American women's suicidal ideation and behavior, focusing on the moderating role of ethnic resources and self-reported skin color. Based on the research reviewed above, we expected to find that gendered racism was associated with increased risk for suicidal ideation and behavior, and that this relationship was stronger among women reporting medium to dark skin and those lacking ethnic resources. Understanding how skin color may impact the appraisal of stress and overall psychological well-being of low-SES African American women is a significant contribution toward the assessment and prevention of suicide risk in this vulnerable population. Furthermore, this research presents a challenge to public health professionals in drawing attention to the role of colorism, an emerging focus in health research.

Results

presents descriptive statistics on independent and dependent variables. Measures of association revealed significant relationships between some of these covariates. Years of education and household income were positively correlated ( r = 0.30, p < .001). Women with higher levels of education ( t = 2.61, p < .01) and household income ( t = 2.07, p < .05) were more likely to report a history of drug problems. Mental illness and drug abuse history were also associated ( = 9.51, p < .01). Higher levels of education were also associated with belonging to ethnic community ( t = −2.06, p < .05) and strong ethnic practices ( t = −2.81, p < .01).

Table 1

In addition, all measures of ethnic resources and skin color were significantly related. Ethnic identity achievement and affirmation were positively correlated ( r = 0.69, p < .001). Ethnic identity achievement was associated with belonging to an ethnic community ( t = −5.21, p < .001) and engaging in strong cultural practices ( t = −7.20, p < .001), as is ethnic affirmation ( t = −9.90, p < .001; and t = −4.06, p < .001, respectively). Likewise, women who belonged to an ethnic community were more likely to report strong cultural practices ( = 12.31, p < .001). Finally, women with self-reported medium to dark skin had higher levels of ethnic affirmation ( t = 2.49, p < .05) and ethnic identity achievement ( t = 2.97, p < .01), and were more likely to report strong cultural practices ( = 4.30, p < .05).

presents results from logistic regression models examining the effects of gendered racism and ethnic resources on suicidal ideation and behavior. According to Model 1, experiencing additional gendered racism events was associated with a significant increase in the odds of reporting suicidal thoughts or behaviors (OR = 1.06, p < .01), controlling for socioeconomic and mental health status. Also, higher levels of household income were associated with lower odds of suicidality (OR = 0.97, p <.05), and women with a self-reported history of mental health problems were predicted to be over three and a half times more likely than those without to experience suicidal thoughts or behaviors (OR = 3.56, p <.01). Neither education nor drug problems achieved statistical significance.

Table 2

The effects of ethnic resources are presented in Models 2-4 (See ). According to Model 2, none of the measures of ethnic resources were statistically significant, providing no evidence that these had a direct effect on suicide risk in the current sample. However, there were significant interactions between gendered racism experiences and both ethnic affirmation and skin color. Specifically, we found that strong feelings of ethnic affirmation and belonging moderated the adverse effects of gendered racism on suicidality ( p < .05; see Model 3). As depicted in , gendered racism had a very modest positive influence on the predicted probability of suicidal ideation and behavior among low-SES African American women with high levels of ethnic affirmation, and a very strong effect for those with moderate to low levels of affirmation.

Moreover, findings in Model 4 (See ) provide evidence that gendered racism had differential effects on suicidality for low-SES African American women who self-reported light skin relative to those with medium to dark skin ( p < .01). Specifically, additional gendered racism experiences had a modest negative relationship to suicidal ideation and behavior such that light-skinned African American women reporting high levels of gendered racism had a predicted probability of suicidality that approached zero (see ). Alternatively, gendered racism had a strong, nearly linear adverse influence among women reporting medium to dark skin, such that those at the highest levels had a predicted probability of suicidality of about 75%.

In attempt to explain the moderating effect of skin color, the relationship between skin color and gendered racism experiences was examined using a two-sample t-test. Findings suggested that low-SES African American women with medium to dark skin reported levels of gendered racism that were not significantly different from women with light skin ( t = 0.74, p = 0.46). However, compared to women with light skin, those with medium to dark skin reported significantly higher levels of positive feelings toward their ethnic group ( t = 2.37, p < 0.05) and stronger ethnic identity achievement ( t = 3.14, p < 0.01).

Discussion

Our findings pointed to a strong, positive association between negative life events attributed to gendered racism and risk for suicidality among socioeconomically disadvantaged African American women. Consistent with previous research (e.g., Agerbo et al., 2002, 2006; Moscicki, 2001), these results suggested that even in this relatively low-income sample, those with higher SES are at lower risk for suicidality. Also, those with a history of mental health problems were over three times as likely as those without to report suicidal ideation or behavior. However, gendered racism exerted a substantial independent effect on suicidality above and beyond the predictive power of SES and mental health history, reducing concerns about the potential confounding influence of these factors.

The effect of gendered racism in the current study has provided additional empirical evidence linking African Americans' experiences of racism to mental health problems (e.g., Jackson et al., 1996; Kessler et al., 1999). Gendered racism may operate through social psychological pathways, causing women to internalize negative stereotypes that threaten a positive self-concept, sense of control, proactive coping, and other social psychological resources ( Aneshensel et al., 1991; Wallace et al., 2011). In addition, as a source of stress, gendered racism may have direct adverse effects on cognitive and emotional functioning through psychobiological pathways (e.g., acute neuroendocrine response, allostatic load; Massey, 2004). It is important to note that distress and related psychosocial outcomes are a normative response to systematic oppression in racist and sexist societies, and do not reflect deficits or failures on the part of individual women. As a pervasive feature of the social condition of socioeconomically disadvantaged African American women, gendered racism experiences may shape biological and psychological processes in ways that impact health trajectories and well-being.

Ethnic protective factors

Existing research suggests that culturally-specific psychosocial factors may be a key resource for racial/ethnic minorities, potentially moderating the adverse effects of stressors associated with their disadvantaged status ( Rogers-Wood & Petrie, 2010; Scott, 2003; Sellers et al., 2006; Utsey et al., 2008; Walker, Wingate, Obasi, & Joiner, 2008). Along these lines, Walker (2007) attributes the recent rise in suicide rates among African Americans to acculturation, arguing that adopting the cultural norms and behaviors of European Americans and eschewing longstanding cultural buffering mechanisms may be maladaptive for members of this population. Yet, our results provided no statistically significant support for direct benefits of ethnic identity in this sample of low-SES African American women.

Despite the lack of evidence for a direct effect of ethnic resources, we did identify a moderating effect of ethnic affirmation. That is, the adverse impact of gendered racism experiences was substantially attenuated in the presence of strong, positive feelings about being African American. Feeling good about one's ethnicity may be particularly effective in helping low-SES African American women externalize racist or sexist slights and humiliations, reducing the likelihood that these events will have a negative impact on self-concept. If a person has invested time and cognitive resources in strengthening a valued identity, occasional devaluation of that identity by others may have minimal effects. Moreover, possessing a sense of collective identity with other African Americans lead to feelings of belonging and acceptance. These feelings may minimize the impact of racial and socioeconomic oppression, particularly if these negative experiences promote bonding and a common understanding among members of a disadvantaged group.

The role of self-reported skin color

Perhaps the most interesting result to emerge from this research was the protective influence of self-reported skin color. Specifically, we found that among low-SES African American women who classified their skin tone as medium or dark, experiencing gendered racism substantially increased risk for suicidality while there was no significant effect among those reporting light skin. Skin color has played a significant role in the life chances of African Americans since the American slave trade, when the biracial offspring of European American masters were thought to be more intelligent and were afforded numerous privileges not available to their darker peers ( Frazier, 1957). Research indicates that today lighter-skinned African Americans tend to have higher educational attainment, occupational prestige, and income, and that the effects of skin tone on stratification outcomes exceed those of even parental SES ( Keith & Thompson, 2003). Moreover, light skin color may be particularly influential for African American women since whiteness is a critical aspect of the racialized feminine beauty ideal in the U.S. ( Hunter, 1998). Given the triple status disadvantage associated with being African American, female, and socioeconomically disadvantaged, having lighter and more European features may have an especially strong effect on the psychological well-being and life chances of these women.

Research suggests that because lighter skin is predictive of better stratification outcomes, having this physical trait may actually decrease the level of racism and sexism experienced by women ( Hunter, 1998). Klonoff and Landrine (2000) found that African Americans with dark skin were 11 times more likely to experience frequent racial discrimination than their lighter-skinned counterparts. Patterns such as harsher sentencing in the criminal justice system and reduced likelihood of holding elected office ( Hochschild & Weaver, 2007) on the basis of colorism also reflect greater vulnerability to racism among those with dark skin. If lighter-skinned African American women attain higher socioeconomic status and are afforded increased prestige as a function of their attractiveness, they may be less likely to be in social roles and contexts (e.g., racially segregated neighborhoods, low-skill employment, single motherhood, etc.) that increase vulnerability to overt and institutionalized racist and sexist life events and stressors ( Clark et al., 1999). Along the same lines, even if light skin does not actually reduce the vulnerability of low-SES African American women to gendered racism, it might cause them to be less sensitive to or perceptive of prejudice and discrimination ( Klonoff & Landrine, 2000). These processes may increase vulnerability of low-SES African American women reporting darker skin to suicidality or other adverse mental and physical health outcomes in the face of racism and other stressors.

Yet, results indicated that the women in this sample with self-reported light skin did not actually experience or perceive significantly lower levels of gendered racism events than those with medium or darker skin. Rather, while women with light skin reported experiencing similar levels of gendered racism events, these had no adverse effect on suicide risk in this group. Moreover, though it seems possible that the protective effects of light skin were actually confounded by ethnic affirmation (also identified as a buffering mechanism in our sample), findings disconfirmed this explanation, as well. In fact, individuals with self-reported medium to dark skin had significantly higher levels of positive feelings toward their ethnic group and ethnic identity achievement relative to those with light skin. In other words, it is not the case that the increased vulnerability of women with medium to dark skin to the adverse effects of gendered racism can be explained by negative feelings about being African American or weaker commitment to the African American ethnic identity, both of which were protective resources.

In light of these results, a potential explanation for the moderating effects of self-reported light skin color relates to differential levels of distress in response to gendered racism. This may occur for two reasons: First, coping with multiple status disadvantages may lead to increased sensitivity to the adverse psychological effects of race and gender-based prejudice and discrimination, particularly in this low-SES sample ( Thompson & Keith, 2001). Existing research suggest that African American women are more likely to experience psychological distress in response to sexism ( Klonoff & Landrine, 1995; Landrine et al., 1995) and racism ( Greer, Laseter & Asiamah, 2009; Moradi & Subich, 2003) than either European American women or African American men. Thus, it is possible that low-SES women with darker skin, who do not enjoy the status benefits conferred to African American women with more European features, are more likely to internalize prejudice, humiliation, and traumatic events related to racial or gender oppression. Indeed, research suggests that lighter-skinned African Americans receive preferential treatment even within their own families and communities - social contexts in which African American women have traditionally sought affirmation - leaving those of darker complexion with feelings of low self-esteem ( Thompson & Keith, 2001, 2004). Internalized racism or preference for whiteness does not imply weakness or inadequacies on the part of disadvantaged groups or individuals. Rather, it is an inevitable response to systematic oppression and one tool through which dominant groups justify and maintain their privilege ( Pyke, 2010).

Second, a stronger stress response among women with self-reported medium to dark skin may relate to differences in strength of racial identity achievement in the current sample. Hochschild and Weaver (2007) note that individuals with a strong racial identity "look at the world through a racial lens" and "invoke a racial connotation in interpreting complex situations and subtle interpersonal cues" (p. 13). Because lighter and darker-skinned African Americans share a similar fate in relation to European Americans and a history of racial oppression, they are equally likely to perceive gendered racism. Yet, if race holds a higher place in the identity hierarchies of low-SES African American women with darker skin, threats to a positive racial identity may be more distressing. Ultimately, in-depth qualitative or social psychological research is needed to adjudicate between potential explanations and provide a more nuanced understanding of the role of skin color in the stress process.

Limitations and future directions

The current study had several notable limitations. First, the measures of suicidality, mental health status, and substance abuse status were dichotomous, prohibiting a more fine-grained examination of severity. However, alternative coding and measures did not alter results. In addition, these data examine the effects of negative life events attributed to gendered racism, but to not adequately capture microaggressions. Future research should examine these more subtle and ambiguous experiences of racism and sexism. Also, the measure of skin color was self-reported and may not have reflected actual skin color. However, a woman's perception of her own skin color is likely to be more a powerful predictor of feelings of self-worth, stress response, and other social psychological processes than an external evaluation. Nonetheless, future research should explore whether the moderating effect of self-reported skin color holds for more objective measures.

Also, the data used here were not based on a nationally representative sample of African American women. Specifically, marriage rates, percent college educated, and household income were lower than national averages for African American women based on census reports. These differences were likely a result of sampling largely in racially and socioeconomically segregated neighborhoods with a high proportion of African Americans. In addition, because the community sample was drawn to make comparisons to a sample of women in prison, a disproportionate percentage of respondents were illicit drug users. It is important to note that controlling for income, education, marital status and drug use did not change the substantive findings. However, readers should use caution when interpreting results, and be aware that findings cannot be extended to African American women in higher socioeconomic strata.

In addition, because this research was cross-sectional, the directionality of effects could not be determined. Women exhibiting suicidal ideation and behavior probably have a more pessimistic outlook than those with better mental health, increasing their likelihood of perceiving racism and sexism in interpersonal interactions and negative life events. Similarly, factors potentially correlated with suicidality - including low self-esteem and perceived control - might have affected reactions to gendered racism among women in the sample ( Clark et al., 1999). Given these methodological limitations, a key contribution of this study is to serve as a starting point for more in-depth, longitudinal, nationally-representative research on suicide in African American women. Future research should work to identify the complex pathways linking suicide and related mental health outcomes to social status, structural constraints and vulnerabilities, experiences of institutional and interpersonal racism and sexism, and cultural protective factors specific to particular ethnic groups.

Despite these limitations, this research makes several important contributions, examining cultural risk and protective factors for suicidality among low-SES African American women ( Walker, 2007). While research on the mental health consequences of racism is not new, this analysis added gender and SES components, and also extended this literature to suicide - a topic rarely investigated in samples of African American women. Moreover, this analysis moved beyond simply documenting gender and racial mental health disparities, exploring the moderating effects of ethnic identity and skin color. We found evidence for the proposed conceptual model (See ), lending support to the importance of the match between moderators and stressors. These findings are compelling, and suggest a need to better understand the role of colorism in coping with racism and sexism and in the identities of low-SES African American women.

Finally, our findings have significant public health implications. They contribute to knowledge of antecedents of suicide among African American women who are socioeconomically disadvantaged, facilitating the development of more effective, culturally-specific interventions for this population. Also, our research suggested that low-SES women with darker skin who are vulnerable to racism and sexism may be at high risk for suicidal ideation or attempt. These findings are important for practitioners in their assessment of suicide risk and prevention of suicide in this group.

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The moderating effects of skin color and ethnic identity affirmation on suicide risk among low-SES African American women

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In the past three decades, there have been alarming spikes in suicide in African American populations. Between 1981 and 1994, the suicide rate for African Americans 18-29 increased by 169%, while the rate for European Americans in the same age group rose by only 18% during this period ( CDC, 2011).

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by Anna Yoni Jeffries

One great oversight of our modern generation is that we turn a blind eye to the subconscious colorism that occurs in our society. Colorism within the African American community is defined as the attitude among African Americans discriminating against other African Americans because of their skin complexion - for instance, being too light or too dark. The form of racial discrimination known as colorism dates back to slavery, and has been systematically passed through various elements of our culture. It implies that lighter skin and straight hair are better, and successful men should marry women who fit this standard. Colorism can also happen within other communities, as I'll explain below. Much research has shown how racial discrimination negatively affects African-Americans' mental health, contributing to depression and anxiety.

Colorism plays a huge role in the low self-esteem of Black America from individuals to relationships, and even expands into societal status. Colorism occurs both interracially and intraracially. Interracial colorism is when a member of one racial group discriminates based on the skin color of a member belonging to a different racial group, and intraracial colorism involves a member of a racial group discriminating a member of the same racial group based on skin color. Both forms of colorism impact the black community by causing division, and can contribute to negative mental health effects.

Colorism has a long history in the United States. During our country's period of enslaving people, those enslaved people with lighter skin or more European features were given favorable treatment. This strategy was intended to cause separation within the enslaved community, pitting darker-skinned people against lighter skinned people. Later, in the early 1900s, another strong example was the establishment of the brown paper bag test within African American communities. This discriminatory act required that an individual's skin color was the same color or lighter than a brown paper bag in order for that person to receive privileges. Fraternities and sororities used the brown paper bag test to determine whether or not you could enter. Marita Golden, author of Don't Play in the Sun: One Woman's Journey Through the Color Complex says, "The paper bag would be held against your skin. And if you were darker than the paper bag, you weren't admitted." This test was very popular in fraternities and sororities at the HBCU Howard University.

Another example is "the doll tests," first done in the 1940s, with results that have since been replicated. African American psychologists Dr. Kenneth Clark and Dr. Mamie Clark gave African American children two dolls: one that was white and one that was painted black. The children were asked questions like: "Which one is the ugly doll?", "Which one has a nicer color?", "Which one is the bad doll?" The study showed that amongst the African American children, the majority preferred the white baby doll to the black baby doll. The white baby doll was associated with positive attributes like "smart" or "pretty," while the black baby doll was associated with negative attributes. This study, along with its remodels, proves that words such as, "beautiful, good, positive, etc." are associated with white or lighter skin individuals. Many American studies since the 1940s have replicated these findings, proving that these damaging associations are not a thing of the past.

Because of these associations, people of color often desire lighter skin, straighter hair, etc. To fulfill these desires, skin toners, skin bleachers, hair relaxers, and straight hair extensions are used. These markets, which promote white supremacy, are being promoted through media and magazines. According to Dr. Yaba Blay, who has studied these issues extensively, there are specific reasons why African and African-American woman use such products: to remove blemishes and imperfections and to counteract the effects of the sun, to appear and feel clean, to appear white, European, and "beautiful," to please a partner, grab attention, or attract potential mates, to impress peers, appear sophisticated and modern, and gain economic and social mobility. These reasons tie together the key factors of interracial and intraracial colorism: discrimination, self-deprivation, self-hatred, white supremacy, social conditioning, etc.

These ideas of wanting to be accepted, or wanting to be "beautiful," are relatable, yet very concerning. There shouldn't be limitations on which skin tone is beautiful or not. Commentary such as, "You're pretty for a dark-skinned girl," or, "She is beautiful because she is light-skinned," are insulting and belittling. People of color often associate darker persons of their racial group with poverty and unattractiveness. Having lighter skin and being mixed with Native American, black, and white, I too have been a victim of colorism. People automatically assumed that I felt I was "better" than others because I had "good hair" and fair skin.

It's past time to change this. We can begin by talking more about it, and by talking about how it affects our mental health. Exposing the multiple influences of intraracial stigmas could spark conversation and enlighten the black community on how interracial and intraracial colorism affect the subconscious. Subsequently, we could teach those who are affected by intraracial colorism to unlearn their self-prejudices and to praise the beauty of their genetic makeup, and to accept themselves without the dramatization of altering their features. In order to progressively oust interracial colorism, we have to unite and work together as a community to end colorism.

IF YOU OR A LOVED ONE STRUGGLE WITH STRESS, ANXIETY OR DEPRESSION RELATED TO DISCRIMINATION OR IDENTITY ISSUES, OUR PROVIDERS CAN HELP! CLICK HERE TO FIND A SPECIALIST NEAR YOU OR CALL US AT 877-876-3783.

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Mental Health Effects of Colorism in the Black Community | MindPath Care Centers

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by Anna Yoni Jeffries One great oversight of our modern generation is that we turn a blind eye to the subconscious colorism that occurs in our society. Colorism within the African American community is defined as the attitude among African Americans discriminating against other African Americans because of their skin complexion - for instance, being too light or too dark.

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A Black Lives Matter protest in Kingston, Jamaica on June 6. Jamaica Gleaner via YouTube

Across the world, Black Lives Matter protests are continuing in the wake of the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. In the US and many European countries, protests have led to the toppling of colonial and slavery monuments and demands for far-reaching changes to address systemic racism.

But Black Lives Matter protests have also been held in black-majority countries where they have raised some uncomfortable truths. In Jamaica, protest and public debate in recent weeks have focused on the island's high rate of homicides by police and other social injustices. But they have also raised debates about colourism - discrimination against people with a dark skin tone.

On June 6, a small Black Lives Matter protest was held outside the US embassy in Kingston. Protesters focused particularly on extrajudicial killings by police and other security forces. According to Amnesty International, Jamaica has one of the highest rates of lethal police shootings in the world.

Two days after George Floyd was killed in late May, Susan Bogle, a poor woman with an intellectual disability, was allegedly shot in her home during a police-military operation in August Town, a neighbourhood of Kingston. Protesters carried placards with her name, as well as those of other victims of police brutality, including Mario Deane, who died in police custody in 2014.

Protesters stressed that these victims of police brutality had one thing in common: they were poor, and because of Jamaica's complex class and colour relations, mostly dark-skinned.

Several days after Bogle's killing, Jamaica's prime minister, Andrew Holness visited her family and said the incident would be fully investigated. But he faced an online backlash from those who said the visit was an insensitive PR stunt rather than an attempt to meaningfully address the high rate of police homicides, gang violence or the general plight of poor Jamaicans.

Colourism in Jamaica

But while public debates both in newspapers and on social media largely focused on the extrajudicial killings, questions were also raised, especially by young Jamaicans about the role of colourism in Jamaican society.

The prevalence of skin bleaching is only one expression of colourism in Jamaica. Such prejudice has its origins in slavery, when slave children fathered by white planters or overseers - often as a result of sexual violence - were given special privileges. These included exemption from working in the fields on account of their closeness to white men and, by definition, whiteness.

Read more: Colourism - how shade bias perpetuates prejudice against people with dark skin

Colourism and white-on-black discrimination in Jamaica, the US and other parts of the Americas, should be seen as two sides of the same coin. Colourism would not exist without European colonialism and the use of enslaved Africans on sugar plantations. In my own research, I've argued that colourism in Jamaican society has been a public secret - something that is commonly known but rarely openly acknowledged. Those who have dared to expose it have usually been vilified. And today that increasingly means being called names and receiving threats on social media.

A welcome debate

The public debate in the wake of George Floyd's killing suggests that more Jamaicans are willing to openly acknowledge that light skin bestows privilege and that this is a form of racism. And this includes not just those who have been at the receiving end of colourism. One light-skinned man, for instance, tweeted that he knew he was often treated better because of the colour of his skin.

But there are also still many who argue that racism is something that happens in the US and that "classism" takes place in Jamaica. In other words, that the fact that some Jamaicans get good jobs or the best seat in a restaurant is simply because of their class privilege and has little or nothing to do with skin colour.

Since Jamaica gained independence in 1962, the country has witnessed various "racial eruptions" - racial incidents that have led to a public debate about race and colour. One infamous case was the so-called Skyline incident in 1972 when dark-skinned housing minister Anthony Spaulding accused the Skyline hotel of racism for having refused to serve him and his friends because one of his friends had refused to remove his cap as was hotel policy.

But none of these incidents have changed the racial status quo: light skin continues to bestow privilege in both the public and private spheres. For instance, various studies have shown a close correlation between wealth and skin colour.

It remains to be seen whether this most recent racial eruption will lead to action to address colourism. The fact that it is now being more openly addressed is a positive step forward.

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Black Lives Matter in Jamaica: debates about colourism follow anger at police brutality

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Across the world, Black Lives Matter protests are continuing in the wake of the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. In the US and many European countries, protests have led to the toppling of colonial and slavery monuments and demands for far-reaching changes to address systemic racism.

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First and foremost, the term colorism means discrimination towards an individual based on skin color usually within the same race. The fashion world is a great example of colorism, it still showcases dark skin as taboo which results in discrimination within the community and from the fashion industry.

The fashion industry reinforces the stereotypes of black dark-skinned people; not giving them a chance to move past them because they are not getting the exposure. The divide between light and dark skin grows more and more as colorism is reinforced; going as far as whitening products becoming a popular purchase for those lightening their skin.

It wasn't black people who created the colorism strain, it was brought onto them by years and years of European influences, thus creating the belief the lighter the better. It was only 400 years ago black people were owned by caucasians and enslaved to work and sadly white supremacy still takes over and sneaks its way toward the fashion world. Even in now we are seeing instances of racism, Gucci and Prada were victim of blackface creating "fashion pieces" that were racist to the black community. Instances like this need to be brought to light so more people could see that blackface is wrong and learn the reason why.

The only way for the black community to move on from colorism is to go against the white supremacy system. For everybody to realize european features and lighter skin isn't the only face of beauty.

Vogue has been in the industry for over a century but they have only recently started to incorporate darker models. Before 2012 models such as Rihanna and Halle Berry were on the cover of Vogue but are both light skin. In 2012 Serena Williams was the first black dark skin model to be on the cover of Vogue; following her was Lupita Nyong'o and Michelle Obama. Although Vogue's journey to include more dark skin models has imporved they must realize that they have 24.4 million readers globally, their small attempt of representation must grow. People from all over the world need to see the normality of dark skin models and fashion magazines, brands, blogs, etc need to be aware of colorism, start uplifting and including black dark skin models.

Society is becoming more aware of the problems dark skins face and there is a slow incline of representation, let us hope Vogue and many other fashion magazines keep up this momentum.

As the fashion world evolves we are seeing more exposure to black models however, a lot still believe tokenism is completely fine. Tokenism is the practice of only including a few people of a minority, using that small group to represent every single person of that minority. This is seen everywhere in fashion, once they find one black dark skin model they keep them and don't search for more. Lupita Nyong'o is an example, she's been on the cover of Vogue 4 times, there are a few other dark skins but she is the darkest of them all.

What vogue should do is make an effort to discover new black models of darker skin. By doing this they'll show a diverse range of skin tones by different models, different origins, and experiences; allowing as much exposure for the black models in the world.

Tokenism doesn't improve a companies image by including one minority, it portrays the bare minimum a company went through to be inclusive. It doesn't improve the problem with diversity and colorism, it masks the real issue of diversity. It makes it even worse because no real progress or growth has been made.

Skin Bleaching Product

Colorism has led dark skins to purchase bleaching products to lighten their skin. They have always been criticized for their features like large lips, big nose, and stereotypical large/curvy men and women. Socially we've learned that black people should embrace their beauty and forget about stereotypes.

The one thing that can't seem to be forgotten is the idea that dark skin is unattractive.

Famous model Blac Chyna partnered with Whitenicious to launch her "X Blac Chyna Diamond Illuminating and Lightening Cream " on November 25, 2018, in Lagos, Nigeria, the cream is a luxury product on sale for $250. Many are criticizing the product because Chyna is taking advantage of the people in Nigeria. Chyna specifically chose to launch the product in Nigeria because she knew there was a demand for it. Nigerians are at a state of vulnerability because its been pushed inside their heads that dark skin is unattractive since they were young.

"77 percent of Nigerian women use skin-lightening products." according to a 2011 report by the World Health Organization.

The product promotes lighter skin to a demographic of dark black people, this launch will only make the situation worse and add another product to the lightening creams.

Once many people in the fashion industry encourage and bring up the issue of skin lightening in Nigeria, black dark-skinned people will recognize their beauty.

The fashion industries effort to incorporate dark models is unappreciated and will only be thankful once colorism and tokenism is nowhere to be seen. Black people need representation of dark skin, its the only way they can learn to love their skin. As for the fashion industry a bigger effort for representation would be appreciated. The non-inclusive fashion brands will receive praise for taking diversity seriously and dark skinned people will enjoy the representation of beautiful dark skin.

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Why is colorism still a problem in the Fashion Industry?

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First and foremost, the term colorism means discrimination towards an individual based on skin color usually within the same race. The fashion world is a great example of colorism, it still showcases dark skin as taboo which results in discrimination within the community and from the fashion industry.

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Lupita Nyong’o: Colourism is the daughter of racism

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The award-winning actor says growing up in Kenya, she ‘wished to have skin that was different’.

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Colorism is at the heart of any discussion about Meghan Markle and the royal family's horrific treatment of her, but this often gets ignored or overshadowed. I support Meghan, but I also recognize the way light-skinned privilege has allowed her-even amidst the horror she endured-a level of safety darker-skinned Black women would not have been allowed.

One glaring fact that people seem to forget is that Meghan doesn't actually identify as Black, but instead as biracial or mixed race. In a 2015 Elle UK interview, she made it clear that she embraces living in a "gray area" when it comes to race. When people ask her the question, "What are you?" she said she answers, "'My dad is Caucasian and my mom is African American. I'm half Black and half white." She explained, "To describe something as being Black and white means it is clearly defined. Yet when your ethnicity is Black and white, the dichotomy is not that clear. In fact, it creates a gray area."

But if someone thinks they can "choose" their race rather than have the choice made for them, that is a view rooted in privilege. She's also said that as a child, identifying as Black or white would have been "to choose one parent over the other-and one half of myself over the other." But unless someone makes the decision to pass, actively hiding their Black heritage, most mixed-race people cannot genuinely choose to be white.

It is, for me, extremely difficult to believe that without light-skinned privilege, Meghan could've ever believed that she would be protected.

But that "choice" is besides the point now, because however light she is or whatever identity she chooses, she and her children never stood a chance of being welcomed into the oppressive and racist institution that is the British monarchy. There is no gray area for them. There is Black and there is white.

In the March 7 interview with Oprah, Meghan expressed a genuine naivete regarding her ability to join Harry's family and serve this institution while also being protected and respected. When Oprah asked the couple if they had any regrets, Meghan replied: "I have one. My regret is believing them when they said I would be protected. I believed that." She continued, "And I regret believing that because I think had I really seen that that wasn't happening, I would have been able to do more."

It is saddening and enraging to hear about the mistreatment that Meghan -and even Harry-experienced during their time as a married couple and senior members of the royal family. But we cannot interpret Meghan's naivete as blissful ignorance-although that may be some component of it-but rather as privilege. It is, for me, extremely difficult to believe that without light-skinned privilege, Meghan could've ever believed that she would be protected or that Harry could've trusted that this would work out.

One viral tweet succinctly described what many Black women like me were feeling:

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I will admit that when I enter white spaces, I take inventory of the privileges I have. Class, weight, skin color, hair texture, accent...all of these contribute to the treatment I receive. And based on that information, I make the decision whether to continue in that space. I'm not particularly proud of it, but it's a calculus that many of us do.

However, that may only be applicable to some spaces and only to some degree. I believe that Meghan would not be beloved by as many people, or allowed to marry Harry at all, were she darker. There are limits to what light-skinned privilege can provide Black women when they enter institutions like the British monarchy, where color ultimately doesn't matter much. Any drop of Black blood is an existential threat to an institution that has built itself upon the bodies of Black and Brown people and invaded and/or enslaved so many countries, most of them non-white.

Any drop of Black blood is an existential threat to an institution that has built itself upon the bodies of Black and Brown people and invaded and/or enslaved so many countries, most of them non-white.

It's normal to be horrified at reports that members of the royal family expressed concern to Harry about how dark he and Meghan's children would be. But those anxieties and hostilities were inevitable in a family like the British monarchy, which is both a business and a historic colonial power. Those questions were always going to be posed or discussed behind closed doors, at the very least. It is a testament to Meghan and Harry's faith in her skin color that these kinds of comments were a surprise, not an expectation, from the individuals who uttered them.

No matter how light she was, she was never going to be a non-threat. Even her unborn child Archie was a danger. He was stripped of both a security detail and a title -the first of his cousins not to receive one-before he was even born. If he stays in America, Archie will likely be able to live much of his life with almost all the privileges of a white man. But within The Firm, Archie has a target on his back, regardless of his color.

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We Can't Talk About Meghan Markle Without Talking About Colorism

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Colorism is at the heart of any discussion about Meghan Markle and the royal family's horrific treatment of her, but this often gets ignored or overshadowed. I support Meghan, but I also recognize the way light-skinned privilege has allowed her-even amidst the horror she endured-a level of safety darker-skinned Black women would not have been allowed.