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Weighing the Pros and Cons of Organized Sports for Kids

While each child is different and participation in sports should be a joint decision between the parent, child and their trusted physician, experts say there are often mental, emotional, social and physical benefits for children who participate in organized sports.

Research shows that participation in youth sports can be linked to immediate and long-term health benefits for youth, according to Bozeman Sherwood, M.D.

"Participation in organized sports can lower stress, anxiety and depression in children and teens while improving health, concentration, confidence and self-esteem," Dr. Sherwood said. Long term, Dr. Sherwood said, participating in sports is associated with less substance abuse and the ability to make wiser life choices.

"I think most people would agree that habits learned through youth sports participation resonate at some level into adulthood as they reap the benefits of early physical activity," Dr. Sherwood said.

Popular sports include football, soccer, basketball, baseball, tennis, golf, lacrosse, swimming, track and field, volleyball and cheer.

However, there are risks involved in all sports, and participation in athletics will require time management and often a financial commitment.

Parents should carefully evaluate the pros and cons of participating in group sports before committing. Here are some things to consider:

Pros

Physical fitness: Consistent participation in sports can help youth become stronger and aerobically fit and less likely to develop chronic conditions like heart disease, cancer and diabetes.

Cognitive fitness: Sports can also improve brain function, help kids focus and sharpen their problem-solving skills.

Confidence: Kids who participate in team sports often display healthy self-confidence, leading to healthy interactions as they meet people, develop friendships and learn to interact socially and work together as part of a team.

Mental health: The exercise and physical activity required in sports participation can improve sleep patterns and help reduce stress, anxiety and depression.

Emotional outlet: Participating in physical activity like sports can help kids work through and relieve negative thoughts and feelings.

Cons

Potential injury: There is a potential risk for injury in any sport, which can range from strains and sprains to broken bones and concussions or traumatic injuries in rare cases.

Mental health risk: Competition in sports will lead to some degree of performance pressure, and how a child responds to this pressure could lead to positive or negative effects. Coaches, team members and families play an integral role in promoting positive outcomes.

Time: There often is a significant time commitment from athletes and their families traveling, practicing and competing, which can reduce time devoted to studying or participation in other activities.

Costs: Equipment, participation fees, coaching and possible travel can be expensive.

Dr. Sherwood said participation in organized sports can have many benefits in the short term and into the future, but it is not without risk and requires monitoring and balance, much like any activity.

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Weighing the Pros and Cons of Organized Sports for Kids

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While each child is different and participation in sports should be a joint decision between the parent, child and their trusted physician, experts say there are often mental, emotional, social and physical benefits for children who participate in organized sports.

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10 Reasons Why Playing Sports is Important for Kids

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In a world that is each day turning more sedentary, it is of capital importance to cultivate in your children the habit of exercise. Find now 10 reasons.

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Should all people participate in some kind of sport?

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Answer (1 of 3): It depends - does dance count as a sport?
If you are asking about organized sports, I’d say no. There are too many people who just aren’t interested in competitions.
I’m thinking of the musicians I know, who cannot risk getting their fingers smashed, the nerds I work with who ar…

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Why everyone should play sports regardless of ability

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In my earlier years, I was never one for sports; I would never watch any games when the weekend rolled around, nor would I have ever thought of signing up for one at my school. The most sports I had ever played were those in Physical Education class or the makeshift baseball I would play…

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WHY SPORTS ARE SO IMPORTANT FOR TODAY'S YOUTH | Pure Athlete

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Why kids should play sports: and how we WIN when they do | David Edwards | TEDxYouth@FSA

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What's your opinion? Cast your vote in this big debate.

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Quick, what are the first few things that come to mind when you hear the word "sport?"

Competition, wins, and losses

Athletic ability

Physical activity

Fans and entertainment; stadiums, fields, and arenas

Practice and dedication

College scholarships

Going a step further, you probably think of baseball, basketball, football, and the like. Some of you might say NASCAR and other forms of racing. Others might even debate things like poker and hot dog eating.

I mean, all of these things are covered by ESPN, right? It's only the biggest sports television and entertainment company in the world.

So, then, what about playing video games? Should holding a controller in your hand and hitting buttons on that controller to direct the movement of virtual characters on your TV, computer monitor, or mobile device be considered sport?

(Oh, and an important piece to note. I'm a huge baseball fan, playing it and basketball for most of my life through high school. If you would have asked me back then if video games were sports, I would have laughed heartily. Today, I'm a changed person, and the absolute skyrocketing surge of popularity in video games and eSports has helped drive such a shift in mindset.)

Should video games be considered a sport?

Yes, video games should be considered a sport. Rooted in competition, involving athletic ability, requiring practice and physical activity, taking place in stadiums, and cheered on by diehard fanatics, video games and the playing of them checks all of the required boxes.

Let's start by throwing the idea against some of those definitive words conjured up when thinking about the meaning of "sport"-competition, entertainment, athletic ability.

When you pit video games against those terms, take a look at how they match up.

1. Competition, wins, and losses

I'd consider this one of the easiest points to prove. The basic tenet of any sport is competition. A team or individual competes against another team or individual in hopes of achieving victory.

Competition is all around us...I mean, even Monopoly is competitive (to the point of turning friends into enemies and family members against each other!).

So, it's not a stretch at all to say video games are competitive. With any type of video game - but especially those with players going head to head with another player - you're going to have competition. Even if you're alone and playing a campaign against simulated competition in the form of a computer, you're still very much competing, right?

2. Athletic ability

What makes athletes like Deion Sanders and Bo Jackson so special? Both played professional football and baseball, and were quite good at both.

My point is, there are great athletes all around us. But, a large percentage of those athletes are only good at the sport in which they've found professional success. Put a professional basketball player on a baseball diamond and hilarity will probably ensue.

Then, when you consider the fact that each sport - and each position within a sport, even - requires a specific athletic ability, who is to say video game playing can't just be another set of a different type of athletic skill?

A quarterback has a tremendously different skill set than a wide receiver. Same goes for the skill of a pitcher in baseball versus that of a shortstop.

What athletic ability does a video game player have?

While playing video games doesn't require as many abilities as other sports, it does share a big one-coordination. Just like you need coordination to catch a 90 MPH baseball in a glove, or hit one with a bat, video game players need coordination to strike at the perfect time, synching the technique they use on their controller with whatever their eyes see unfolding in front of them.

Video gaming also shares another big ability with traditional sports-stamina. Quite frequently, head to head video game battles are a true test of a gamer simply trying to outlast their opponent. First one to blink (aka, get tired, worn down, etc.), loses.

And last, but certainly not least, what about responsiveness? It's an ability required of pretty much any fast-moving athlete, especially someone like a hockey goaltender. Successful video game players must also be able to quickly respond to a game's changing landscape, whether it's to counter a thrown punch from an opponent, or even getting their on-screen athlete in their favorite sports game to dodge a tackle or dribble past the other team.

Point being, an NFL lineman is considered an athlete thanks to their strength in blocking and tackling, but those abilities vary greatly from the speed and agility required of a running back.

While video game players must harness a very different type of athletic ability, it's an athletic ability nonetheless.

3. Physical activity

Many who don't consider video games to be sport probably haven't really endured a marathon gaming session. Their video game experiences have probably consisted of couches or lounge chairs and a game here or there when they're bored.

But for professional gamers, physical activity and the resulting strain is real. There is rapid button pushing and continuous joystick shifting. Is it as physically taxing as running up and down the soccer pitch for 90 minutes? Of course not. It's a shorter burst of activity, and contained to a much smaller space or "playing field," but again, it's physical activity nonetheless.

4. Fans and entertainment; Stadiums, fields, and arenas

In what is typically a scene reserved for something like a Golden State Warriors basketball game, it's common to have arenas packed to the gills, full of fans who are attending to show their support of their favorite gamers.

In fact, more than 173,000 attendees gathered to watch the 2017 World Championship held in Katowice, Poland...which was 100,000 more than the group that was in attendance for the Super Bowl that same year.

Then, consider the viewing audience at home-for the event referenced above, 46 million unique online viewers were looking on. It's also been said that on average, young gamers ages 18-25 spend 3 hours and 25 minutes online watching others play video games.

Think about that. What do you do during the week for nearly 3.5 hours? You probably watch a few hour-long TV shows, right? Or maybe you spend around 45 minutes each night reading before bed?

Last year in total, esports tournaments and live streams drew 258 million unique visitors.

5. Practice, dedication, and training

I've played video games. You've played video games. Because of that, it's hard to think that the activity we were taking part in was in fact sport. I mean, we've probably done so in our pajamas, on the couch, etc.

The key is that there are multiple levels of an activity in which one can engage; different tiers of skill and proficiency, and the level you and I were engaging in would probably be considered the lowest of levels.

I mean, you wouldn't draw one single picture and call yourself an artist, or sing one song and consider yourself a vocalist.

To become a professional gamer, one must practice and dedicate time, daily even, to their craft. The more skilled one becomes, the more like sports video games become.

And training doesn't mean simply playing more games; there is plenty of that, sure, but there is a lot more that goes into it. In fact, many eSports athletes endure physical and strength training to avoid common eSports injuries like carpal tunnel syndrome or tennis elbow. And of course training to improve coordination and the aforementioned responsiveness.

Proper nutrition and hydration must also be top of mind. Just as a cramp would be disastrous to any athlete mid-stride, a gamer with a cramped hand is basically useless.

6. College scholarships

You might have smirked and chuckled the first time you heard of a university fielding a competitive eSports team. I know I did.

But, that "can you believe that" attitude was quickly erased upon learning that not only are post-secondary institutions fielding teams, but they are awarding scholarships to fill those teams. It's one of the key eSports benefits.

In fact, there are 81 schools making up the National Association of Collegiate Esports (NACE), and all but two offer scholarships.

If asked to associate sports memories with major colleges, you might recall a pretty good University of Oklahoma football team and Heisman Trophy winner, Kyler Murray, this past season, or Boise State's epic 2007 Fiesta Bowl victory featuring a now famous Statue of Liberty play to seal the win.

There is also plenty of sports history from schools like New Mexico State, which has made the NCAA tournament in five of the last six years, and Wichita State, which is the college baseball's highest winning team for the past 31 seasons.

Well, believe it or not, these schools and other high-profile institutions also field eSports teams. And, based on industry growth and the staggering viewership numbers mentioned above, they could very well be writing college sports history books of their own.

So, is there still a question?

I know what you're thinking...if video games are considered sport, then what about mastering chess strategy or playing other similar games? Simply, chess fails against two of the 5 points above-athletic ability and physical activity (it's much more mental than anything, and the resulting "physical activity" is not a factor in the outcome of the match).

So, are video games a sport? Yes. Is it the only sport you can play while simultaneously devouring a pepperoni pizza? Perhaps. Although, I've been stuck in my fair share of baseball diamond outfields where a quick nap probably would have gone unnoticed.

Either way, the narrative is changing. For those of us who engage with video games as a hobby, they're fun and low key. For the highly-trained gamers and millions of viewers tuning in to watch, they're a true sport.

Have a child who wants to engage with video games in a different way, as a designer, creator, or developer? Check out our video game online courses and summer programs featuring eSports summer camps, and other STEM courses!

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Should Video Games be Considered a Sport? | eSports & Virtual Gaming

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Quick, what are the first few things that come to mind when you hear the word "sport?" Competition, wins, and losses Athletic ability Physical activity Fans and entertainment; stadiums, fields, and arenas Practice and dedication College scholarships Going a step further, you probably think of baseball, basketball, football, and the like.

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Photo Source: Anton Porsche, Controller Gaming, FLICKR (Aug. 6, 2016) ( CC0).

By: Katie Braile* Posted: 11/15/2023

In recent years, the prevalence of esports has increased tremendously.[1] The global competitive gaming market was valued at over one billion dollars last year and is projected to grow over seventeen percent annually between now and 2030.[2] As esports continues to rise in popularity, universities throughout the United States have started to form gaming teams of their own.[3] Many schools are offering students scholarships for their participation on esports teams, and others have even invested in constructing arenas to host competitions.[4] Given the amount of resources that schools are directing towards the development of these programs, some have raised questions about the Title IX implications of gaming and whether it should be considered a sport subject to the statute's mandates.[5]
Title IX in the Context of Collegiate Athletics
Title IX is a law that prohibits federally funded schools from engaging in sex-based discrimination and is widely credited for catalyzing the growth of women's sports.[6] To comply with the statute, school athletics programs must adhere to the following requirements:

[A]ll [financial] assistance should be available on a substantially proportional basis to the number of male and female participants in [an] institution's athletic program. . . . [M]ale and female athletes should receive equivalent treatment, benefits, and opportunities. . . . [And] the athletic interests and abilities of male and female students must be equally effectively accommodated.[7]

Schools can prove compliance with the last prong in one of three ways: (1) by demonstrating that the number of opportunities available to men and women student-athletes are "substantially proportionate" to their percentages of the student body, (2) by showing that the university has and will continue to create more participation opportunities for the underrepresented sex, or (3) by demonstrating that the university is fully accommodating the interests of students of the underrepresented sex.[8]
Gaming Is Not a Sport According to United States District Court
The question of whether esports counts as a sport for the purposes of Title IX was most recently addressed in Navarro v. Florida Institute of Technology, Inc.[9] In that case, a group of student-athletes brought suit against the Florida Institute of Technology ("FIT" or the "University") after the men's rowing team was disbanded and converted to an intramural club sport.[10] The athletes alleged that by doing so, the University violated Title IX because it failed to provide them with equitable athletic participation opportunities in comparison to women.[11]

To support this assertion, the athletes offered data to demonstrate that the number of available athletic opportunities to men was not "substantially proportionate" to their percentage of the student body.[12] According to their calculations, sixty-four percent of the University's athletes were male during the 2018 to 2019 academic year.[13] Still, they made up over seventy-one percent of its total undergraduate enrollment.[14] The data also indicated shortfalls in the years 2021 through 2023.[15] Based on these facts, the students sought a preliminary injunction to reinstate the men's rowing team.[16]

In its defense, FIT pointed to the fact that the students' calculations did not account for esports participants and that these disparities would have been smaller had they been included.[17] This raised the question of whether esports should qualify as an athletic participation opportunity under Title IX.[18] Arguing in the affirmative, FIT pointed to the fact that its gaming program is part of the University's athletics department and that team membership is limited to those who are selected through a try-out process.[19] Furthermore, the esports team members are subject to similar treatment as other student-athletes, and compete according to a set schedule established by a third-party organization.[20]

The District Court for the Middle District of Florida rejected FIT's position and ruled that gaming is not a sport falling within the scope of Title IX.[21] The court's reasoning rested primarily on the fact that esports is not an activity that requires players to possess any athletic ability.[22] Moreover, rules of esports competition are promulgated by businesses that design and manufacture the games as opposed to an organization like the NCAA.[23] This lack of oversight by a governing body supported the court's holding, and a preliminary injunction to restore the rowing team was accordingly granted.[24]
Area of Effect: How the Rule Could Impact Athletes Going Forward and Exacerbate the Gender Imbalance in Gaming
The district court's rule that video games are not a sport under Title IX is problematic and could exacerbate the gender imbalance in gaming.[25] Evidence shows that women are largely underrepresented in competitive esports at the collegiate and professional levels[26] For example, although women make up just under half of all video game players, they only comprise about eight percent of collegiate esports participants[27] At the professional level, this number is even smaller, with women only making up five percent of the competition.[28] This disparity has been attributed to a culture of misogyny and sexual harassment that is pervasive throughout the gaming industry.[29] Additionally, the fact that most esports scholarships are awarded to men rather than women represents another gender barrier.[30] Legal experts have described the Navarro ruling as "dangerous," explaining that it could impede enforcements against sex-based discrimination in esports at the collegiate level.[31]. Additionally, some have said that the court failed to take an inclusive approach in reaching its holding and that, by doing so, it went against policy guidance from the Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights.[32]

It remains to be determined whether the district court's decision will be appealed to the Eleventh Circuit, but until then, schools have reason to omit esports from their Title IX audits.[33] This will likely make it appear as though men are receiving fewer opportunities and scholarship dollars from athletics departments than they are and could put women at a disadvantage as a result.[34] Although it is unclear how other courts would rule on this issue, the Navarro holding is a signal to institutions of higher education that if they want gaming to be considered a sport for Title IX purposes, they will have to administer their esports varsity programs in a manner more similar to that of traditional collegiate sports.[35]

​​*Staff Writer, Jeffrey S. Moorad Sports Law Journal, J.D. Candidate, May 2025, Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law.

[1] See Gautum Raturi, The Growing Trend of Esports: Why 2023 Is Going to Be a Massive Year for Esports, Medium (Dec. 1, 2022), https://medium.com/codex/the-growing-trend-of-esports-why-2023-is-going-to-be-a-massive-year-for-esports-e17fe39ac58a (stating popularity of online streaming and increased investment from brands has stimulated growth of esports market).

[2] See Esports Market to Hit $4.47 Billion by 2030: Cognitive Market Research, Bloomberg (Apr. 12, 2023 10:02 AM), https://www.bloomberg.com/press-releases/2023-04-12/esports-market-to-hit-4-47-billion-by-2030-cognitive-market-research (stating esports generated $1.42 billion in global revenue in 2022 and has projected compound annual growth rate of almost eighteen percent for years 2023 through 2030). This report found that esports growth is largely driven by increased smartphone and Internet usage. See id. (stating increased number of Internet users has allowed more people to create esports livestreaming accounts). The report also stated that the opportunity to compete and earn money is another reason that more people are participating in esports. See id. (stating "players can win real money [and] even make a full-time career by participating in competitions.").

[3] See Jane K. Stoever, Title IX, Esports, and #EToo, 89 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 857, 900-02 (2021) (stating that number of colleges with varsity esports teams is increasing); see also Sean Morrison, List of Varsity Esports Programs Spans North America, ESPN (May 15, 2018 5:31 PM), https://www.espn.com/esports/story/_/id/21152905/college-esports-list-varsity-esports-programs-north-america (stating over one hundred universities have varsity esports teams). These include schools such as Georgia State University, Ohio State University, and University of California-Irvine, among others. See id. (providing list of schools across North America with varsity esports teams).

[4] See Stoever, supra note 3 at 900 (explaining some schools are constructing esports arenas and offering gaming scholarships to attract students interested in science, technology, engineering, and math). Some universities have also received money from the Department of Homeland Security to invest in esports facilities. See id. (describing significant investments made in collegiate esports programs).

[5] See Title IX of the Education Amendments Act of 1972, 20 U.S.C. §§ 1681-1688 (2022) ("No person in the United States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from the participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance."); see also Stoever, supra note 3 at 857 (stating that Title IX concerns have been raised with respect to esports as its prominence on college campuses continues to grow).

[6] See Maggie Mertens, 50 Years of Title IX: How One Law Changed Women's Sports Forever, Sports Illustrated (May 19, 2022), https://www.si.com/college/2022/05/19/title-ix-50th-anniversary-womens-sports-impact-daily-cover (detailing history of Title IX and explaining how it helped create equitable opportunities for women athletes); see also Sarah Pruitt, How Title IX Transformed Women's Sports, Hist. Channel (Aug. 16, 2023), https://www.history.com/news/title-nine-womens-sports (describing Title IX as "groundbreaking gender equity law [that] made a lasting impact by increasing the participation of girls and women in athletics.").

[7] Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972; a Policy Interpretation; Title IX and Intercollegiate Athletics, 40 Fed. Reg. 71413, 71414 (Dec. 11, 1979) (listing three prongs of Title IX compliance that collegiate athletics programs must adhere to).

[8] See id. at 7148 (explaining how universities can demonstrate that interests and abilities of men and women student-athletes are being equally accommodated).

[9] See Navarro v. Fla. Inst. of Tech., Inc., No. 6:22-CV-1950-CEM-EJK, 2023 WL 2078264, at 5 (M.D. Fla. Feb. 17, 2023) (examining whether esports are sport for Title IX purposes).

[10] See id. at 1 (indicating that students filed lawsuit after rowing team was discontinued along with several other sports).

[11] See id. at 2 (explaining that although students alleged violations of all three Title IX requirements, their claim that FIT failed to provide equitable participation opportunities to men "form[ed] the basis of [their] request for a preliminary injunction" to reinstate rowing team).

[12] See id. at 3 (explaining that, although there are three ways to discern whether equitable participation opportunities are being provided, "substantial proportionality" test is only relevant standard in this case). The court explains that "substantial proportionality" does not require "exact proportionality" given that enrollment rates fluctuate. See id. (stating "exact proportionality" would be "unreasonable" standard).

[13] See id. at 4 (describing evidence brought by students to support their assertion that FIT failed substantial proportionality test and violated Title IX).

[14] See id. (describing data offered by students to illustrate disparate number of participation opportunities available to men versus women at FIT in 2018-2019 academic year). The data that the students presented indicated that the percentage of athletic participation opportunities available to men was less than their percentage of the undergraduate student body. See id. (stating data "represent[ed] a shortfall of 132 opportunities for men" based on their percentage of undergraduate student body in 2018-2019 academic year).

[15] See id. (saying data also showed disparities in participation opportunities in years 2021 through 2023). Based on these calculations, the students argued that "FIT was already in violation of Title IX" when it cut the men's rowing team and was therefore not legally allowed to do so. See id. (explaining how evidence supported students' argument that FIT violated Title IX).

[16] See id. (stating students used data to demonstrate "substantial likelihood of success on the merits" needed to obtain injunction).

[17] See id. (explaining FIT's argument that number of athletics opportunities available to men would have been proportional had esports athletes and online students been included in calculations).

[18] See id. (stating FIT's position rested on assumption that esports is sport for purposes of Title IX).

[19] See id. at 5 (describing representations made by FIT regarding management of its esports program). FIT also said that esports participants were going to be eligible for scholarships beginning in 2023. See id. (explaining comparisons draw by FIT between esports participants and "traditional" student-athletes).

[20] See id. (summarizing FIT's explanation as to why esports should be considered sport under Title IX). FIT also stated that the esports participants have access to similar resources as other student-athletes such as athletic trainers. See id. (showing that esports participants receive similar services and support as other student-athletes).

[21] See id. (stating "the Court cannot hold that FIT's esports program provides genuine participation opportunities under Title IX"). To reach this conclusion, the court analyzed several factors pertaining to the "activity's structure, administration, team preparation, and competition." See id. (explaining factor test promulgated by Office of Civil Rights of United States Department of Education).

[22] See id. (saying esports is not sport under Title IX because it does not require players to have athletic skill). The court based its reasoning on the Second Circuit's decision in Biediger v. Quinnipiac University which held that cheerleading is not a sport for Title IX purposes. See id. (stating Second Circuit found cheerleading is not sport for Title IX purposes due to "lack of off-campus recruitment, a uniform set of rules, intercollegiate competition, or a progressive playoff system") (citing Biediger v. Quinnipiac Univ., 691 F.3d 85, 102-05 (2d Cir. 2012)). The court stated that whereas cheerleading presented a "'close-call' application of [the] factors," esports does not because it requires no athletic skill. See id. (distinguishing esports from cheerleading) (citing Biediger, 691 F.3d at 102-05).

[23] See id. (explaining that governing body like NCAA does not dictate rules of games played in esports competitions).

[24] See id. (stating esports is "not governed in a manner necessary to qualify as" sport under Title IX). The court granted the preliminary injunction to reinstate the men's rowing team finding FIT violated Title IX. See id at 9.

[25] For discussion of how court's ruling could exacerbate gender imbalance in gaming, see infra notes 25-32 and accompanying text.

[26] For discussion of gender disparity in gaming, see infra notes 27-29.

[27] See Erick Orantes & Aalok Sharma, Title IX Compliance Creates Hurdles for Collegiate Esports Programs, Stinson LLP (Mar. 1, 2019), https://www.stinson.com/newsroom-publications-Title-IX-Compliance-Creates-Hurdles-for-Collegiate-eSports-Programs (stating women make up nearly half of all gamers but are underrepresented in professional esports competitions); see also Christina Stylianou & Gregg Clifton, What Esports Ruling Means For College Title IX Compliance, Law360 (Mar. 24, 2023 3:53 PM), https://www.law360.com/articles/1589048/what-esports-ruling-means-for-college-title-ix-compliance (indicating women make up only eight percent of collegiate esports participants).

[28] See Orantes et al., supra note 27 (stating "women . . . make up only five percent of professional esports athletes"). This is because women in esports are often subjected to "pay gaps, cyberbullying . . ., and hostile team cultures." See id. (describing challenges faced by women esports competitors).

[29] See Matt Gardner, T he Ugly Hatred Faced by Women in Esports, and How We Fight Back, Forbes (Mar. 19, 2021 11:00 AM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/mattgardner1/2021/03/19/the-ugly-hatred-faced-by-women-in-esports-and-how-we-fight-back/?sh=1be548d337d8 (describing report published in 2020 finding that almost half of women gamers have been subjected to sex-based discrimination). Some have gone so far as to conceal their identities online to avoid harassment. See id. (describing measures taken by some women gamers to protect against discriminate treatment); see also Stoever, supra note 3 at 902 (stating "harassment . . . by men of women and nonbinary individuals . . . has been a substantial barrier to [their] safe participation" in esports); see also Stylianou et al., supra note 27 (describing esports environment as one that "foster[s] . . . sex discrimination and sexual harassment, cyberviolence and abuse.").

[30] See Stoever, supra note 3 at 862-63 (stating "esports scholarships and team memberships have mostly been awarded to male students from affluent backgrounds").

[31] See Stylianou et al., supra note 27 (explaining that court's ruling could "permit loopholes for bullying [and discrimination to go] unchecked").

[32] See id. (explaining that court's ruling "contradict[ed] the OCR's overarching policy of taking an inclusive approach" to determining whether activity is sport under Title IX). Legal experts have also noted that the inclusion of esports in the Olympic Games supports the position that it should be considered a sport for Title IX purposes. See id. (stating that even though esports is not recognized as sport by NCAA, it is included in Olympic Games).

[33] See id. (stating trial court's ruling has not yet been appealed and that its decision provides guidance to universities in conducting Title IX audits).

[34] See Steve McCaskill, Esports Not a Sport for Title IX in Federal Court Ruling, SportsPro Media (Feb. 24, 2023), https://www.sportspromedia.com/news/esports-not-a-sport-for-title-ix-in-federal-court-ruling/ (saying court's holding will have "implications for how . . . colleges calculate their compliance with Title IX").

[35] See Navarro v. Fla. Inst. of Tech., Inc., No. 6:22-CV-1950-CEM-EJK, 2023 WL 2078264, at 5, (M.D. Fla. Feb. 17, 2023) (holding that FIT's esports program does not count as athletics participation opportunity because it is not administered in manner similar to that of other varsity teams). The court distinguished FIT's esports team from other varsity sports in that it does not compete within "a progressive playoff system" and its members were not recruited off-campus by the university. See id. (pointing out differences between how esports team and other varsity programs operate at FIT); see also McCaskill, supra note 34 (stating "esports may have to adopt . . . conventions of traditional sports in order to be considered equal").

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Are Video Games a Sport? United States District Court Says Not for Title IX Purposes

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Villanova University is a Catholic university founded in 1842 by the Order of Saint Augustine. At Villanova, our educational experience is rooted in a passionate, collaborative pursuit of knowledge and service to others.

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Are Video Games a Sport? | The New York Times

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Authors: Daniel Kane, Brandon D. Spradley

Affiliations: United States Sports Academy

Corresponding Author:
Daniel Kane
20 Ravenhurst Ave
Staten Island, NY 10310
Danielskane@gmail.com
917-545-9179

Daniel Kane is a doctoral student at the United States Sports Academy pursuing his degree in sports management.

ABSTRACT
The commentary is a theoretical framework that builds on the concept that eSports should be considered a sport. The first part of the paper analyzes the definition of a sport and determines that competitive video games should apply to the meaning. The second part of the paper discusses how eSports should be recognized by the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). In addition, the application of Title IX is applied to have eSports listed as an emerging sport for women.

Keywords: eSports, NCAA, Title IX, video games

Recognizing ESports as a Sport
Sitting in front of a computer and playing video games is not the image that comes to mind when a person thinks of an athlete. Instead, an image of someone who may not be physically fit and lacks athletic abilities is usually the stereotype that is associated. In some cases, people would refer to a gamer as a nerd or associate it with nerd culture (Kendall, 2011). The term gamer can be used to classify many different types of people. The most popular classification are people that play board games, collectible card games, and video games. For the purpose of this paper, the term gamer will be used to describe individuals that participate in competitive video gaming. With the advance of technology, competitive video gamers are starting to demonstrate the same athletic properties as traditional sports athlete. The concept of video games has also changed. Instead of playing video games recreationally, people are starting to play video games competitively in tournaments that closely resemble sports competition. This review paper will attempt to build the theoretical framework that eSports should be considered a sport and be recognized by The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA).

ESports Is a Sport
The first video game competition can be traced back to October 19, 1972, at Stanford University's Artificial Intelligence Laboratory in which about two dozen students competed playing Spacewar (Li, 2016). One of the first recognized competitive tournaments in video games was when Atari held a multi-city competition that offered 10,000 participants a chance to become a world champion in Space Invaders ("Players Guide", 1982). Since then the way video games have been played has changed. The evolution of eSports is now known as competitive video gaming (Li, 2016). For the purpose of this review paper, eSports will be a general term that includes all the various eSports leagues from around the world. Each league could be compared to a different sports league that plays the same sport such as the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC), Bellator and Invicta Fighting Championship. The various eSports leagues have different rules, play different games, rank professionals differently and host tournaments and competitions. The consistent aspect throughout the leagues is that the competitors play video games and the athletes that win matches consistently could progress to a professional level.

One of the biggest debates concerning eSports is whether competitive video gaming can be defined as a sport. The definition of sport has been attempted many times, and a universal definition has not been determined (Perks, 1999). Rather than a definitive academic definition, people refer to the Oxford English Dictionary (n.d.) definition, "An activity involving physical exertion and skill in which an individual or team competes against another or others for entertainment" (para. 1). The definition of sport needs to be discussed to ensure that eSports can be defined as a sport.

The first term to analyze is physical exertion. Aadahl, Kjaer, and Jørgensen (2007) state that absolute intensity can be used to determine the intensity of exercise, by analyzing the multiple of an individual's basal metabolic rate (MET). Since the MET could be used to determine exertion, a connection could be made via how the MET is affected when playing video games. Additionally, the oxygen levels (VO2) can be used; a moderate physical activity would have a 40%-60% VO2 reserve and/or 4-6 MET's (Stroud, Amonette, & Dupler, 2010). In a study performed by Bronner, Pinsker, and Noah, (2013) male and female participants MET's raised between 4-9 while participating in video games that involved dancing. Stroud et al., (2010) was able to get their participants VO2 and MET at a low to moderate activity level by standing and shaking Nintendo Wii controllers while playing Mario and Sonic at the Olympic Games. This shows physical exertion being demonstrated during the playing of video games.

Multiple links can be observed between physical exertion and video games. Modesti, et al., (1994) conducted a study that showed the basal blood pressure is raised while playing a video game. Also, physical exertion could also be considered perceived exertion. Two ways to measure perceived exertion is using the 15-point Borg Ratings of Perceived Exertion (RPE) or the 10-point Borg category ratio (CR10) (Borg, 1998). Using RPE and CR10, a participant looks at the scale and determines how strenuous the activity feels. Heart rate can also be used to gauge perceived exertion, as the RPE scale is structured from 6-20 to represent heart rates. During video game competitions and training, many eSports athletes exhibited signs that could be considered physical exertion to keep up with the routine of being a professional video gamer (Li, 2016; Rodriguez, et al., 2016).

The second part of the definition to analyze is skill. To become a professional gamer, a player must learn different skills and techniques to get better. Researchers have used video games as a way to understand how a person develops skills (Boot, Sumner, Towne, Rodriguez, & Ericsson, 2016). Green and Bavelier (2015) conducted a study that showed people learn skills from playing action video games. Bavelier, Green, Pouget, and Schrater, (2012) conclude that not one skill but many skills are obtained playing action video games. In competitive gaming, the skilled players dominate people that play for fun (Li, 2016). In eSports, there is a clear divide in win - loss record between players that are considered professionals and those that are not.

The final part of the definition deals with a person or team that competes against another person or team for entertainment. Playing video games as a hobby has evolved into competitions and tournaments with cash prizes. Depending on the game being played, a person can enter a contest solo in the cases of fighting games such as Street Fighter, or join with a team, playing games such as Counter-Strike or League of Legends. ESports are broadcasted on ESPN in the United States and various networks around the world. Special eSports arenas have been constructed to host the events.

Countries have begun to recognize professional gamers as athletes. In the United States, professional gamers can obtain P-1 visas, which are given to athletes (U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, n.d.). In 2013, professional gamer Danny "Shiphtur" Le was the first to receive a P-1 visa for eSports (Dave, 2013). In South Korea, the Korea e-Sports Association (KeSPA) is recognized by the Korean Sport & Olympic Committee (KeSPA, n.d.). KeSPA regulates athlete's amateur and professional status (Li, 2016). The recognition of professional gamers grew in South Korea that the South Korean Air Force had an eSports team when professional gamers had to do mandatory military service (Li, 2016). Using the examples provided, eSports should be recognized as a sport.

ESports in the NCAA
The National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) is a member-based organization that has set the standard for college athletics in the United States (Masteralexis, Barr, & Hums, 2015). In 1989, a poll was administered in the United States that discovered 78% of Americans thought college sports was out of control (Masteralexis, Barr, & Hums, 2015). Since then, the NCAA has become the recognized authority over collegiate athletics. The NCAA has 1,121 college members with nearly half a million college athletes, competing in 24 sports among three divisions (The National Collegiate Athletic Association, n.d.). For eSports to be taken seriously as a sport at the collegiate level, the NCAA will need to recognize eSports as a sport. For that to happen, the sport must go through an extensive review process.

NCAA Definition of Sport
The first step for eSports to become recognized as a collegiate sport is to meet the NCAA's definition of sport. The NCAA (n.d.) has a similar definition in the Oxford English Dictionary but expands on the sport being played at the collegiate level. Definition of a sport: For purposes of reviewing proposals, a sport shall be defined as an institutional activity involving physical exertion with the purpose of competition versus other teams or individuals within a collegiate competition structure. Furthermore, a sport includes regularly scheduled team and/or individual, head-to-head competition (at least five) within the competitive season(s); and standardized rules with rating/scoring systems ratified by official regulatory agencies and governing bodies. (para. 6)

As discussed earlier, eSports falls into the definition of a sport and is already being recognized and organized by several college campuses (Wingfield, 2014). ESports also has an advantage to being acknowledged as a collegiate sport, since no defined gender is required to play competitive video games. Women and men can play together without an imbalance being created by gender differences. Since women can start a women-only team or participate with men, the recognition of eSports in the NCAA could fall under the emerging sports for women list.

Emerging Sports for Women
A common misconception is that video games are just for men. According to a study conducted by the Pew Research Center, 48% of women play video games in the United States (Duggan, 2015). The Entertainment Software Association (2016) has discovered, women over the age of 18 represent a larger portion of the gaming community than boys 18 years and under in age. The number of women that are playing video games continues to rise, according to Newzoo, female gamers increased 70% from 2011-2014, 18 million to 30.3 million (Harwell, 2014). There is a lack of data to account for the number of women that are currently participating in eSports, but women are starting to make an impact on the sport. Intel has begun to sponsor and nurture female only competitive teams in hopes to raise the number of female competitors (Buck, 2015).

With women creating female-only teams or being able to play with men in eSports, the ability for the NCAA to recognize eSports could fall under Title IX. The creation of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, 20 U.S.C §§ 1681 et seq., was enacted to end discrimination on the basis of gender (Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, 1972). The original text was vague and made it difficult to decipher what sports would be covered under the original amendment. The Office for Civil Rights (OCR) which oversees Title IX released a letter in 2008 that helps try to define how a sport will be recognized under Title IX (U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, 2008). OCR's definition will help determine if eSports should be covered by Title IX.

To determine eSports as a Title IX sport, Robert Morris University (RMU) in Chicago, Illinois will be used as a primary example. Although RMU is not a NCAA member, the University is a member of a comparable organization, the National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics (NAIA) and currently has eSports listed as a sport under the athletics department (Robert Morris University, n.d.). RMU treats eSports as a sport and the participants as athletes.

In the letter distributed by OCR, two main categories are reviewed. The first category that OCR uses to make the determination is to analyze the program structure and administration (U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, 2008). This review has two parts, the first part is to check "whether the operating budget, support services (including academic, sports medicine and strength and conditioning support) and coaching staff are administered by the athletics department or another entity, and are provided in a manner consistent with established varsity sports" (U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, 2008, para. 11). In 2014, Kurt Melcher brought eSports to RMU under the athletic department, with an operating budget that included hiring coaches and building an arena (Ruby, 2004). Initially, to comply with being consistent with varsity sports, 35 scholarships were provided to varsity and junior varsity players (Ruby, 2004).

The second part of the first category requirement questions if participants are recruited and receive scholarships compared to other varsity sports (U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, 2008). When the eSports program was just beginning at RMU, the recruitment mimicked other sports. Top amateurs were being contacted as well as the program was being marketed. The university received over 7,000 people who showed interest in joining the team and was able to secure amateurs who turned down going pro to play at RMU (Ruby, 2004). The university now grants around half a million dollars in scholarships for the eSports teams (TEDx Talks, 2016). The program structure and administration of RMU's eSports closely resembles the structure of other athletic departments.

The second category that needs to be reviewed by OCR is team preparation and condition (U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, 2008). This category analyzes four different parts of the team to ensure that the teams are being treated like other sports, and that the sport itself can be compared to other sports. The review will look at eSports in the same way a sport like football will be examined, including the schedule, practices, equipment and competitions.

In the first subsection of category two states, "Whether the practice opportunities (e.g., number, length, and quality) are available in a manner consistent with established varsity sports in the institution's athletics program" (U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, 2008, para. 14). RMU created an eSports arena that cost the athletic budget $100,000 (Ruby, 2004). The arena could be compared to stadiums or arenas that universities build for athletic teams, and the arena is sponsored by iBUYPOWER. The iBUYPOWER eSports arena is different than computer labs found on other campuses. At some colleges, computer labs are created using student association fees which allow any student at the university to use the computers. The eSports arena is only for eSports athletes to be used for practice and competitions (TEDx Talks, 2016). Regarding practice, eSports at RMU are operated and scheduled in the same manner as other sports.

The second subsection of category two analyzes regular season competitions compared to other varsity sports. "Whether the regular season competitive opportunities differ quantitatively and/or qualitatively from established varsity sports; whether the team competes against intercollegiate or interscholastic varsity opponents in a manner consistent with established varsity sports" (U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, 2008, para. 15). The Collegiate Starleague (CSL) has become an organization that oversees college eSports athletics. Colleges can enroll in the league as either casual or competitive teams. The CSL is compared to the NCAA for eSports, the CSL oversees eight different leagues, has three divisions, sets rules, schedules, rankings and tournaments (Collegiate Starleague, n.d.).

The third subsection of category two raises the question of preseason and postseason compared to varsity sports. The CSL has a structured postseason playoff system and championship. Also, regarding having a championship, CSL tournaments also offer prize amounts for winning that are applied to scholarships. The ability for eSports athletes to win scholarship money would help subsidize the athletes that only receive partial scholarships at his/her college.

The fourth subsection of category two, "Whether the primary purpose of the activity is to provide athletic competition at the intercollegiate or interscholastic varsity levels rather than to support or promote other athletic activities" (U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, 2008, para. 21). ESports has an advantage in this category versus other athletic activities. The concept and actions in playing in an eSports league are unique and would be difficult to compare to other athletic activities. The primary purpose of having an eSports team would be to provide the student athletes with the ability to be able to compete at the collegiate level.

A difficulty that eSports would have with gaining Title IX compliance is the first factor under the fourth subsection of category two. "Whether the activity is governed by a specific set of rules of play adopted by a state, national, or conference organization and/or consistent with established varsity sports, which include objective, standardized criteria by which competition must be judged (U.S. Department of Education Office of Civil Rights, 2008, para. 23). As previously mentioned, eSports is currently compared to the organizational structure of mixed martial arts (MMA) as there are many different professional leagues. Although the CSL is considered the main collegiate league, universities can still participate in eSports tournaments ran by other organizations. By participating in other leagues and not having membership to only one would alter how varsity sports currently structure their competitions. Once eSports would be deemed different from varsity sports, the sport would not be in compliance with Title IX.

To ensure that eSports are recognized under Title IX the sport needs a national governing body. The NCAA created the Gender Equity Task Force that will oversee a sports compliance with Title IX and help gain Division 1 recognition (Stafford, 2004). The Gender Equity Task Force helped create the emerging sports for women in the NCAA. For a sport to be determined as an emerging sport, the NCAA definition of sport is used with the addition that female-student-athletes will have additional opportunities (The National Collegiate Athletic Association, n.d.).

Since eSports provides females with a fair opportunity to compete against men on teams that are only female or mixed, the sport should be listed as an emerging sport. During the review process, the sport will be listed on the emerging sports for women's list. The sport then has ten years to gain championship status at a minimum of 40 NCAA universities or continue to show growth towards that goal (The National Collegiate Athletic Association, n.d.). The benefit of being on the emerging sports list is universities can count eSports towards their Title IX compliance regarding how many female sports they offer.

Benefits of Having ESports in the NCAA
There are numerous advantages for the NCAA recognizing and becoming the national governing body of eSports at the collegiate level. The first is the discussion listed above that eSports would provide an additional female sport for universities and help the university stay in Title IX compliance. Universities can sometimes find it difficult to remain in compliance based on the Title IX proportional requirement since the number of teams needs to be proportionate to the number of students based on gender (Yuracko, 2002). With women being able to form female-only teams or play on a team with men, the opportunities to increase female participation in sports could expand.

Universities can also benefit from the cost of starting up an eSports team compared to other collegiate sports. The iBUYPOWER arena cost RMU $100,000 to start up (Ruby, 2004). The amount included renovations to the location and all of the equipment. The average college football stadium construction requires around $400 million in capital investments (Maxcy & Larson, 2015). The University of Michigan facility expenses cost around $8 million in 2008, for repairs, utilities, supplies and equipment, and other expenses (Rosner & Shropshire, 2011). The operation budget is going to be cheaper than other sports. Once the location is built, the team needs a small budget for jerseys, travel and if repairs will be required in the future. In some cases, travel, may not be necessary since competitions take place online and judges from the event can monitor the computers from a remote satellite location. The operational cost is in contrast to that of traditional sports. NCAA Division 1 baseball teams can cost a university an average of $900,000 and the average Division 1 baseball team loses the university around $700,000 a year (Wolverton, 2009). Also, varsity lacrosse and track average more than $500,000 in losses for a university (Wolverton, 2009).

Another advantage eSports has over varsity sports is the number of viewers that watch eSports and the ability to watch via the internet. In June 2011, twitch.tv started broadcasting video games and created a social platform for gamers on the internet (Twitch, n.d.). The platform has 9.7 million active users, who watch an average of 106 minutes a day, with over 2 million people streaming (Twitch, n.d.). The ability to watch eSports competitions is not limited to having to go to a stadium. People can look at a team compete anywhere in the world. In 2013, 32 million people watched the League of Legends Season 3 World Championship, that is more viewers than the Major League Baseball World Series (14.9 million), NCAA Basketball Final Four (15.7 million), National Basketball Association Finals Game 7 (26.3 million) and the Bowl Championship Series (26.4 million) (TEDx Talks, 2016). People are not only interested in viewing the competitions online, but also visit arenas and stadiums to observe. The League of Legends World Championship in 2013 sold out the Staples Center in Los Angeles in one hour, and in 2014 filled up a former Fédération Internationale de Football Association stadium with 40,000 people (TEDx Talks, 2016).

The benefits of having an eSports team is not limited to saving a university money as a low-cost sport; ESports can generate money for their athletes. As discussed earlier, if the eSports athletes win tournaments in the CSL, that money is applied towards that student's scholarship. The subsidized money will save the university, as other scholarship money can be allocated to other student athletes. The university also has an ability to gain sponsorship money from the many different companies that do not usually sponsor sports. RMU was able to secure four sponsors when bringing eSports to their university (Ruby, 2004).

The eSports model will also easily fit into the NCAA structure of Division 1, Division 2 and Division 3. Each university can provide different games and structure different teams based on the athlete's ability level. The CSL already has a divisional system structure amongst the teams and universities that participate. Designation of the various divisional teams will also help control the budget for athlete's scholarships, following the NCAA's protocols that are already in place for division scholarship requirements.

Conclusion
This review paper is a theoretical framework that explains why eSports is a sport and why the NCAA should recognize the sport. The topic of eSports has limited academic research, and limited data is available on the subject. Future researchers should consider issues that were discussed in the paper to help build a foundation for additional studies.

The first topic that needs more study is women in eSports. The data is limited as to how many women play competitive video games. One website using public data was able to show that around 364 women have placed in the money in eSports tournaments, with the top female winning around $170,000 (E-sports Earnings, n.d.). By starting to collect data on the number of women playing competitive e-sports, the data could be used to determine future papers on the topic. Women in eSports could create a change in people's perspective on women and video games.

Another topic to consider is the lack of gender identification needed within the eSports community. Playing video games does not require a specific gender or label to participate. A cultural divide still exists between men and women concerning video games and who should be playing them. The topic could be looked at from various disciplines in hopes to arrive at an equality amongst gamers.

The third topic that requires additional research is the comparison of eSports to MMA as a business. MMA competitions and leagues have been around for years. In the early 1990's the UFC was able to change their image from street brawls to the leading organization in MMA (Watanabe, 2015). The same concept is happening to eSports currently. The stigma that only nerds play video games is still currently active as well as the many different leagues that have not been able to become the premier organization. Both sports can be compared and contrasted to attempt to answer how eSports can grow like the UFC did within a stigmatized sport.

The fourth topic that could be investigated is the definition of amateur and professional in the e-sports environment. Unlike many traditional sports, age is not a factor when playing competitive video games. The competition structure for eSports compares to the pro-am structure of different sports tournaments. Having amateurs play with professionals allows younger age participants to move up to a professional title at a younger age. The third top-earning male athlete Sumail "SumaiL" Hassan was recruited to a team as a professional at the age of 15 years old (E-sports Earnings, n.d.). A problem will arise when eSports competitors want to participate in collegiate eSports athletics. Currently, the NCAA has set strict rules on amateurism and restrictions on collegiate athletes gaining money from competitions before entering college (Rosner & Shropshire, 2011). ESports has already found a way to allow college students to compete for cash prizes as long as the winnings are applied to scholarships. As for students who already have full scholarships, the money could be used to offset various living costs such as a stipend or larger meal plan.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
None

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Authors: Daniel Kane, Brandon D. Spradley Affiliations: United States Sports Academy Corresponding Author: Daniel Kane 20 Ravenhurst Ave Staten Island, NY 10310 Danielskane@gmail.com 917-545-9179 Daniel Kane is a doctoral student at the United States Sports Academy pursuing his degree in sports management.

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School Uniforms | Pros, Cons, Debate, Arguments, & Education | Britannica

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Should students wear school uniforms? Learn the pros and cons of the debate.

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Parents naturally want the best for their children, and as a result, do everything they can to ensure they receive the best education possible. While searching for the right school for your son or daughter, you'll notice that some schools, like Concord Lake STEAM Academy, a public charter school in Kannapolis, require students to wear uniforms - but is this a good thing, or is it a means of stifling children's individuality? In today's post, we're going to discuss the importance of school uniforms and how they promote equality and better learning. Keep reading to learn more.

Many parents like the idea of school uniforms because it makes getting ready for school easier. While this is certainly true, there are many other benefits of having a school uniform. Here are just a few.

Promotes a Safe Environment

When parents are asked what is most important to them when looking for a school for their child, one of the top answers usually has something to do with safety. School has traditionally been a place where children go to learn and not have to worry about violence. However, if you've watched the news or tracked current school issues, you've surely heard about the increase in bullying.

Bullying isn't just harmless teasing, this repeated and hurtful act may include name-calling, hurtful pranks, inflicting physical pain, exclusion, and public humiliation. The fear and anxiety caused by it can be long-lasting, making it difficult to focus at school and causing victims to have fear, low self-esteem, depression, and even thoughts of suicide.

One of the best ways to promote equality and reduce bullying is through the use of school uniforms. Many children are often bullied because they dress differently or can't afford to wear name-brand clothes. School uniforms help to level the playing field. When everyone wears the same color and style of clothes, it's one less thing that children have to worry about and the number of bullying incidents decrease.

Promotes School Spirit and a Sense of Belonging

School spirit is the sense of pride and cohesive identity felt by members of a particular school, and it's important because it helps to bring people together in a positive way. School spirit is felt when you hear people cheering at a football game. It boosts morale and encourages students to do their best for the good of their school.

School uniforms can also be used to promote a sense of school unity and school spirit. Like members of a sports team, students who wear uniforms feel like they are part of one group and therefore tend to perform better and care more about their school.

Saves Time and Money

While there is a cost for school uniforms, it's usually much less than having to pay for new school wardrobes - especially when children often feel the pressure to buy expensive designer clothes in order to fit in. Having a clearly-defined school uniform makes it easy for parents to know exactly what has to be purchased, saving time and money and preventing the guilt trip that comes from children trying to persuade them to buy what they want.

Back-to-school shopping is not only made easier by having uniforms, but it reduces the time and stress involved in getting ready in the morning. Children don't have to worry about what their friends will be wearing or keeping up with fashion trends. Removing this common stress factor allows them to have more time to focus on other more important things.

Reduces Segregation

Walk into any public school where uniforms are not part of the policy and you'll likely see children in small groups, clearly separated from the others. Look closer and you'll probably see a common style of dress within each group. The way you dress often dictates the type of group you belong to. Having one, undifferentiated outfit, on the other hand, helps to reduce social segregation and stereotypical labeling.

Puts the Focus On School

Children have a lot to think about - how to perform well in school, who to be friends with, how to act, what kind of career they want, and so forth. Many children spend an unhealthy amount of time worrying about things that they shouldn't, like how to be popular or how to get someone to like them. Having a school uniform can reduce the amount of time and energy spent on non-essential things, like what they are wearing, so they have more time to focus on academics.

Concord Lake STEAM Academy

If you're looking for a public charter school in the Kannapolis area, we encourage you to take a look at Concord Lake STEAM academy. We're a K through 8 school dedicated to providing a well-rounded education through rigorous, innovative, and inquiry-based instruction. We also believe in the value of wearing school uniforms. If you'd like to learn more about our school including what makes a STEAM school different from a traditional public school, contact us today. Together, with your help, we can ensure our children are prepared for a lifetime of success.

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Parents naturally want the best for their children, and as a result, do everything they can to ensure they receive the best education possible. While ...

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Style Theory: Are School Uniforms Worth It?

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Should Schools Require Students to Wear Uniforms? | What are the pros and cons of school uniforms?

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This updated collection of research looks at how mandatory school uniforms impact student achievement, attendance and behavior as well as the presence of gangs in public schools.

Decades ago, uniforms were mostly worn by students who went to private or parochial schools. But as local school boards have focused more on improving standardized test scores and campus safety, a growing number have begun requiring school uniforms - typically, a polo shirt of a particular color paired with navy or khaki pants, skirts or shorts. Nearly 22 percent of public schools in the United States required uniforms in 2015-16 - up from almost 12 percent in 1999-2000, according to the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES).

Proponents argue that students will pay more attention to their classwork if they aren't preoccupied with fashion, and that they'll be better behaved. Meanwhile, school administrators say uniforms help eliminate gang-related styles and logos. They also make it easier to spot a stranger on campus.

Despite their reported benefits, mandatory uniforms are controversial because a lot of parents and students don't like the idea of forcing children to dress alike, which they say suppresses freedom of expression. Some families complain about the financial burden of purchasing uniforms in addition to their kids' other clothing. Years ago, parents also complained that it was difficult to find uniforms, but that ceased to be an issue after large chain stores like Target and Wal-Mart began selling them.

As public schools debate the merits of uniforms - some school boards have been bouncing the idea around for years - it's important for journalists to know what the research says on this topic. School officials do not always consult academic research before they put a plan on the table.

To help journalists ground their reporting and fact-check claims, Journalist's Resource has rounded up several academic studies worth reviewing. Reporters may also want to examine reports on uniform use from the NCES, which collects and reports data related to school uniforms, dress codes and book bags in public schools.

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"School Discipline, School Uniforms and Academic Performance"
Baumann, Chris; Krskova, Hana. International Journal of Educational Management, 2016. DOI: 10.1108/IJEM-09-2015-0118.

Summary: This study examines test scores and student behavior in the United States, Canada and 37 other countries to determine whether uniforms affect student discipline. The researchers found that the highest-performing students are the most disciplined. In addition, "for countries where students wear school uniforms, our study found that students listen significantly better, there are lower noise levels, and lower teaching waiting times with classes starting on time."

"Dressed for Success? The Effect of School Uniforms on Student Achievement and Behavior"
Gentile, Elizabetta; Imberman, Scott A. Journal of Urban Economics, 2012, Vol. 71. doi: 10.1016/j.jue.2011.10.002.

Abstract: "Uniform use in public schools is rising, but we know little about how they affect students. Using a unique dataset from a large urban school district in the southwest United States, we assess how uniforms affect behavior, achievement and other outcomes. Each school in the district determines adoption independently, providing variation over schools and time. By including student and school fixed-effects we find evidence that uniform adoption improves attendance in secondary grades, while in elementary schools they generate large increases in teacher retention."

"Uniforms in the Middle School: Student Opinions, Discipline Data, and School Police Data"
Sanchez, Jafeth E.; Yoxsimer, Andrew; Hill, George C. Journal of School Violence, 2012. DOI: 10.1080/15388220.2012.706873.

Summary: Researchers asked students at an urban middle school in Nevada what they thought of having to wear uniforms. Their public school had adopted a uniform policy after staff members became frustrated with the earlier dress code policy, which resulted in girls wearing revealing clothing and boys wearing shirts with inappropriate messages and images. The study's main takeaway: The vast majority of students said they dislike uniforms, although some agreed there were benefits. "For example, in reference to gender, more than expected females than males indicated students treated them better with uniforms. Also, fewer females than males got detention for not wearing a uniform or for wearing a uniform inappropriately."

"Are School Uniforms a Good Fit? Results from the ECLS-K and the NELS"Yeung, Ryan. Educational Policy, 2009, Vol. 23. doi: 10.1177/0895904808330170.

Abstract: "One of the most common proposals put forth for reform of the American system of education is to require school uniforms. Proponents argue that uniforms can make schools safer and also improve school attendance and increase student achievement. Opponents contend that uniforms have not been proven to work and may be an infringement on the freedom of speech of young people. Within an econometric framework, this study examines the effect of school uniforms on student achievement. It tackles methodological challenges through the use of a value-added functional form and the use of multiple data sets. The results do not suggest any significant association between school uniform policies and achievement. Although the results do not definitely support or reject either side of the uniform argument, they do strongly intimate that uniforms are not the solution to all of American education's ills."

"Effects of Student Uniforms on Attendance, Behavior Problems, Substance Use, and Academic Achievement"
Brunsma, David L.; Rockquemore, Kerry A. The Journal of Educational Research, 1998, Vol. 92. doi: 10.1080/00220679809597575.

Abstract: "Mandatory uniform policies have been the focus of recent discourse on public school reform. Proponents of such reform measures emphasize the benefits of student uniforms on specific behavioral and academic outcomes. Tenth-grade data from The National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 was used to test empirically the claims made by uniform advocates. The findings indicate that student uniforms have no direct effect on substance use, behavioral problems, or attendance. Contrary to current discourse, the authors found a negative effect of uniforms on student academic achievement. Uniform policies may indirectly affect school environment and student outcomes by providing a visible and public symbol of commitment to school improvement and reform."

"School Uniforms, Academic Achievement, and Uses of Research"Bodine, Ann. The Journal of Educational Research, 2003, Vol. 97. doi: 10.1080/00220670309597509.

Abstract: "School uniforms are being advocated for a range of social, educational, economic, and familial reasons. In 1998, The Journal of Educational Research (The JER) published an article by D. Brunsma and K. Rockquemore that claims that uniforms correlate negatively with academic achievement, but data presented in this article actually show positive correlation between uniforms and achievement for the total sample, and for all but 1 school sector. Examination of structure of argument reveals that the erroneous claim results from misleading use of sector analysis. Simultaneous with The JER article, and on the basis of the same National Education Longitudinal Study: 1988 database, an Educational Testing Service article reported that no correlation exists between uniforms and achievement. The two articles are contrasted in this study. The effect of new communication technology in amplifying political uses of academic research is discussed."

"Public School Uniforms: Effect on Perceptions of Gang Presence, School Climate, and Student Self-Perceptions"Wade, Kathleen Kiley; Stafford, Mary E. Education and Urban Society, 2003, Vol. 35. doi: 10.1177/0013124503255002.

Abstract: "This study attempts to clarify the relationships between public school uniforms and some of their intended results: student self-worth and student and staff perceptions of gang presence and school climate. The instruments used in the study included a questionnaire on gang presence and identity, the National Association of School Principals Comprehensive Assessment of School Environments, and the Harter Self-Perception Profile for Children. Participants consisted of 415 urban public middle school students and 83 teachers. Findings indicate that, although perceptions did not vary for students across uniform policy, teachers from schools with uniform policies perceived lower levels of gang presence. Although the effect size was small, students from schools without uniforms reported higher self-perception scores than students from schools with uniform policies. Student and teacher perceptions of school climate did not vary across uniform policy."

"The Effect of Uniforms on Nonuniform Apparel Expenditures"
Norum, Pamela S.; Weagley, Robert O.; Norton, Marjorie J. Family & Consumer Sciences, 1998. doi: 10.1177/1077727X980263001.

Abstract: "The uniform industry has grown steadily the past 20 years with increased attention from employers trying to create a professional image among workers as well as school administrators considering uniforms to curtail school violence. Although an important part of human dress for centuries, uniforms have received little attention from researchers of the clothing market. This study examines the impact of uniform purchases on household expenditures for selected nonuniform apparel subcategories based on an economic model of conditional demand. Expenditure equations are estimated using the 1990-1991 Consumer Expenditure Survey. The results suggest that, on average, consumers do not substitute uniforms for other apparel purchases. Rather, uniforms and nonuniform apparel appear to be complements in consumers' purchases, resulting in greater household expenditures on nonuniform apparel. These results are a first step in understanding the economic effect that uniform purchases, mandated by employers, schools, or others, have on household clothing expenditures."
Looking for more research on student achievement? Check out our write-ups on how teacher salaries, school vouchers and school shootings impact learning.

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School uniforms: Do they really improve student achievement, behavior?

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As local governments continue debating the merits of public school uniforms, journalists can use these research studies to fact-check claims.

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Royal Public Schools - An Innovative K-12 Texas Public Charter School

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School Uniforms: Beyond Dress Code To Impressive Benefits

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From enhancing safety to inculcating valuable life skills and preparing students for the professional world, the impact of uniforms transcends the superficial.

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. Author manuscript; available in PMC: 2017 May 1.

Published in final edited form as: J Sch Health. 2016 May;86(5):363-381. doi: 10.1111/josh.12388

Abstract

BACKGROUND

Insufficient sleep in adolescents has been shown to be associated with a wide variety of adverse outcomes, from poor mental and physical health to behavioral problems and lower academic grades. However, most high school students do not get sufficient sleep. Delaying school start times for adolescents has been proposed as a policy change to address insufficient sleep in this population and potentially to improve students' academic performance, reduce engagement in risk behaviors, and improve health.

METHODS

This paper reviews 38 reports examining the association between school start times, sleep, and other outcomes among adolescent students.

RESULTS

Most studies reviewed provide evidence that delaying school start time increases weeknight sleep duration among adolescents, primarily by delaying rise times. Most of the studies saw a significant increase in sleep duration even with relatively small delays in start times of half an hour or so. Later start times also generally correspond to improved attendance, less tardiness, less falling asleep in class, better grades, and fewer motor vehicle crashes.

CONCLUSIONS

Although additional research is necessary, research results that are already available should be disseminated to stakeholders to enable the development of evidence-based school policies.

Keywords: adolescents, school health, sleep, school start times, policy

BACKGROUND

Sleepy adolescents have doubtlessly been a problem for a long time. However, it is only since the late 1980s that this issue has progressed from teachers' anecdotes of students falling asleep in class and parental complaints of daily struggles to get their children out of bed to scientific investigations into the causes and consequences of insufficient sleep.

Most adolescents may need at least 9 hours sleep per night1-3; however, fewer than 8% of high school students report getting this amount.4 Less than a third of students report 8 or more hours of sleep, and this proportion decreases as school grade level increases so that fewer than a quarter of high school seniors get this amount.4 Healthy People 2020, a national initiative designed to guide disease prevention and health promotion efforts to improve the health of all Americans ( http://www.healthypeople.gov/), contains 4 objectives related to sleep, including one for adolescents.5 This objective is to "increase the proportion of students in grades 9 through 12 who get sufficient sleep (defined as 8 or more hours of sleep on an average school night)."

Insufficient sleep in children and adolescents has been shown to be associated with a wide variety of adverse outcomes in multiple aspects of their lives from poor mental and physical health to behavioral problems and poor academic grades. Insufficient sleep has been linked to excess weight,6-13 decreased physical activity,14 and increased food intake, possibly due to alterations in appetite-regulating hormones.12 Results of investigations into longitudinal changes in weight attributable to sleep duration, however, have been mixed.10,15

A solid body of literature has found that insufficient sleep in this young population is tied to poor mental health, including depression, depressive symptoms,8,16-22 and suicidal ideation.8,18,20,22-25 In addition, a few studies have shown an association between insufficient sleep and unhealthy risk behaviors including alcohol use,17,19,20,22 tobacco smoking,20,22 marijuana use,20,22 use of other illicit/prescription drugs,22 unhealthy weight control strategies,26 and recent sexual activity.20 Other factors that have been found to be associated with insufficient sleep include risk-taking behaviors,27 bullying,28 school violence-related behaviors,29 and physical fighting.20 Short sleep duration has also been found to be associated with a higher risk of unintentional injury.30 Finally, students who do not get enough sleep also may be more likely to have problems paying attention and poor academic performance,17,21,31-36 although not all research agrees.37,38 One of these negative studies failed to find a correlation between school night sleep duration and grade point average.37 However, class grading and subsequently grade point averages are not standardized and may vary by subject, teacher, and school. That study also did not adjust by sex of student, which was a strong predictor of grade point average. Ming et al. found that "students with a sleep length of less than 7 hours on both weekdays and weekends exhibited poorer performance, while those who made up this sleep loss on weekends did not."38 That study also relied on a non-standardized measure of academic performance and did not adjust for variables such as grade in school, which is strongly related to prevalence of insufficient sleep.

Adolescents tend to get insufficient sleep because of a combination of late bedtimes and early rise times. External factors that contribute to later bedtimes among adolescents include an increase in schoolwork; participation in afterschool activities, including employment; fewer parent-set bedtimes; and late-night use of technology in the bedroom.39-43 Biology also plays a part in later bedtimes among adolescents. One of the early changes associated with puberty is alteration of a child's circadian rhythms, such that adolescents are more alert in the afternoons and evenings and require morning sleep.44 Their natural body clocks can keep adolescents awake until 11 PM or later, in spite of going to bed earlier and good sleep hygiene, such as avoiding stimulating activity at night and minimizing caffeine intake in the afternoon or evening.39 School-based sleep promotion programs have been tried as a means of improving sleep hygiene among adolescents. However, these programs may improve knowledge of sleep without having a significant effect on behavior.45,46

Rise times, on the other hand, are primarily determined by a single factor-school start times.43 Delaying school start times for adolescents has been proposed as a policy change to address insufficient sleep in this population and potentially to improve students' academic performance, reduce engagement in risk behaviors, and improve health. In 2014, the American Academy of Pediatrics published a policy statement urging middle and high schools to adjust start times to permit students to obtain adequate sleep and improve physical and mental health, safety, academic performance, and quality of life.3 This paper reviews studies examining the association between school start times, sleep, and other outcomes including academic performance, mental health, and motor vehicle collisions among adolescent students. This paper, and especially the table provided, is intended to be a resource for educators, parents, and other stakeholders who wish to learn more about the impact of changing school start times for adolescents.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Methods

An outline of the steps in identification of articles and reports included in the literature review is presented in the Figure. To be included in the review, analyses had to include the variable of "school start time" either by comparing different schools with different start times (cross-sectional) or the same schools before and after changes in start times (longitudinal). Since the focus of this review is on the effect of school start times on adolescent students, studies that focused on elementary school (pre-middle school) students were excluded. Additionally, reports had to be available in English, but could include schools either in or outside the United States. Articles for the literature review were initially identified through a PubMed search for "school start time" OR "school start times" (Step A). Some exclusions from this initial search included a study that compared students in public or private schools to homeschooled students,47 a comparison of adolescent sleep during summer and during the school year,48 and one that modeled the effect of modifying school start times on the frequency of encounters between child pedestrians and motor vehicles.49 Another broader PubMed search for "sleep" AND "adolescent" AND "school" resulted in approximately 3200 articles (Step B). Titles and abstracts were reviewed to identify studies that might meet primary inclusion criteria. Full-text review of candidate articles confirmed inclusion of articles for this review. Reference lists of articles identified in Steps A and B and reviews of the topic of school start times were reviewed for identification of additional reports (Step C). Several of the earliest studies with results presented in abstract form only were identified in this manner,50-54 as were some studies from the education or economics literature that were not indexed by PubMed.55-59 A Scopus search for "school start time" (all fields) found 320 documents (Step D), of which 3 satisfied the inclusion criteria and had not been identified in previous steps. Finally (Step E), one additional non-duplicative report was identified in the reference list for articles in Step D. Final searches in Steps A, B, and D were conducted July 1, 2015. For this review, 38 reports were reviewed for years of study, study design, sample size, students' ages, location, school start times, outcomes, and key reported findings. Five of these reports are listed more than once in the table. Three reports included multiple study populations whose data are analyzed separately.59-61 Three reports included cross-sectional and longitudinal components, with data for each component presented separately.55,57,61

Figure.

Identification of Reports for Review

The primary limitation to this review is its reliance on indexing by PubMed and Scopus, which could lead to omission of reports not indexed by these databases. To address this limitation, we also examined the reference lists on previous articles on the topic of school start times (Steps C and E). Five of the 38 reports were identified in this manner. Publication bias and over-representation of studies with significant results is also possible, however, some studies included in this review had results that did not agree with the majority.

Types of School Start Time Studies

We reviewed 38 reports on the impact of changes in school start time (see Table). Unfortunately, the earliest reports,50-54 which have been cited frequently, were only published in abstract form. However, since they seem to have provided the impetus for much of the subsequent research and are fairly detailed, we have included them in this review. The studies presented in this review can be categorized as either cross-sectional or longitudinal. The cross-sectional studies simply compared characteristics for students at two or more schools having different start times, such that School A had an earlier start time than School B and compared how students at the two schools with respect to such outcomes as sleep duration, school attendance, academic performance, and morning traffic accidents among teens.

Table.

Study

Author(s)(Year)
Year(s) of Study

Study Design

Sample Size

Age

Location

School Start Times

Outcomes

Key Findings

Longitudinal
(before vs after SST
change)

26
(same students)

Grades 9-10

Rhode Island

Year 1-9th grade: 8:25
Year 2-10th grade: 7:20

Sleep schedules (sleep diaries and data
from electronic wrist monitors), multiple
sleep latency tests, polysomnography.

Cross-sectional
(students in 18
schools)

572

Grade 5

18 schools
throughout Israel

Early risers: 7:10 (2+
times/week)
Regular risers: 8:00

Sleep duration, bedtime, rise time
(weekdays and weekends), sleepiness,
daytime functioning, sleep difficulties.

Cross-sectional
(3 districts)

NR

Grades 10-12

Minnesota

Later SST corresponded to later rise time (p <
.0001), same bedtime, and longer weeknight sleep
duration (p < .0001). Later SST also associated
with less daytime sleepiness (p < .0001), less
struggling to stay awake during academic tasks (p
< .01 for A vs C), fewer tardies (p < .001), less
falling asleep in morning classes (p <.005), fewer
depressive symptoms (p < .001 for A vs C), less
time spent at work during school week (p < .05),
and higher self-reported grades (p < .05).

Cross-sectional
(3 districts)

NR

Grades 7-8

Minnesota

3120

Grades 9-12

Rhode Island

7:10 - 7:30

School Sleep Habits Survey (study,
work, sleep, and school habits and
preferences)

Longitudinal
(before vs after SST
change)

31
(same recruits,
2 sleep schedules)

Great Lakes,
Illinois

Sleep duration.

Longitudinal
(before vs after SST
change)

>12 000 (7 HS)

Grades 9-12

Minneapolis,
Minnesota

Pre-change: 7:15
Post-change: 8:40

Class grades, attendance, tardiness,
graduation rates, rates of continuous
enrollment.

Cross-sectional
(Minneapolis HS vs
District B)

467 (Minneapolis
HS)
169 (District B)

Grades 9-12

Minneapolis,
Minnesota

Minneapolis HS: 8:40
District B: 7:30

Cross-sectional
(2 schools with
different SSTs)

193 (School 1)
587 (School 2)

Grades 10-11

Altoona (1) and
Chippewa Falls
(2), Wisconsin

School 1: 7:50
School 2: 8:35

Weeknight sleep duration, Epworth
Sleepiness Scale91.

Mean weeknight sleep duration was longer in
School 2 compared to School 1 (p = .039).

Longitudinal (before
vs after SST change)

3 HS, 5 MS

Grades 7-11

Arlington County,
Virginia

Cross-sectional

2454

5-z19 years

Nationally (USA)
representative

NR

Sleep duration, bedtime, rise time
(weekdays and weekends).

Cross-sectional
(2 schools with
different SSTs)

205

Grades 7-8

Urban New
England school
district

Early school: 7:15
Late school: 8:37

School Sleep Habits Survey35 (sleep
duration, bedtime, rise time-weekdays
and weekends, sleepiness, sleep-wake
behavior problems, sleep hygiene scale),
official academic performance,
attendance, tardiness.

Longitudinal
(before vs after SST
change)

Grades 6-12

Kentucky

Year 1 (Y1): 7:30 (HS)
Year 2 (Y2): 8:30 (HS)

Bedtime and rise time (weekdays and
weekends), number of naps, Epworth
Sleepiness Scale91, how time spent
before and after school, motor vehicle
crash rates among 17- and 18-year-old
students.

Longitudinal
(before vs after SST
change)

297 (pre-delay)
977 (post-delay)

Grades 9-12

Wilton,
Connecticut

Pre-delay: 7:35
Post-delay: 8:15

Condensed School Sleep Habits
Questionnaire35.

Longitudinal
(before vs after SST
change)

201 (mostly
boarders)

Grades 9-12

Rhode Island

Pre-change: 8:00
Post-change: 8:30

Bedtime and rise time (weekdays and
weekends), sleepiness-related behaviors,
health center visits, absences/tardies.

Cross-sectional

Mean age 9.2
± 1.8y

Hong Kong

Bedtime, rise time, time-in-bed
(weekday, weekend, & long holidays),
napping

Cross-sectional

6165

U.S. Air Force
Academy
freshmen

Colorado Springs, Colorado

Early (2004-2005, 2005-
2006): 7:00. Middle (2006-
2007): 7:30. Late (2007-
2008, 2008-2009): 7:50.
For each schedule, some
students had a first period
class while others did not.

Academic grades by scheduling
characteristics.

Grades 10-12

7:15-8:40

ACT scores, attendance rates

No association between SST and ACT scores or
attendance rates.

Cross-sectional

Approximately 400
public high schools

Grades 10-12

Kansas (public
high schools in the
state)

Mean (SD): 7:59 (0:15)

No association between SST and scores on reading,
mathematics, science, and social studies
assessments.

Cross-sectional

75 schools

Virginia suburbs of
Washington D.C.

Scores on standardized end-of-course
exams.

No association between SST and test scores.

47

Grade 8

Israel

Early class: 7:30
Late class: 8:30

Sleep duration, bedtime, rise time, sleep
efficiency (data from electronic wrist
monitors), attention tests.

Later SST associated with longer sleep duration (p
< .01) and improved attention (p < .01).

Cross-sectional

1941 (students
from 2 public high
schools, 1
vocational high
school, and two
extracurricular
high school
programs whose
students came from
various high
schools throughout
the state)

Grades 9-12

New Jersey

Sleep duration, bedtime, rise time,
napping, perceived sleep adequacy, night
awakenings, prolonged sleep onset

NR

16-18 years

Virginia Beach and
Chesapeake,
Virginia

Motor vehicle crash rates in each city.

Crash rates among 16-to 18-year-olds were higher
(p < .01) in Virginia Beach (which has earlier
SSTs).

Cross-sectional

3441

15-18 years

Gaziantep, Turkey

Early: 7:00-8:00 (morning)
Late: 12:00-12:40 pm
(afternoon)

Bedtime, rise time, sleep latency
(weekdays & weekends), ideal night
sleep time, napping, sleep hygiene

Cross-sectional

Grade 10

Norway

Compared to control school students, students at
intervention school slept >1 hour longer on Sunday
night (p < .05), had a smaller difference between
Saturday and Sunday night sleep duration (p = .04),
and shorter sleep latency on Sunday night. Students
at the intervention school had fewer lapses on
reaction time tests (p = .02) and faster reaction
times (p = .02) on Monday than Friday compared
to the control students. No differences in sleepiness
or positive or negative affect.

Cross-sectional
component

Grades 6-8

Wake County,
North Carolina

7:30-8:45 (53% of students
start at 7:30, 22% start at
8:15)

Grades 6-8

Wake County,
North Carolina

End of year standardized test scores in
reading and math; time spent watching
television and doing homework

Longitudinal (before
vs after SST change
in 2006)

13-17 years

Wellington, New
Zealand

School Sleep Habits Survey35 (study,
work, sleep, and school habits, and
preferences), technology use, Epworth
Sleepiness Scale91, morningness-
eveningness preference, sleep/fatigue
problems

Grade 12 students after the SST delay (2008) had
longer sleep duration (p < .01), earlier bedtime (p <
.01), later rise time (p < .001), less sleep
discrepancy (sleep duration on school nights vs.
non-school nights)(p < .01), and less sleepiness (p
< .01) compared to Grade 12 students before the
delay or Grade 11 students (2008).

525 (baseline)
553 (2-year follow-
up)

Grades 4-5
(mean age
10.8y)

Shanghai, China

Sleep duration, bedtime, rise time,
daytime sleepiness (Chinese version of
Children's Sleep Habits Questionnaire)

Cross-sectional

2373 (early)
343 (delayed start)

Grades 8-9

Mid-size city in
northwestern
Switzerland

Early: not specified
Delayed: 20 minutes later

Cross-sectional

302 (U.S.)
385 (Australia)

Grades 9-12
(mean age
16.0y) (U.S.)
Years 9-11
(mean age
15.6y)
(Australia)

U.S.: ~7:45
Australia: 8:20-9:00

Boergers, Gable, and
Owens (2014)67
2010-2011

Longitudinal (before
vs after SST change)

197 (boarding
students)

Grades 9-12

Rhode Island

Pre-delay: 8:00
Post-delay: 8:25

School Sleep Habits Survey35 (study,
work, sleep, and school habits and
preferences), caffeine intake
questionnaire

After SST delay, mean wake times (school days)
were later (p < .001), mean school night sleep
duration was longer (p < .001), school night
bedtimes did not change. The percentage who slept
≥8 hour on school nights increased from 18% to
44% (p < .001). There were no changes in
nonschool night sleep patterns. After delay,
sleepiness scores (p < .001), depression scores (p <
.001), and caffeine use decreased (p < .05). No
changes in number of hours engaged in athletics,
extracurricular activities, and homework were
reported. No changes in self-reported grades were
reported. Weekday sleep duration decreased to
baseline after reverting to pre-delay SST.

Cross-sectional
(students in 3
schools)

669

12-16 years

Madrid, Spain

8:00, 8:15, 8:30

Cross-sectional

4801 (students
from 12 senior HS
and 12 junior HS)

11-20 years

Shanghai, China

Dichotimized: Before 7:00
vs. 7:00 or later

Adolescent Sleep Wake Scale93,
bedtimes, wake-up times, sleep duration
(weekdays & weekends), parents' sleep
habits

SST before 7:00 associated with sleeping <8 hours
(p = .015).

16-18 years

Early (Chesterfield): 7:20
Late (Henrico): 8:45

Weekday motor vehicle crash rates
during the school years (September-
May) 2009-2010 and 2010-2011.

Cross-sectional

821
(students from 4
HS)

15-19 years

Osijek, Croatia

Students with earlier SST performed better
academically and had earlier chronotypes (morning
preference) (p < .001). No difference in sleepiness.

Cross-sectional

9089

Grades 9-12

5 HS in Minnesota,
2 HS in Colorado,
1 HS in Wyoming

After delay, SST varied
from 8:00 to 8:55

Sleep duration, bedtimes, rise times
(weekdays and weekends), sleep-related
tardiness, sleeping during class.

SST associated with percent of students sleeping
≥8 hours/school night ( R ² = .8878, <50% for
schools starting before 8:30, 66% for school
starting at 8:55).

Longitudinal
(before vs after SST
change)

446 (pre-delay)
459 (post-delay)

Grades 9-12

Jackson Hole,
Wyoming

Pre-delay: 7:35
Post-delay: 8:55

Sleep duration, bedtimes, rise times
(weekdays and weekends).

Average school night sleep increased from 7.5h to
8.2h. Average weekend sleep decreased from 9.3h
to 9.0h.

Longitudinal
(before vs after SST
change)

NR

Grades 9-12

5 HS in Minnesota,
2 HS in Colorado,
1 HS in Wyoming

Attendance, academic performance, car
crashes.

Cross-sectional

7216 (245 schools)

13-18 years

Nationally (USA)
representative

Mean: 8:01
Range: 7:05-9:22

Weeknight bedtime, sleep duration
(weeknight and weekend), weekend
compensatory sleep

Only Abstracts Available

Cross-sectional

61

Grades 10-12
(Mean age
17.1 years)

NR

Early school: 7:30
Late school: 8:00

Sleep duration, bedtimes, rise times
(weekdays and weekends).

Later SST corresponded to later rise times (p <
.05), but no difference in bedtimes. Sleep duration
difference not significantly different.

Cross-sectional

102

Grade 12

NR

Early school: 7:40
Late schools: 8:30

Sleep duration, bedtimes, rise times
(weekdays and weekends).

Earlier SST corresponded to shorter weeknight
sleep duration (p < .035), more sleep problems (p =
.04), and later weekend rise times (p = .03).

Longitudinal (before
vs after SST change)

7

Grade 9-10

Rhode Island

Late (Grade 9): 8:25
Early (Grade 10): 7:20

Sleep duration, sleep start time, sleep
offset time (measured with actigraphy)

Cross-sectional

97 (early school)
119 (late school)

Grades 11-12

NR

Early school: 7:20
Late school: 9:30

Sleep duration, bedtimes, rise times
(weekdays and weekends).

Earlier SST corresponded to shorter weeknight
sleep duration (p = .002).

Longitudinal (before
vs after SST change)

15 (May have
included students
in Carskadon et al.53)

Grade 9-10

Rhode Island

Late (Grade 9): 8:25
Early (Grade 10): 7:20

Changing school start times is often a major endeavor that involves coordination between school faculty and staff, transportation resources, parents, students, and administration, and can take years to accomplish. Cross-sectional studies can be conducted without having to wait for a school or school district to undertake a change in school start time. However, as with all cross- sectional studies, only associations between school start times and other variables can be shown-not cause and effect. Other school characteristics, such as socioeconomic status of students, can also have effects on sleep and other outcomes but is often not reported.

In the longitudinal studies, data are collected on students and schools before and after a change in start time. Some data that are regularly collected by schools, such as attendance and grades, can be obtained retroactively by researchers. Other data, such as those obtained from student sleep surveys, need to be collected before the start time change is implemented, and including these data can increase the duration of the study. Some studies evaluate characteristics of the same students before and after the change. Others evaluate the student population (either the entire school or specific grades in school) before and after the change. This second method, for instance, could compare outcomes in 9th-grade students in the year before the start time change with the same outcomes in 9th-grade students in the year after the change. Both of these methods have their drawbacks. Although it would seem to be preferable to evaluate the same students before and after a change, individual students can undergo significant changes from year to year that could exaggerate or diminish the effect of changing start times. However, by being able to evaluate changes in variables for individual students, researchers are able to address questions such as, "Did the students who got more sleep after the start time's change have improved outcomes?" Although longitudinal studies may provide stronger evidence of causation than cross-sectional studies by addressing the issue of temporality, it is important to assess whether appropriate control conditions are used, whether analyses account for covariates (eg, age, sex, or socioeconomic status), and whether other explanatory variables are considered (eg, implementation of graduated drivers licensing).

Sleep and Sleepiness

Since delaying school start times is primarily intended to address the problem of insufficient sleep among adolescents, most of the studies focused on the association between school start times and sleep variables. Not surprisingly, students at schools with later start times got out of bed later on school days than those at earlier starting schools.35,36,50,53,55,56,60,62-69 The association between school start times and bedtimes, however, was mixed. Of 19 studies that evaluated the association between school start times and bedtime, there were no start time-associated differences in weekday bedtimes in eleven studies.35,50,53-55,60,62,67,68,70 However, six studies observed a later bedtime among students in schools that started at later times. It should be noted that in the study by Wolfson and colleagues, this bedtime difference was observed only in the autumn.64 Two studies unexpectedly reported earlier bedtimes after a delay in start times.65,69 In the study by Owens et al., some students stated that after seeing the benefits of getting more sleep with the delay in school start times, they sought to further increase their sleep by going to bed earlier.65 In Paksarian et al, bedtimes were delayed by only 10 minutes for each 30 minute delay in school start times.71 In 29 reports, a later start time was found to be associated with longer weekday sleep duration,34,36,38,51-56,60-79 including the studies that noted later bedtimes. In contrast to the majority of studies that observed longer sleep duration in later starting schools, two studies comparing students from schools with different start times did not observe a significant difference in sleep duration.35,50 For one of these, the difference in sleep duration did not meet the authors' effect size criterion, although the difference would not have been expected to be large since the difference in school start times was only 20 minutes.35 The other study observed longer sleep duration for students at the later starting school, but the difference was not statistically significant.50 Another study observed a significantly longer sleep duration for 7th- and 8th-grade students of only one of two later-starting districts.60 Sleep duration for the second later-starting district was also longer than for the early-starting district, but the difference was not statistically significant.60 Paksarian et al. observed longer sleep durations with later school start times (11 minutes for each 30 minute delay in school start times), but only for schools that started before 8:01 AM.71 In further analysis, the authors found the longer sleep duration for boys only (20 minutes for each 30 minute delay in school start times) and that there was variation by urbanicity, with an increase in sleep duration for boys in major metropolitan areas and a decrease for boys in nonurban counties.71 The authors suggested that the different association according to urbanicity may be due to differences in mode of transportation to school and time spent traveling to school, but they did not have data to investigate the possible role of transportation in their study. Although nearly all the studies reviewed used self-reported sleep data either from sleep diaries or survey questions, the two studies that used data from electronic wrist monitors (actigraphs) worn during sleep confirmed the general finding of longer weeknight sleep duration for students with later start times.62,70 Eleven of the positive studies found that students got at least one additional minute of sleep for every two minutes of difference in start time (eg, at least 30 minutes more sleep when start time was one hour later),34,55,56,60,61,64,65,68,70,72,78 although six other studies observed smaller, yet statistically significant, differences.

In addition to reporting longer sleep durations, students with later start times were less likely to report daytime sleepiness or falling asleep in class in nearly all studies that assessed these outcomes.34,36,55,56,60,64,65,69,72,74 Two studies observed no difference in sleepiness based on school start times. In the Norwegian study,78 start times were delayed from 8:30 AM to 9:30 AM on Mondays only. The lack of association could have been due to either the change being in effect only one day a week or the earlier start time already being late enough. In the Croatian study,80 the students at the earlier starting schools were predominantly boys, while girls made up most of the population at the later starting schools. That study found that girls had later chronotype (evening preference) and more sleepiness. In addition, the schools in the Croatian study alternated their schedule weekly, with schools starting in the morning one week and in the afternoon the next. Even with a delay in start time, falling asleep during class appears to remain a major problem, however. In Wahlstrom and colleagues' survey of students post-start time change, 27% reported falling asleep in a morning class in the previous 2 weeks, and 29% fell asleep in an afternoon class.61

Other methods for assessing students' degree of sleep-deficiency were used in various studies. Students in a study by Carskadon and colleagues underwent polysomnography (a type of sleep study that measures multiple factors such as electrical activity in the brain, heart rate, movements of the eyelids and legs, and respiratory airflow) and multiple sleep latency tests.62 After an advance in start time from 8:25 AM to 7:20 AM, students had a shorter REM sleep latency (time between sleep onset and onset of REM sleep) on polysomnography and a shorter sleep latency (time to sleep onset during a standard testing protocol).62 Both of these results indicate sleep-deficiency. Differences in sleep patterns between weeknights and weekend nights can also indicate insufficient weeknight sleep as students try to make up for lost sleep on the weekends. Seven reports that evaluated weekend sleep patterns found more "catch-up" sleep on the weekends for earlier start times,51,61,64,66,69,74,78 although one found no difference in this outcome.71 One study assessed weeknight and weekend sleep and observed longer weeknight sleep duration and no change in weekend sleep patterns after a delay in school start time, which could be interpreted as a decrease in "catch-up" sleep.67 However, the difference between weeknight and weekend sleep was not analyzed. Three studies that included information about daytime naps noted that students with earlier school start times reported more napping,38,66,75 presumably in an attempt to make up for insufficient nighttime sleep. Sleepy adolescents may also attempt to lessen sleepiness with caffeine. One study asked students about caffeine consumption and observed that caffeine use decreased after a 25 minute delay in school start time.67

Academics and Cognition

An outcome of particular interest to school administrators, teachers, and parents is academic performance; however, evaluating how delayed start times affect school grades or academic performance is difficult for several reasons. Class grading is not standardized and varies by subject, teacher, and school. Standardized tests such as the Scholastic Aptitude Test or the ACT are not taken by all students and are more likely to be taken by students planning to attend college. Finally, students with very good academic performance before a delay in school start time do not have much room for improvement. Given these limitations, however, some evidence suggests a positive association between later school start time and academic performance, although the association may be relatively weak55 and not universal.59,67,80

The first cross-sectional school start time study by the University of Minnesota found higher self-reported grades for students in later starting schools.60 Mean self-reported grades for the two districts that started before 7:30 AM were 6.4 and 6.5 (on a scale from 1 = mostly F's to 9 = mostly A's) compared to 7.1 for the district starting at 8:30 AM (p < .05). However, the increase in grades observed from this group's subsequent longitudinal study was small and not statistically significant.55 In their latest longitudinal study including 8 schools, the same group noted that most schools saw an increase in grade point average after delaying school start times.61 Arlington Public Schools (Arlington County, Virginia) observed an improvement in 10 th grade students' 1 st period grades after a 45 minute delay in high school start times, with no change in 7 th grade students' 1 st period grades after a 20 minute advance in middle school start times.81 Hinrichs' investigation into ACT scores and school start times in the Minneapolis-St. Paul area, which included school districts that did not delay school start times, controlled for various covariates and found no association between school start times and ACT scores.59 The annual ACT participation rate among Minnesota high school graduates varied from 59% to 66% during the study period (1993-2002).59 Hinrichs also evaluated the association between school start times and standardized test scores in Kansas (Kansas State Assessments) and the Virginia suburbs of Washington DC.59 Again, he found no association between school start times and academic achievement in these analyses.59 Wolfson and colleagues observed higher grades after delaying school start times for 8th grade, although not for 7th-grade students.64 Another study linked school start times and standardized test scores for middle school students (grades 6-8) from 1999 to 2006 in the eighteenth largest public school district in the United States.57 In the cross-sectional component of that study, an hour later start time corresponded to higher test scores on both math and reading (on the order of 3 percentile points).57 The longitudinal component of the same report looked at schools that had changed school start times over the course of the study and found that a one hour delay in start time corresponded to a 2 percentile increase in math and 1.5 percentile increase in reading.57 Among older students, U.S. Air Force Academy freshmen, students assigned to a first period course and therefore an earlier start to the school day had poorer grades.58 A longitudinal study of nearly 200 boarding school students did not see a change in self-reported grades after a 25 minute delay in school start times.67 In Milic et al.'s study in Croatia, students with an earlier school start time performed better academically than students at the schools with later start times.80 However, in addition to the difference in the make-up of the student populations (more boys at earlier schools and more girls at later schools) in that study, students were also aware of the school schedule at enrollment and the response rate was low.

Several studies have investigated the association between school start time and cognitive outcomes. Two studies found that students with later start times reported fewer problems concentrating and paying attention.70,72 In contrast, a study in Spain measured attention level via a sustained attention task among students at three schools with different start times (8:00, 8:15, and 8:30) and observed the highest average attention level at the school starting at 8:15.77 However, it should be noted that the mean inductive reasoning score, a measure of intelligence which is positively associated with attention, was significantly lower for the latest-starting school than the other two schools.77 The Norwegian study that delayed start times on Mondays included reaction time tests and found that students at the school with delayed start time had significantly fewer lapses and faster reaction times on Monday than Friday compared to no difference among students at the control (no delay) school.78

Several studies asked students how much time they spent on homework. There was no consistent association between school start time and homework time. Wahlstrom and colleagues found that students with later school start times reported less hours of homework,60 whereas Edwards observed the reverse57 and Boergers and colleagues saw no difference.67 Interpretation of these results in difficult. An increase in time doing homework could indicate an improved ability to concentrate or less efficient studying. Since the value of homework is hotly debated, this outcome should not be taken out of context.

Attendance/Tardiness

School attendance is also important for academic success. A recent report found that short sleep duration was strongly associated with odds of school absences.82 Several studies included in this review found that earlier start times were also related to more frequent tardiness and more absences. In one study, even with delaying start times from 8:00 AM to 8:55 AM, nearly a third of students reported being late to class because of oversleeping in the 2 weeks before the survey.61 However, one study of schools in the Minneapolis-St. Paul area found no association between school start times and overall attendance rates.59 The report by Arlington Public Schools stated that "maturity, rather than starting time, has the biggest impact on attendance rates."81 However, when comparing 10 th graders before and after the delay in high school start times, attendance rates were lower after the delay. Despite this finding, academic performance improved for those students. The report also noted that the attendance reporting procedures changed during the course of the study.

Depression

Sleep is strongly linked with many psychiatric disorders, including depression and anxiety.83 Although sleep problems may be symptoms of mental health disorders such as depression, there is also evidence of a causal relationship between insufficient sleep and depression, as well as mood in general.84,85 Due to this observation, some school start time studies included depression symptoms as part of their student assessments. Students at later-starting schools appeared to experience fewer depression symptoms (lower depression scores).55,60,65,67 Incidentally, shorter REM sleep latency, such as was observed by Carskadon and colleagues after an advance in start time,62 is also often observed in major depression.86 One study found no difference in students' positive or negative affect with delayed school start time.78 However, in that study, the start time was delayed on Mondays only.

Motor Vehicle Crashes

Four studies also investigated motor vehicle crashes among young drivers (aged 18 years or younger) in areas served by schools with different start times. In a Kentucky county, Danner and Phillips saw a 16.5% decrease (p < .01) in motor vehicle crash rates for 17- and 18-year-old students in the 2 years following a 1-hour delay in school start time by county high schools.74 During the same time period, crash rates for this age group increased by 7.8% in the rest of the state.74 In their 2011 report, Vorona and colleagues compared crash rates for teen drivers aged 16 to 18 years in 2 neighboring, demographically similar cities (in eastern Virginia) with different start times. In 2007 and 2008, the teen crash rates were significantly higher in the city with an earlier school start time.87 For both cities, teen crashes peaked during the morning commute time.87 The group went on to perform similar analyses for two adjacent counties in central Virginia with different school start times.88 During the 2009-2010 school year, crash rates among 16-18 year olds were higher (p < .05) in the county with the earlier school start times.88 The following year, crash rates among 16-17 year olds were higher (p < .05) in the same county, but difference was not statistically significant when 18 year olds were included in comparison (p = 0.09).88 Finally, Wahlstrom and colleagues investigated crash rates among 16- to 18-year-old students in 4 areas near schools that underwent delays in start time. Two areas saw major decreases (≥65%) in teen crash rates after the delays, while one saw a small decrease (6%), and another saw a small increase (9%).61

Other Outcomes

There are a handful of other outcomes that have been reported by only one study each. One study saw that students at schools with later start times spent less time at work during the school week (p < .05).60 More time working has been linked to poorer academic performance.89 However, the start time study was cross-sectional and other variables such as socioeconomic status may explain the difference in time spent at work. In the cross-sectional component of his study, Edwards found that students at schools that started later reported less time watching television.57 When he limited his analyses to schools that changed start times over the time course of the study, he confirmed that students at schools that delayed their start times reported significantly less time watching television.57 Among 197 boarding school students, no change in time spent in athletics or extracurricular activities was reported after a 25 minute delay in start time.67 Finally, in a small study of 15 students who transitioned from grade 9 (school start time 8:25) to grade 10 (school start time 7:20), self-reported conduct problems and aggressive behaviors decreased with the change to an earlier start time.54 However, within each grade, these behaviors were associated with shorter sleep duration, which indicates that at least some of the decrease in these behaviors may be due to maturation.54

CONCLUSION

Delaying school start times for adolescents has been proposed as a policy change to address insufficient sleep among adolescents, a largely sleep-deprived population, and potentially to improve students' academic performance, reduce engagement in risk behaviors, and improve health. Nearly all studies to date provide evidence that delaying school start time accomplishes the goal of increasing sleep duration among these students, primarily by delaying rise times. Most of the studies saw a significant increase in sleep duration even with relatively small delays in start times of half an hour or so. Later school start times also generally corresponded to improved attendance, less tardiness, less falling asleep in class, fewer depression symptoms, and fewer motor vehicle crashes. Although not all studies found that later start times corresponded to improved academic performance, no studies found a negative impact of later school start times on academics.

IMPLICATIONS FOR SCHOOL HEALTH

In 2014, the American Academy of Pediatrics published a policy statement urging middle and high schools to adjust start times to permit students to obtain adequate sleep and improve physical and mental health, safety, academic performance, and quality of life, and suggested that middle and high schools not start before 8:30 AM.3 Schools and school districts cannot make evidence-based policy decision without data. Therefore, research results such as those presented in this review, as well as the recent recommendations by the American Academy of Pediatrics, should be disseminated to school districts, teachers, parents, and other stakeholders. The field still needs rigorous research, including trials with controls, if possible. Many questions remain, such as the issue of how late is late enough? Much of the focus has been on high school students, but biological changes begin earlier, so further research into middle-school students is warranted. More qualitative research about overcoming obstacles to delaying school start times would also be valuable.

Schools contemplating a change in school start time may consider partnering with researchers before a decision is even made. Baseline data on student sleep characteristics, tardiness due to sleepiness, and prevalence of falling asleep during class may be used in the initial decision of whether to delay school start times. Parents and administrators may not realize the extent of the problem of insufficient sleep among their students and this data may help persuade them that some action is necessary. If school start times are delayed, everyone would benefit from collection of detailed data before and after a time change. Not only would other schools or school districts contemplating a change benefit from expanded evidence, the district that undertook the start time change would be able to evaluate the impact of the change and communicate their findings to their stakeholders. Data collected should include not only sleep-related variables and academic achievement measures, but also measures of mental health (such as depression and anxiety symptoms), behavioral problems, risk behaviors, safety statistics such as motor vehicle crash rates and pedestrian injuries, and information on mode of transportation and travel time. Several obstacles to implementing start time delays are often cited, including costs of changing bus schedules, possible impact on athletics and extracurricular activities, and school faculty and staff resistant to change. However, as recently reported by Owens et al.90 in their examination of school districts that have delayed school start times, many anticipated problems fail to materialize or are only temporary. Several school districts have seen savings in transportation costs after changes made to facilitate delayed start times.90 Success stories describing how districts creatively overcame obstacles to school start time changes should be shared (for example http://www.startschoollater.net/success-stories.html) to provide ideas to other districts contemplating change.

Footnotes

Disclaimer: The findings and conclusions in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Contributor Information

Anne G. Wheaton, Epidemiologist, Division of Population Health, National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 4770 Buford Hwy. NE, Mailstop F-78, Atlanta, GA 30341-3717, Phone: (770) 488-5362, Fax: (770) 488-5965, ipo9@cdc.gov.

Daniel P. Chapman, Epidemiologist, Division of Population Health, National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 4770 Buford Hwy. NE, Mailstop F-78, Atlanta, GA 30341-3717, Phone: (770) 488-5463, dpc2@cdc.gov.

Janet B. Croft, Branch Chief, Epidemiology and Surveillance Branch, Division of Population Health, National Center for Chronic Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 4770 Buford Hwy. NE, Mailstop F-78, Atlanta, GA 30341-3717, Phone: (770) 488-2566, jbc0@cdc.gov.

REFERENCES

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School Start Times, Sleep, Behavioral, Health, and Academic Outcomes: a Review of the Literature

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Insufficient sleep in adolescents has been shown to be associated with a wide variety of adverse outcomes, from poor mental and physical health to behavioral problems and lower academic grades. However, most high school students do not get ...

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Sleep Science Supports Later School Start Times | Health Sciences | University of Pittsburgh

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
by Kat Procyk Sleep experts and some state legislators believe it’s time for a wake-up call for schools and their start times. Panelists at a Nov. 12 event hosted by the University of Pittsburgh’s Center for Sleep and Circadian Science discussed the evidence for shifting the start of high school to later than the typical time, while acknowledging the challenges that presents.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
As a career student, there have been many instances where I’ve been forced to question the value of seemingly asinine academic tasks. In order to coerce headstrong scholars such as myself into doing things they see no merit in doing, teachers will frequently use the excuse, “You’ll need to be able to do this in the future.” However, this rarely proves to be true.

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California Becomes 1st State To Push Back Start Times For Students

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Changing school start times benefits teenage students, expert says

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
What new research tells us about elementary and middle school start times | Brookings

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Research shows that later start times benefit the academic outcomes of middle school students but have modest and mixed effects for elementary school students, such as increased absences and slightly higher math test scores.