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Me: USA - English & Spanish (english dominant)
Parents: USA - English dominant
Beth Paro Stoecker: French Canadian & Irish
Mike Stoecker: German
Paternal Grandparents: USA - English
Austin Stoecker: Dutch/German
William Henry Stoecker: German
Maternal Grandparents: USA - English dominant & French
Lida Lou Paro: Irish
Daniel Paro Sr.: French Canadian

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Hispanics in California now outnumber whites - BBC News

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The United States is now the world's second largest Spanish-speaking country after Mexico, according to a new study published by the prestigious Instituto Cervantes.

The report says there are 41 million native Spanish speakers in the US plus a further 11.6 million who are bilingual, mainly the children of Spanish-speaking immigrants. This puts the US ahead of Colombia (48 million) and Spain (46 million) and second only to Mexico (121 million).

Among the sources cited in the report is the US Census Office which estimates that the US will have 138 million Spanish speakers by 2050, making it the biggest Spanish-speaking nation on Earth, with Spanish the mother tongue of almost a third of its citizens.

By state the highest concentration is in the former Spanish colonies of the south and south-west, with New Mexico top at 47%, followed by California and Texas (both 38%) and Arizona (30%). Some 18% of New Yorkers speak Spanish while only 1.3% of West Virginians do. Perhaps surprisingly, more than 6% of Alaskans are Spanish speakers.

The report, El español, una lengua viva - Spanish, a living language - estimates that there are 559 million Spanish speakers worldwide, a figure that includes 470 million native speakers and those with some command of the language.

The Instituto Cervantes was established in 1991 to promote the Spanish language abroad and last year had more than 200,000 students registered on its courses. It estimates that 21 million people are currently studying Spanish and here, too, the US leads with 7.8 million learning the language, followed by Brazil and France.

The report adds that two-thirds of Spanish-linked GDP is generated in two areas: North America (US, Canada and Mexico) and the European Union.

Between them they account for 78% while Latin America only accounts for 22%. It calculates that altogether Spanish speakers contribute 9.2% of the world's GDP.

The Index of Human Development ranks Spanish as the second most important language on earth, behind English but ahead of Mandarin. It is also the third most widely used language on the internet, although less than 8% of internet traffic is in Spanish. The report says that Spanish is the second most used language on Twitter in London and New York. It also comes second on Facebook, a long way behind English though well ahead of Portuguese, Facebook's third language.

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US now has more Spanish speakers than Spain - only Mexico has more

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The United States is now the world's second largest Spanish-speaking country after Mexico, according to a new study published by the prestigious Instituto Cervantes. The report says there are 41 million native Spanish speakers in the US plus a further 11.6 million who are bilingual, mainly the children of Spanish-speaking immigrants.

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Anyone who's ever enrolled in a Spanish class knows that schools generally refer to it as a "foreign language." Most of us repeat the phrase uncritically, as if it were actually true. But is it?

Take a look around. Spanish isn't "foreign" to the United States, at all. The names of many of our states and cities are Spanish - a testament to the fact that Spanish-speakers colonized many areas that later became part of the United States before English-speakers. Many of us use Spanish words when speaking English, often without being aware of what we're doing. According to a 2013 Pew report, Spanish is the second-most spoken language in the country and many people, both immigrant and native-born, were raised speaking it.

When you really think about it, Spanish is no more "foreign" to the United States than English. Still not convinced? Allow us to break it down for you a bit. Here are nine reasons why Spanish is really is not a foreign language in the U.S.

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Here's Why Spanish Isn't Really A Foreign Language In The U.S.

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Anyone who's ever enrolled in a Spanish class knows that schools generally refer to it as a "foreign language." Most of us repeat the phrase uncritically, as if it were actually true. But is it? Take a look around. Spanish isn't "foreign" to the United States, at all.

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Español tiene un gran influencia en Los Estados Unidos y hay muchos ejemplos por todo el país. El primer artículo muestra una mapa de las lenguas que son hablado en Los EEUU y donde. No es solo español, pero muestra porque ingles no es el idioma oficial porque hay muchas concentraciones de otras lenguas en Los EEUU. El ejemplo que sigue es sobre como español no es una lengua extranjera, está en todos partes en nuestras vidas de los nombres de las calles y ciudades a casi la mayoría de las personas que nos rodean. El otro ejemplo habla sobre los números de los hablantes de español en los EEUU y como ahora Los EEUU es el país que tiene la mayoría de los hablantes de español aparte de México y es proyectado que Los EEUU será el país con la mayoría en 2050. El último ejemplo es conectado al que antes con un ejemplo más específico de California y que en Los Ángeles hay más hispánicos que las personas blancas lo que muestra la influencia español que tiene, no solamente en LA pero en todo del país.

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The U.S. Census Bureau just published a new report on languages besides English used among Americans.

The report is an excellent read, but this map is the real standout.

You'll see the regions where non-English speakers are among the highest numbers of the population. When you compare it to the map of the most populous counties in the U.S., it becomes abundantly clear that while English may be the language of commerce and government in the country, it'll never be the only language.

US Census

SEE ALSO: Half Of The United States Lives In These Counties

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One Map That Shows Why English Will Never Be The Official Language Of The US

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The U.S. Census Bureau just published a new report on languages besides English used among Americans. The report is an excellent read, but this map is the real standout. You'll see the regions where non-English speakers are among the highest numbers of the population.

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Acentos en Español y cualquier lengua es un fenómeno que se pasa en todos los lugares, pero la mayoría de nosotros no sabemos como o porque los acentos o dialectos nacían. El primer ejemplo es sobre específicamente los dialectos entre de Los EEUU y Inglaterra y cuando llegaron a ser diferente. Simplemente, las personas de Inglaterra empezaba hablar diferente con palabras de no rotícos; no pronuncia los "r"s como "hard" a "hahd", al igual que en países diferentes de español. La prueba es de New York Times y es muy divertido para tomarlo y descubre donde tu acento es de. El TED Talk es una mujer que esta hablando sobre como lenguas nos definen. La último imagen es como los hablantes españoles hablaría algunas palabras de ingles y da visión como los hablantes españoles que tienen un acento hablaría inglés con sus acentos porque de

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Dime qué idioma hablas y te diré quién eres | Ivana Sánchez | TEDxYouth@BosquesDeLasLomas

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You're viewing another reader's map. Click here to take the quiz and see your own.

Your Map

See the pattern of your dialect in the map below. Three of the most similar cities are shown.

These maps show your most distinctive answer for each of these cities.

About This Quiz

The data for the quiz and maps shown here come from over 350,000 survey responses collected from August to October 2013 by Josh Katz, a graphics editor for the New York Times who developed this quiz and has since written "Speaking American," a visual exploration of American regional dialects.

Most of the questions used in this quiz are based on those in the Harvard Dialect Survey, a linguistics project begun in 2002 by Bert Vaux and Scott Golder. The original questions and results for that survey can be found on Dr. Vaux's current website.

The colors on the large heat map correspond to the probability that a randomly selected person in that location would respond to a randomly selected survey question the same way that you did. The three smaller maps show which answer most contributed to those cities being named the most (or least) similar to you.

Additional work by Eric Buth.

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You're viewing another reader's map. Click here to take the quiz and see your own. Your Map See the pattern of your dialect in the map below. Three of the most similar cities are shown. These maps show your most distinctive answer for each of these cities.

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Readers Nick and Riela have both written to ask how and when English colonists in America lost their British accents and how American accents came about.
There are many, many evolving regional British and American accents, so the terms "British accent" and "American accent" are gross oversimplifications. What a lot of Americans think of as the typical "British accent" is what's called standardized Received Pronunciation (RP), also known as Public School English or BBC English. What most people think of as an "American accent," or most Americans think of as "no accent," is the General American (GenAm) accent, sometimes called a "newscaster accent" or "Network English." Because this is a blog post and not a book, we'll focus on these two general sounds for now and leave the regional accents for another time.

English colonists established their first permanent settlement in the New World at Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607, sounding very much like their countrymen back home. By the time we had recordings of both Americans and Brits some three centuries later (the first audio recording of a human voice was made in 1860), the sounds of English as spoken in the Old World and New World were very different. We're looking at a silent gap of some 300 years, so we can't say exactly when Americans first started to sound noticeably different from the British.

As for the "why," though, one big factor in the divergence of the accents is rhotacism. The General American accent is rhotic and speakers pronounce the r in words such as hard. The BBC-type British accent is non-rhotic, and speakers don't pronounce the r, leaving hard sounding more like hahd. Before and during the American Revolution, the English, both in England and in the colonies, mostly spoke with a rhotic accent. We don't know much more about said accent, though. Various claims about the accents of the Appalachian Mountains, the Outer Banks, the Tidewater region and Virginia's Tangier Island sounding like an uncorrupted Elizabethan-era English accent have been busted as myths by linguists.

Talk This Way

Around the turn of the 18th 19th century, not long after the revolution, non-rhotic speech took off in southern England, especially among the upper and upper-middle classes. It was a signifier of class and status. This posh accent was standardized as Received Pronunciation and taught widely by pronunciation tutors to people who wanted to learn to speak fashionably. Because the Received Pronunciation accent was regionally "neutral" and easy to understand, it spread across England and the empire through the armed forces, the civil service and, later, the BBC.

Across the pond, many former colonists also adopted and imitated Received Pronunciation to show off their status. This happened especially in the port cities that still had close trading ties with England - Boston, Richmond, Charleston, and Savannah. From the Southeastern coast, the RP sound spread through much of the South along with plantation culture and wealth.

After industrialization and the Civil War and well into the 20th century, political and economic power largely passed from the port cities and cotton regions to the manufacturing hubs of the Mid Atlantic and Midwest - New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Chicago, Detroit, etc. The British elite had much less cultural and linguistic influence in these places, which were mostly populated by the Scots-Irish and other settlers from Northern Britain, and rhotic English was still spoken there. As industrialists in these cities became the self-made economic and political elites of the Industrial Era, Received Pronunciation lost its status and fizzled out in the U.S. The prevalent accent in the Rust Belt, though, got dubbed General American and spread across the states just as RP had in Britain.

Of course, with the speed that language changes, a General American accent is now hard to find in much of this region, with New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and Chicago developing their own unique accents, and GenAm now considered generally confined to a small section of the Midwest.

As mentioned above, there are regional exceptions to both these general American and British sounds. Some of the accents of southeastern England, plus the accents of Scotland and Ireland, are rhotic. Some areas of the American Southeast, plus Boston, are non-rhotic.

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When Did Americans Lose Their British Accents?

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Readers Nick and Riela have both written to ask how and when English colonists in America lost their British accents and how American accents came about. There are many, many evolving regional British and American accents, so the terms "British accent" and "American accent" are gross oversimplifications.

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La deixis es un aspecto de la semántica que es usada para referirse a elementos de una oración como puede ser una persona, anima, objeto, situación, tiempo o lugar, el uso de la deixis se hace mediante ciertos componentes conocidos también como "deícticos", a su vez este término tiene su origen del griego "deiktikós" que quiere decir "que indica o señala".

Para entender mejor este concepto las palabras "tú, hoy, aquí, esto" entre otras similares son consideradas expresiones deícticas y sirven para hacer referencia a los elementos mencionados antes, las deixis se dividen en los siguientes tipos:

Deixis personal: Es aquella en la que las expresiones deícticas se usan para señalar el rol que tiene un individuo, puede usarse de forma singular o plural.

Deixis social: Además de hacer referencia a un individuo, tiene la función de hacer énfasis en el estatus social de la persona o la relación que existe entre las personas que interactúan.

Deixis de lugar: En este tipo de deixis se hace mención al lugar en el que una persona está hablando, dando también una referencia de la distancia entre dicha persona y el interlocutor.

Deixis de tiempo: Hace referencia a un momento específico, para ello se vale de la circunstancia en la cual se expresa el mensaje para dar idea del tiempo.

Deixis catafórica: Se usa para indicar un punto del tema que se habla pero que aún no se ha mencionado pero que se hará.

Deixis anafórica: Contrario a la anterior es aquella en que se refiere a un tema ya hablado, se conoce simplemente como anáfora.

Ejemplos de deixis:

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Deixis ejemplos

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ejemplos de deixis personal espacial y temporal

Por: Angel Levano Guardado en Lengua y Literatura

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La deixis es un aspecto de la semántica que es usada para referirse a elementos de una oración como puede ser una persona, anima, objeto, situación, tiempo o lugar, el uso de la deixis se hace mediante ciertos componentes conocidos también como "deícticos", a su vez este término tiene su origen del griego "deiktikós" que [...]

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Este capítulo es sobre semánticas y mi primer ejemplo es sobre deixis y la ambigüedad cerca de deixis con un dialogo sobre "mañana" y "ayer" que muestra la deixis. El siguiente ejemplo es un más análisis en profundidad sobre deixis y los partes diferentes dentro de deixis. El otro ejemplo es un foto cómico sobre homonimias y muestra como fácil para confundir con muchas palabras que tiene los mismos sonidos pero significados diferentes. El ultimo ejemplo es un ejemplo do extension metafórica sobre la nombre "Celeste" que es mi segundo nombre y pensé que la explicación era interesante y muestra que muchas metafóricas puede ser usado en nombres, no solamente con expresiones.

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"They look similar!" I can already hear you saying. "Look, just change this, and constituci ón becomes constituição. Todo is tudu and bien is bem. Lengua is lingua, and is idioma. They're just dialects of the same language."

Yes and no.

Now, no. Portuguese and Spanish are currently quite different. You can't learn one and expect to function effortlessly in the other. Portuguese sounds are quite different from Spanish ones, as are the two languages' vocabularies. And which variety of present-day Portuguese and Spanish are we talking about, specifically? There's Argentine Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese, for starters, and Canary Islands Spanish and Guinean Portuguese, not to mention the regional differences between Portuguese and Spanish dialects within Portugal and Spain themselves.

But once upon a time, yes. Portuguese and Spanish were, basically, dialects of the same language. That language was Latin, the language of the Roman Empire, from which all Romance languages spring.

Hundreds of years later, how have Portuguese and Spanish grown apart, and why? And will they always be different?

Iberian siblings

Spain and Portugal presently occupy almost the entirety of the Iberian Peninsula, the spit of land that sticks out of Western Europe just below France. (Almost, but not quite: the tiny Principality of Andorra sits snug along the border of Spain and France, ensconced in the embrace of the Eastern Pyrenees.) The Iberian Peninsula is where Portuguese and Spanish were 'born' (if languages can be born) and it is also the main reason why Portuguese and Spanish are much closer to each other than to the other major Romance languages: it has allowed them to develop in relative isolation. Indeed, this is plain to see on a map: the oceans surround the western, southern and eastern edges of the Peninsula, while to the north, the Pyrenees form a natural border with France. It is for this reason also that Portuguese and Spanish are usually known as the Iberian or Iberoamerican languages.

But Portuguese and Spanish were not the first languages on the Peninsula, nor are they those first languages' descendants. They come from a very different place.

All roads lead from Rome

The story of Portuguese and Spanish, as with all Romance languages, actually begins in Italy. Or, more specifically, with the Roman Empire, which spoke Latin and spread the language across the lands that it conquered and governed.

At their height, the Romans controlled almost all the areas immediately surrounding the Mediterranean, including modern-day Italy, Croatia, the Levant (the area around modern-day Israel, Lebanon and Syria), the Maghreb (modern-day Morocco), and the Iberian peninsula (which the Romans called 'Hispania'). Latin, as the language of the Roman Empire, was thus brought into all these places, and it gradually began to supersede the use of many other languages on the Peninsula.

Aquitanian, Tartessian, Lusitanian, Celtiberian: these are some of the languages believed to have existed on the peninsula before the arrival of the Romans in 218 BCE. All have now been lost to history (except perhaps Aquitanian, which may have survived in its possible daughter language, Basque, and which you can read about here) because Latin superseded them all in the new Roman province of Hispania. At this time, there was no Spain or Portugal to speak of; there was only Hispania, initially divided into two sections, Hispania Ulterior and Citerior, which became three from 27 BCE: Lusitania (the south-west), Baetica (the south), and Tarraconensis (the rest); and then five from 284 CE, with swathes of Tarraconensis becoming the new provinces of Galicia (the north-west) and Cartaginense (the south-east).

Thus, for the next 600 years, Latin continued to reign supreme on the Iberian Peninsula, as it did in most of the other areas of the Roman Empire.

Latin, however, was itself changing. Just as there are formal and informal versions of Arabic and Tamil today, spoken in different contexts, so too were there different varieties of Latin emerging in the Empire. There was a standardised, 'higher' version of Latin, which we call Classical Latin, spoken in more formal contexts like matters of administration and, later, in churches; and then there was the more informal Latin that everyday people spoke, which gradually came to be called colloquial or Vulgar Latin.

Vulgar Latin developed differently in different parts of the Empire. Not all the reasons for the differences are known, but one main factor could be that different parts of the Empire had different indigenous languages that came into contact with Latin, and thus different parts of the Empire had different loanwords (and eventually vocabularies) in their versions of Vulgar Latin. For example, the Vulgar Latin spoken in Spain and Portugal might have included loanwords from Celtiberian, whereas the Vulgar Latin spoken in France might have loanwords from other indigenous languages instead such as Gaulish.

Of course, Vulgar Latin was frowned upon by authorities and those from the higher echelons of society, and Classical Latin remained their language of choice; they maintained it as a unifying language that was used for administration in all parts of the Roman Empire. Thus, as long as the Empire stayed intact, so too did Latin.

Gothic and Arabic

Like all great empires, however, the Roman Empire was destined to fall. As its influence and control over the territories on its periphery began to weaken significantly, territories like Hispania began in the 5 th century CE to experience several waves of invasions by Germanic peoples like the Vandals, the Alans, and the Visigoths. Eventually, Hispania came under control of this last group, the Visigoths, who were invited to rule the province for Rome by Emperor Honorius in 415 CE, and who gradually took complete control of it, especially after the collapse of the Western Roman Empire in 476 CE.

The new kings were native speakers of Gothic, a distant but now extinct relative of today's German and English. Gothic never really caught on in Hispania, and remained the language of the upper classes, while the majority of the population continued to use Vulgar Latin for everyday communication and interaction. However, with Classical Latin no longer readily available for 'reference' as the standard to aspire to, Vulgar Latin in Hispania likely began to change further, incorporating several new features from Gothic.

Then, beginning in 711 CE, Visigothic Hispania was almost entirely conquered by the Moors of the Umayyad Caliphate, becoming the new Muslim kingdom of Al-Andalus. In a series of swift, lightning-fast conquests, the Umayyads took almost the entire Iberian Peninsula, and replaced Gothic with Arabic as the language of the elite.

However, the Vulgar Latin dialects continued to survive in large part because most of the population remained Christian despite now being subject to heavy Arabic influence. For this reason, the Vulgar Latin of this time is known as Mozarabic. As had been the case under the Visigoth kings, Mozarabic was spoken by a large majority of the population, while Arabic was only used by the upper echelons of society.

Whence Portuguese and Spanish, then? At last, with the Muslim conquest of Spain, they were beginning to appear.

Beloved Homeland

In the northwest corner of Spain, the tiny kingdom of Asturias successfully resisted the Moors, and was able to recover and grow in strength throughout the 9 th and 10 th centuries CE. This one remaining Christian bulwark on the peninsula thus served as the nucleus of the movement known as the Reconquista or the Christian reconquering of Spain, and also as the nucleus from which Portuguese and Spanish as we know them today were eventually born.

At its inception, Asturias was composed of the modern-day regions of Asturias and Galicia, which were never fully under the control of the Moors. Indeed, Galicia especially had remained fiercely distinctive since the 4 th century. In 409 CE, slightly earlier than the rest of the peninsula, it had become a separate Roman vassal state under the Suebi, a separate Germanic race from the Visigoths, and remained an independent Suebi kingdom until 585 CE, when Visigoth King Leovigild absorbed it into the rest of Visigoth Hispania. Galician dialects of Vulgar Latin were thus already rather more divergent compared to Vulgar Latin and Mozarabic dialects on the rest of the peninsula, and even compared to their Asturian brethren.

Enter a Galician nobleman named Vimara Peres, who at the end of the 9 th century CE, led an Asturian force to conquer a sizeable chunk of Andalusian territory between the Minho and Douro rivers. Asturian King Alfonso III awarded the entire region to Peres as a County, and Peres resettled the area with Galician colonists. He also named it after the largest port city in the region, Portus Cale -taken today as the origin of the name Portugal. From this point on, Portugal began to develop its own regional identity, and indeed, its own distinct Vulgar Latin dialects, separate from the Asturian ones.

Portuguese and Spanish

Eventually, Asturias splintered into several successor states as various kings and heirs fought for control over the area. Two of these successor states were the Kingdom of Leon, and the County of Portugal, the latter of which declared its independence as a separate Kingdom from Leon in 1143 under King Afonso Henrique, and by which time had expanded to fill out most of the western coast of the Iberian Peninsula. Portuguese was also by this time a markedly different dialect from the other Vulgar Latin daughter dialects, and Portugal's separation from Leon ensured that this would continue to be so.

Meanwhile, Leon, later the Kingdom of Leon and Castile, gradually began to assert itself as the dominant force in the central area of the Peninsula. It eventually defeated the Moorish kingdoms, and expanded to control the territory of modern-day Spain by the end of the 15 th century CE. The Vulgar Latin daughter dialect that eventually became the language that we know today as Spanish was the Castilian dialect that originated with Leon and Castile, and which became standardised in written form in the 13 th century around the city of Toledo through the work of the Toledo School of Translators. Under the official patronage of King Alfonso X, this group worked to translate a large body of various Arabic and Hebrew texts into Latin and, for the first time, Castilian, giving Castilian a sizeable body of "official" written language, and in doing so laying the foundations for Castilian's eventual dominance over the other daughter dialects of Vulgar Latin.

Differences today

Today, both Standard Castilian Spanish and Standard Continental Portuguese reflect this rich tapestry of linguistic and cultural history, with a sizeable number of loanwords from Arabic, Gothic and (in the case of Spanish) Basque. Both languages retain similar grammatical features and syntax, and also share many cognates, or root word forms, as a result of their common descent from the Vulgar Latin spoken on the peninsula.

However, Portuguese and Spanish differ mainly because of their different origins during the period following the Muslim conquest of Iberia and the advent of the Reconquista. Modern-day Portugal was conquered and consolidated as a stable kingdom much earlier than Spain, and thus the process of the standardisation of Portuguese began earlier than that of Spanish, resulting in Portuguese retaining more recognisable features of Vulgar Latin than Spanish, whose original core dialects evolved and became standardised much later. Geography, both natural and political, has also played a part-had Portugal not remained an independent kingdom and state, it is conceivable that Portuguese might have deteriorated, much as the other Vulgar Latin dialects have today. (The reverse with Castilian Spanish is possible too, though much more unlikely, due to the relative size of the two polities).

Other Vulgar Latin dialects?

What happened to those, I hear you ask? After all, there were other successor states to Asturias, like Aragon, and Navarre. Surely they had their own unique dialects. And what happened to Leonese and Galician?

The answer is that with the process of standardisation, other dialects that have not been chosen as the standard often become marginalised and are left to simply fade away. In many cases, this is exactly what happened with the other dialects up until recent times: Aragonese, Leonese, and Navarrese are all still spoken, but by relatively few people, as Castilian Spanish became the sole language of use in almost all domains of public life after the 15 th century. Nonetheless, Galicia has managed to maintain its strong distinctive regional identity, and Galician has survived quite well into the present day as a strong marker of that identity. Galician and Portuguese continue to be rather more mutually intelligible than Portuguese and Spanish as a result of Portuguese's evolution from the Galician Vulgar Latin dialects; indeed, most linguists agree that Galician and Portuguese form a sort of continuum of intelligibility. Two other languages that have experienced a resurgence on the peninsula are Catalan, which after almost near-extinction has reemerged as one of the primary drivers of the Catalan independence movement, and Basque, very probably the last survivor of the languages originally spoken on the peninsula before the coming of the Romans.

The New World

Now that you know how Portuguese and Spanish came to be, the question is, where are they going?

In the 14 th and 15 th centuries, Portuguese and Spanish explorers were an integral part of the European Age of Exploration, which saw the colonisation and domination of Africa, the Americas, and much of Asia by European colonists. Portuguese and Spanish came to override indigenous languages in much the same way Latin did, and with almost identical end results: Spanish is now the dominant language in most of Central and South America at the expense of many native languages, while Brazilian Portuguese has far outstripped Continental Portuguese in terms of number of speakers and influence. Both languages have also left their mark on daughter languages as far flung as Tagalog in the Philippines, Kristang in Malaysia, and Guinean Creole in Guinea-Bissau.

With the collapse of the Portuguese and Spanish overseas empires in the 18 th and 19 th centuries, all these varieties and offshoots of Portuguese and Spanish have been largely left to develop on their own, much as the various dialects of Vulgar Latin were left to their own devices after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. And already we are seeing marked differences: Brazilian Portuguese speakers, for example, often pronounce initial 'd' sounds with a sound rather like the English 'j', an innovation unknown to Continental Portuguese, while Argentinian Spanish speakers are famous for their almost lyrical intonation patterns, a feature not found in Castilian Spanish. Chilean Spanish is full of loans from Quechua, while informal Angolan Portuguese is filled with loans from Kimbundu.

It seems possible that both languages might go the way of their once dominant Roman parent. Already we sometimes speak not of Portuguese and Spanish, but Portugueses and Spanishes; in a hundred years, perhaps we might even speak of an Iberian language family. As the Spanish saying goes, no hay dos sin tres -never two without three.

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Iberia's children: A short history of why Portuguese and Spanish are different | Unravel Magazine

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Once upon a time, Portuguese and Spanish were, basically, dialects of the same language: Latin, the language of the Roman Empire. Hundreds of years later, how have Portuguese and Spanish grown apart, and why? And will they always be different?

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List of Spanish words of Iberian origin - Wikipedia

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This is a list of Spanish words which are believed to have originated from the ancient Iberian language. Some of these words existed in Latin as loanwords from other languages. Some of these words have alternative etymologies and may also appear on a list of Spanish words from a different language.

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What is the difference between "a hearty welcome" and "a cordial reception"? In a brief, action-packed history of the English language, Kate Gardoqui explains why these semantically equal phrases evoke such different images.
What do Game of Thrones' Dothraki, Avatar's Na'vi, Star Trek's Klingon and LOTR's Elvish have in common? They are all fantasy constructed languages, or conlangs. Conlangs have all the delicious complexities of real languages: a high volume of words, grammar rules, and room for messiness and evolution. John McWhorter explains why these invented languages captivate fans long past the rolling credits.
This incredibly thorough map shows the branching diversity of languages throughout the history of the world.
"The object of inquiry in linguistics is human language, in particular the extent and limits of diversity in the world's languages. One might suppose, therefore, that linguists would have a clear and reasonably precise notion of how many languages there are in the world. It turns out, however, that there is no such definite count-or at least, no such count that has any status as a scientific finding of modern linguistics." So, How Many Languages Are There in the World?
From the BBC, here's " a guide to which languages are most widely spoken, hardest to learn and other revealing facts."

Music is a powerful communication tool--it causes us to laugh, cry, think and question. Bassist and five-time Grammy winner, Victor Wooten, asks us to approach music the same way we learn verbal language--by embracing mistakes and playing as often as possible.

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Over the course of human history, thousands of languages have developed from what was once a much smaller number. How did we end up with so many? And how do we keep track of them all? Alex Gendler explains how linguists group languages into language families, demonstrating how these linguistic trees give us crucial insights into the past.

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En este capítulo, la historia de la lengua es explorado y hay muchas diferentes maneras para aprender y entender donde las lenguas derivado de. Mi primer ejemplo habla sobre las primeras lenguas y su conexiones entre idiomas de partes diferentes del mundo. También, ese artículo habla sobre el idioma  mas antigua del mundo y los conexiones desde este lengua y otros. El video que sigue en mi otro ejemplo es sobre la evolución de los idiomas y da un buen visión de conjunto de como trabaja los idiomas. El siguiente ejemplo es una lista de palabras en español que son derivados de Ia lengua ibérico. El otro ejemplo es un artículo que se compara Español y Portuguese porque ambos son derivados de la lengua de ibérico pero son significativamente diferente. La último ejemplo es un pun sobre las lenguas de latin que es cómico.

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Duolingo: Learn Spanish, French and other languages for free

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Duolingo is the world's most popular way to learn a language. It's 100% free, fun and science-based. Practice online on duolingo.com or on the apps!

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el cuarto razón - word order

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English is fast becoming the world’s universal language, and instant translation technology is improving every year. So why bother learning a foreign language? Linguist and Columbia professor John McWhorter shares four alluring benefits of learning an unfamiliar tongue.

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En este capítulo, el orden de las palabras fue un a parte significativo, entonces dos de mis enlaces son sobre el orden. La primera habla sobre como español puede ser en varios ordenes, como con el verbo en la frente o en la medio y la significado es la misma, pero en ingles, cambiar el orden de las palabras cambia la significado de la frase. En los otros ejemplos, ingles y español se comparan también y mientras las frases son diferentes las significados son las mismas también. Tener las comparaciones hace un diferencia en la manera que vemos y aprendemos lenguas y nos ayuda entender otros partes de nuestra lengua cuando aprender una otro lengua.

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Todos los ejemplos de Capítulo 3 son sobre Morfológico y son relacionado con ideas específicas. El foto de la palabra "gato" describe la idea de monemas y como la lengua de español tiene "rutas" de palabras y pues adjuntan indicadores que nos dice el género y número por sustantivos. Por verbos hay indicadores también, como el tiempo verbal que nos dice cuando, y el final nos dice quien también. La video que adjuntaba es un video muy simple sobre la idea principal de morfológico para dar una visión general de morfológico. El enlace a Wikipedia es sobre las palabras de ingles que venían de español y da un idea sobre la morfológico entre de ingles y español y las rutas de las dos lenguas. También, el primer enlace muestra la misma idea del Wikipedia pero da una idea mas general y como las lenguas y palabras son con morfológico.

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Una Lista de palabras de ingles que venían de español 

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Una Lista de palabras de ingles que venían de español 

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Capítulo 3

Este un a buen ejemplo de derivación con ingles y español

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List of English words of Spanish origin - Wikipedia

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This is a list of English language words whose origin can be traced to the Spanish language as "Spanish loan words". Words typical of " Mock Spanish" used in the United States are listed separately.

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Capítulo 3

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Grammar or Meaning
Morphological processes serve different functions. Some occur to alter meaning and/or part of speech (derivational), others show grammatical relationships between words (inflectional). In English, the attachment of '-ness' to an adjective such as 'faithful' derives the noun 'faithfulness'. Likewise, when 'un-' is attached to 'happy', meaning is reversed (unhappy). In French, the when '-ment' is added to an adjective root such as 'douce' (soft, quiet), the adverb 'doucement' (softly, quietly) is formed. These are derivational morphemes.

Inflectional morphemes serve grammatical functions. In English, '-s' is attached to a noun to mark plurality, e.g., 'street' sing. streets, pl. In other languages, morphemes must be attached to verbs to mark its subject. In Persian, '-æm' is attached to a verb to show 1 st per. sing.
(1) ketab mixun- æm.
I book read 1 st p.s.
I am reading a book.'

Morphological Processes
Morphological processes alter stems to derive new words. They may change the word's meaning (derivational) or grammatical function (inflectional). There are various types of processes, not all of which are present in all languages. Some of these are concatenative, meaning that they involve the linear combination of morphemes (affixation, for example), while others are non-concatenative, involving the alternation of internal properties of morphemes

Let's take a look at several concatinative processes.

Affixation
Every language has its own rules about the structure and formation of its words. Affixation occurs when a morpheme is attached to a root. Affixes are bound morphemes that must be attached to the beginning of a root, i.e., prefix, the end of a root, i.e., suffix, and in other languages, surround a root, i.e., circumfixes, or be inserted into a root, i.e., infixes.

In English affixation is the primary morphological process in constructing words. For example, the prefix 'un-' attaches to stems in such words as unbelievable or unkind. The suffix '-s' attaches to the end of noun roots to mark plurality as in languages or bugs.

For more information on affixation in English, read our tutorial Affixation in English.

Affixation is used in many languages to mark inflections on verbs. Spanish marks verbs for person with a suffix:
(2)
habl ar 'to speak'
habl o 'I speak'
habl as 'you (singular) speak'
habl a 'he/she speaks'

Turkish uses the suffix -lar ¹ to mark plurality.
(3)
kitap 'book'
kitaplar 'books.'

Swahili, on the other hand, uses a series of prefixes to mark person, tense, and object of a verb:
(4)
Verbal prefixes in Swahili:
a- ta- ni- penda
he- FUT- me -like
He will like me.

Other languages use infixation to show contrast in meaning or grammatical function. The following examples from Leti ² (Blevins 1999) provide an example:
(5)
Nominalizing-ni- in Leti
kaati 'to carve' k-ni-aati 'carving'
kasi 'to dig' k-ni-asi 'act of digging'
kakri 'to cry' k-ni- akri 'act of crying'

Finally, a circumfix is a morpheme with two parts, one that attaches to the beginning of the word/stem, and one to the end. A common example is the past tense in German, which is formed by affixing a verbal root with ge- and -t. Thus, lachen 'laugh' becomes lacht 'laughed'.

Reduplication
Another morphological process seen in languages of the world is reduplication. In this case a morpheme or a part of a morpheme is copied or reduplicated and attached to a root or stem. Complete reduplication results from copying the entire word, while partial reduplication copies any number phonemes or syllables.

Reduplication can serve many functions in languages, from making plural forms to marking intensity or diminutives.

Here are a few examples from various languages:

Complete Reduplication in Thai (intensification)
(6)
di: 'to be good' dí:di: 'to be extremely good'

Here the entire word is copied and added to the stem.

Partial Reduplication in the Niutao dialect of Tuvaluan ³ (verbs have different forms when used with singular and plural subjects)
(7)
Singular Plural
mafuli mafu fuli 'turned around'
kai kakai 'eat'
apulu apu pu lu 'capsize'

In this example the penultimate syllable is copied and inserted between the initial and second syllables.

Suppletion
Suppletion is a different type of morphological process. While in affixation and reduplication it is often easy to see how one form is related to another, suppletion involves a relationship between two forms that do not share phonological shape. Generally, it is a relationship in which one form cannot be derived phonologically from the other. A few examples are found in Indo-European languages.

In English, adjectives can be used in comparative and superlative forms:
(8)
adjective comparative superlative
nice nicer nicest
sweet sweeter sweetest

To form the comparative -er is attached to the root and for the superlative -est.

However consider the adjective good whose comparative and superlative forms better and best are not phonologically related to their root.
(9)
*good gooder goodest

These words ostensibly have little in common, and yet their meanings are integrally related.

In Spanish, the present tense form of 'I go' is voy while the past tense is fui (cf. English 'go' and 'went'). Once again, these have very different forms whose close relationship is not readily apparent.

Non-concatenative Processes Non-concatenative, or internal changes are morphological processes that alter a word's internal structure. Such changes can affect vowel quality, or otherwise alter the shape of the word.

Conversion is the process by which a new word is derived without any external change. The root and new form will be related semantically and share phonological realization. Conversion is easily observable in English.

(10)
noun verb
the can to can
the trash to trash
the file to file

verb noun
to call a call
to guess a guess
to sprinkle a sprinkle

adjective noun
light the light
poor the poor
rich the rich

adjective verb
empty to empty
slight to slight
blind to blind

These pairs have raised questions as to which of the two preceded the other. In most cases, a little delving into historical linguistics settles the issues.

Stress Placement and Tone
A shifting in stress and tone can also be used to change a word's grammatical function or meaning. Many languages in the world use tone contrastively, and therefore may serve to make distinctions between different words and their grammatical functions. In the following examples from Maasai ⁴, only differences in the tones (shown as accent marks over different syllables) of the vowels distinguish the nominative (the subject of a verb) from the accusative (an object of a verb) forms of the following words:
(11)
nominative accusative gloss
èlùkùnyá èlúkúnyá 'head'
èncùmàtá èncúmátá 'horse'

Likewise, the shifting of stress results in different meanings even though no visible distinction. Here are a few examples.
(12) Spanish
ˈbe.be 's/he drinks' be.ˈbe 'baby'
ˈcan.to 'I sing' can.ˈto 'he/she sang'

(13) English
noun verb
ˈcon.duct con.ˈduct
ˈre.cord re.ˈcord
ˈex.tract ex.ˈtract
( The tick indicates that the stress falls on the following syllable).

For example, in English there is a distinction between weak and strong verbs. Weak verbs form the past tense through the addition of a suffix -ed, while strong verbs change their vowel: sing/sg, drive/drve. German uses umlaut, an alternation in vowel quality to mark plurality. v ater -'father' v ä ter - 'fathers'.

Some new word forms surface as parts of a root or stem. Truncations generally refer to the process in which a syllable(s) represents a whole. Clippings and diminutives show a reduced form originating from a base.

(14) diminutives
Barbara → Barb
Christopher → Chris

(15) clippings
telephone → refrigerator → fridge
advertisement → ad

Blends show new forms deriving from combinations of syllables from two or more words.
(16)
breakfast + lunch → brunch
guess + estimate → guesstimate
modulator + demodulator → modem

Abbreviations result from a similar process. A new word form is derived by extracting the initial sounds from a phrase. Here the word form is the pronunciation of the individual letters. These can also be referred to as initialisms.
(17)
DC for District of Columbia
MA for Masters of Art
IQ for intelligence quotient

Abbreviations are acronyms when the indiviual sounds are arranged in such a way as to create a word.North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
(18)
NATO for the
ASAP for as soon as possible
SCUBA for Self-Contained Underwater Breathing Apparatus

Compounding is defined as combining two or more stems to form a new word that is stored as a single entry in the lexicon, e.g., 'blackbird' or 'three-year-old'. The meaning of a compound is not affected by spelling. Some are represented as one word as in 'housefly', hyphenated as in 'extra-terrestrial ' and'out-of-pocket', or separated by a space as in 'kill joy '.

Compounds can be composed of many parts of speech. Some examples from English include:
(19)
noun- noun: 'horseshoe
noun- verb such: 'trouble-shoot'
adjective -verb: 'high-jump'
adjective-adjective: 'bittersweet'
adjective-noun: 'jumping bean'
verb-noun: 'spelling bee'
verb-preposition: 'push-up'
preposition-verb: 'out-cast'

All compounds have a head, the element that determines its part of speech. In English, compounds are right-headed, meaning that the right-most constituent determines the grammatical category of the word. For example, the head 'bird' in 'blackbird' is a noun thus the compound is also a noun. The head of 'freeze-dry' is a verb thus the compound is a verb. However, when a preposition is found in the rightmost position, the left element will be the head. This is due to the fact that prepositions are function words that are closed to adding new words. Thus in the compound 'push-up' the head is 'push'.

Compounds are not right-headed in all languages. For instance, in Spanish the compound word lavaplatos 'dishwasher' is left-headed: it is an entity that washes lava- a kind of dish, platos. Languages can have compound verb forms such as Dutch that combines weer 'again' with schijn 'to shine' to form the complex verb weer-schijn 'to reflect.' Farsi (Modern Persian) forms many verbs by combining a noun with the verb kaerdaen "to do or make:" fekr 'thought' + kaerdan 'to do' = fekr kaerdaen 'to think'.

Compounds are characterized as either endocentric or exocentric. The former means that the compound is semantically transparent from the meaning of its constituents. In other words, it is a type of its head (as blackbird is a type of bird). An exocentric compound is not as easily understood as the sum of its components. For example, a 'pickpocket'is not a type of pocket but someone who picks things from pockets.

Incorporation
Incorporation is another form of bringing together one meaning from several. Although different from compounding, incorporation appears to share similar characteristics. There are also important differences between the two. Incorporation is most prevalent in polysynthetic languages, and is a process by which a word (often a verb) incorporates or combines with another word while maintaining its syntactic function. One effect that this has is to decrease the valency of the verb; that is, a verb will take fewer argumentsin its incorporated form. Thus a transitive verb that combines with its direct objectwill then act as an intransitive verb, unable to take additional arguments. The following example from Mohawk (Mithun 2009) an object noun incorporated into the verb:

(20)
k-ahkwenni-onni
1s.a-clothing-make.stative

becomes

kahkwennión:ni
'I'm making clothes.'

The phrase directly translates as 'I am clothes-making,' where the object is a part of the verb itself.

Here is another example, showing both the unincorporated (21a) and incorporated (21b) versions of the sentence from the Southern Wakashan language Nuu-chah-nulth (Wojdak 2004):

ʔu- ʔaap- mit-ʔiš čakup maht'ii
buy- PST- 3.IND man house
ʔuʔaamitʔiš čakup maht'ii
'A man bought a house.'

(21b)house-buy-PST-3.IND man
maht'iiʔamitʔiš
maht'ii-ʔaap-mit-ʔa man house-bought
'A man bought a house.'

These sentences show that noun incorporation is not necessarily a required process, but it is a productive form in those languages that employ it. Furthermore, languages have rules specifying what can and cannot be incorporated; in Nuu-chah-nulth, for example, the object may be incorporated into the verb (as in the example above), but the subject may not. Thus while incorporation may not be widely used in languages such as English, it is an important morphological process in many languages of the world.

The examples highlighted here only begin to scratch the surface of the variety of ways in which languages employ various morphological processes to mark contrast. For practice in introductory level analyses, go to our exercises portal and click on 'morphology'.

R. Aronow

¹ -ler is an alternate form (allomorph) of -lar.
2 Leti is an Austronesian language spoken on the island of Leti in Maluku
³ Tuvaluan is an Austronesian Polynesian language spoken in Tuvalu.
⁴ Maasai is a Nilo-Saharan language spoken in southern Kenya and northern Tanzania.

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Grammar or Meaning Morphological processes serve different functions. Some occur to alter meaning and/or part of speech (derivational), others show grammatical relationships between words (inflectional). In English, the attachment of '-ness' to an adjective such as 'faithful' derives the noun 'faithfulness'. Likewise, when 'un-' is attached to 'happy', meaning is reversed (unhappy).

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Una cena elegante en una casa muy viejo que fue convertido en una restaurante - Deluz

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El museo en Bilbao que hacía la ciudad famosa. Tiene arte contemporáneo.

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cerca de centro de Santander

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mi playa favorita

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Bilbao es un ciudad más grande de Santander, sobre una hora y media este de Santander

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hay un parque y la universidad estaba un camino de 20 minutos de aquí

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Capítulo 1

Los acentos son algo que todos notamos. Este artículo explique porque los acentos desarrolla cuando personas están aprendiendo nuevas lenguas. Los acentos puede ser más notable depende en cuando la persona la aprendía y cómo similar la lengua es al primera lengua la persona sabe. Este relaciona con el desarrollo de lenguas en bebes y como cuando un bebe aprende una lengua cuando está creciendo, es más fácil y no hay un acento pero después de un tiempo aprender una nueva lengua es más difícil entonces un acento puede desarrolla.

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Download this document as a pdf. Broadly stated, your accent is the way you sound when you speak. There are two different kinds of accents. One is a 'foreign' accent; this occurs when a person speaks one language using some of the rules or sounds of another one.

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Capítulo 1

Este artículo explique el fenómeno que es "Spanglish" y como "la lengua" llegar a ser. Mientras Spanglish no es una lengua oficial, se habla en muchas partes en los Estados Unidos porque los eventos históricos cuando muchas partes de México (especialmente, Tejas) fueron comprado o conquistado por los Estados Unidos. Las personas en los EEUU que éramos mexicanos pues se sentían presionados para aprender y trabajar en ingles entonces una mezcla fue desarrollado y por lo tanto Spanglish fue desarrollado. Esto fenómeno no es específica de los Estados Unidos y México, es la manera que muchas lenguas se hizo.

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Brief history of Spanglish in the United States: origin and development

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Brano estratto dalla tesi: "English as a Lingua Franca and Spanglish in blog communication: a case study".

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Capítulo 1

Solamente la primera parte de este artículo es relevante, sobre Susanna Zaraysky. Ella habla sobre como aprende una nueva lengua es como música. ella escucha a la lengua en las canciones, el radio y el tele para aprender todo sobre la lengua, no solamente las reglas y gramática de una lengua. Escuchar a un lengua en su forma natural ayuda la gente la aprende y la sabe como un hablante nativo, por lo tanto sentir las palabras en una lengua diferente y nueva. Entonces, cuando hablar o escuchar a una lengua extranjera, una persona puede sentir las palabras y su verdadero significado.

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Susanna Zaraysky, 36, speaks seven languages and has lived in nine different countries. With Russian as her first language, she now lives in California.

Being multilingual is fundamental to who I am because I think in different languages. My mind starts a thought in one language, then finds a particular word in another language that fits exactly what I am thinking and then may switch to a third language by the end of the paragraph.

Each language resonates with me in a distinct way, bringing out a different part of my character. Russian makes me more melancholic because of its minor tone. In French, I am super pensive. Brazilian Portuguese is a very flirtatious and sweet language.

There's a downside though: when I'm in a monolingual environment for too long, I yearn to switch to a different language. I have to think "will this person understand me if I say something in language X"? That can censor my speech or slow me down. It's fun to be with other polyglots because we just hop from one language to another naturally. We don't do it to show off - it's just how we think.

I had an early start at learning languages. I moved to the US from the former Soviet Union when I was three and learnt English quickly. For some reason though, my teacher didn't think I was good enough at languages to study them in middle school and she checked the "not ready" box on a form. But my parents were adamant that I start learning, so they took the form, changed the answer to "yes" and forged the teacher's signature. It goes to show that academic achievement isn't always a good indicator of one's ability to learn a language.

You have to listen to a language like it's music. For me, the key to learning is being able to listen - paying attention to patterns, the fluctuations of speech and the emphasis in the words. I listen to foreign languages as though they are songs - and that's how I remember words and the melody of speech.

If I had just studied languages the formal way in school, I would never have become a hyperpolyglot. Learning languages is not just about memorising vocabulary and grammar. I supplement my classes and self-study books with lots of songs, movies, TV and radio. For instance, when I learnt Portuguese, I listened to local Portuguese immigrant radio while driving to work each day. I listened to the news and commercials for companies I didn't care about, along with old Portuguese folk music that wasn't my taste.

The hardest part of language learning is remembering boring and complicated grammar rules. Songs help to reinforce the rules, once you find the patterns in the lyrics.
Originally from Chester, Richard Simcott, 36, has studied more than 30 languages and is one of Britain's leading hyperpolygots. He is the Goethe Institute's ambassador for multilingualism and co-founder of the Polyglot Conference.
I was always fascinated by languages and accents - I tried to mimic them all the time when I was a child. At school I was always drawn to the kids who had some link to abroad and I wanted to find out more. I tried learning bits of various languages from anyone willing to teach me something new and I started buying foreign language books. I got to study languages at school and university eventually, and it grew from there.

Today, my daily life is multilingual. It seems unusual to people who meet me for the first time. It looks like a party trick when they find out that you speak so many languages, especially when they realise that it's not a question of just knowing a few phrases. I often get mistaken for other nationalities and I honestly no longer regard nationality as important. It seems almost odd for me to talk about being just British now.

Learning languages is an endless and ongoing process for me, which I intend to continue for as long as my body will allow. Last month, I went on an intensive Icelandic course, followed by a week in the Faroe Islands, picking up some Faroese. Now I am in Poland, trying to improve my Polish again. And I'm about to start my second year of Chinese studies at the University of Dalarna. When I'm at home I speak Macedonian with my wife and English, French, German and Spanish to my daughter.
Alex Rawlings grew up in south London and is now studying German and Russian at Oxford University. Last year he was named Britain's most multilingual student, speaking 11 languages.
When I am really in the zone, I put in some study hours pretty much every day. It ranges from an hour or two up to eight hours a day. Usually, I prefer to go to the country at some point to use what I have learned because it helps things to gel a little better.

But I don't think about the different languages all at once. If I did, I'd go mad. I can't think how the languages stay separate in my brain - I simply start a new language and don't think about the others, unless I see obvious links to help the learning process and to understand grammar.
Benny Lewis, 31, is a hyperpolygot from Ireland who has been learning languages and traveling the world for more than a decade.
I find it rewarding to keep my brain active and I love communicating with people in their native languages. It gives a completely unique view of a country when you can go there and interact with the locals in their language and on their terms. But there is more to it than that though - each language has its own way of expressing thoughts and ideas, so you get a real insight into diverse thinking. Language carries the culture of the country that uses it and when you internalise it, it becomes a part of you too.

Time is my enemy. Time is the hardest thing about language learning: I never have enough of it.

I'm an only child and I used to have long summers in Greece and Japan trying to play with the other kids, but none of them spoke any English at that age. It struck me how nice would it be to be able to talk to anybody in the world, regardless of what language they spoke. I started asking for language courses for Christmas and, by the time I was 14, learning languages had become my main hobby. I would pick a new language each year and see how far I got with it.

Pronunciation is the most important thing for me - I don't like to barge into another language and impose my way of speaking onto it. So I start off very basic: I learn greetings from free podcasts, websites or YouTube videos and just practise pronunciation and spelling. Once I start to feel more confident I move on to more formal study with grammar books or courses. I make sure I get my hands on a lot of music from the language, or subtitled films, so that my ear is tuned in to the new sounds and intonations. The dead time when you're on a bus or ironing or doing any mundane task is the most crucial time for fitting in subconscious language learning, which will all pay off in the long term.

I can't imagine my life without languages. The enormous number of opportunities I've had to travel and to work are all down to putting in a few hours here and there and making an effort to learn languages. Each new language gives me an entirely different perspective on the world. And exposure to different cultures allows me to see things in different ways, and to develop a whole new understanding of the way things work.

Being able to break out of the English-speaking world and find people who have had nothing to do with the west as we understand it is exhilarating. For instance, I stayed with a family in Albania recently and, if I hadn't been able to talk to them in a mixture of Greek and Italian, I wouldn't have heard their amazing stories about arriving in Italy on dinghies and making their way to London in the back of a lorry.

Learning new languages never stops: there is always more to learn, new places to go, and new people to meet. I don't obsess about mastering one or two languages to near native level, because for the same amount of effort I can get much further and do far more with an intermediate or advanced level in several. But my student days are starting to run out and the prospect of searching for a career is looming closer - so I am thinking about taking a couple of languages to a much higher level. Speaking other languages at native level is an entirely different task with different rewards to just being a polyglot.

I did poorly in languages in school. I barely passed German and, until I was 21, I only spoke English. I moved to Spain after I graduated and managed to live there for six months without picking up any Spanish. I kept telling myself that I didn't have the language gene.

Eventually I decided to put my excuses aside and dive in. It took a few weeks, but as soon as I had a basic conversation in Spanish I got hooked. That was 10 years ago, and since then I've travelled the world while learning the local language.

I don't think visiting the country of the language you're learning is really that necessary nowadays, because of the internet. But if your goal is to speak the language well then talking to people is essential. For instance, I recently learnt Egyptian Arabic while staying in Brazil by spending two hours a day practicing on Skype. I meet people as much as possible with the only rule being no English allowed. I'll stumble at first, but gain confidence and learn from books specifically to handle particular issues holding me back in those conversations.

I have been travelling the world non-stop for more than a decade and everything I own in the world comes with me and weighs just 23kg. I'm going to carry on for the next couple of years and, with each new country, that will of course require learning its local tongue.

When you're traveling, you really open up so many doors by knowing the local language. I've had Easter dinner with four generations of Italians, heard an elderly Czech lady share her experiences of life during the second world war, got cheap windsurfing lessons on a Brazilian island because I could take the local rate, and got introduced to basic Kung Fu from the son of a famous master, while in a farming village in China. None of these would have been possible if I'd tried forcing English on the locals.

Getting familiar with a language in the initial stages is the hardest because you have to tune into the noise and distinguish comprehensible sounds from what someone is saying to you. Although everyone loves a quick fix, with software or expensive courses, the only real way to get through this tough stage is to grin and bear it, and put in the time to talk to native speakers. I've learned to get numb to being aware that I'm making mistakes, so this stage has become easier with time, as I become less embarrassed to make mistakes. That confidence allows me to strive onward to the next level.

At first, I had some problems mixing them up. What worked very effectively however was consistent practice and then making body language associations. For instance, European Spanish, Italian and French come from different parts of your mouth, and even postures can vary. I incorporate this into my behaviour as it helps me blend in better, but also helps me to compartmentalise the languages in my mind. Once you get better at the languages, you are much more comfortable and far less likely to mix them up.

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Natural born linguists: what drives multi-language speakers?

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Susanna Zaraysky, 36, speaks seven languages and has lived in nine different countries. With Russian as her first language, she now lives in California. Being multilingual is fundamental to who I am because I think in different languages.

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Este video es sobre una niña que puede hablar en siete lenguas diferentes con facilidad. Lo que es porque cuando era una bebe, sus padres le enseñaron las lenguas cuando ella estaba desarrollando lo que relaciona a la video que mirábamos en clase. Si un adulto podía hacerlo, asumimos que este persona estudiaba mucho y que las lenguas fueron su vida, pero cuando escuchar a esta niña, sabemos que su mente joven hacía aprender estas lenguas mientras ella estaba creciendo en su vida normal con la ayuda de sus padres. Este te hace pensar que más personas como bebes deben aprender muchas lenguas cuando es más fácil en vez de en la edad adulto cuando es más difícil.

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Amazing baby! 4 year old Russian girl speaks 7 languages fluently. WOW!

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This 4-year-old Russian girl speaks seven languages. 🔥🔥🔥 FREE UBER RIDE CODE: khjtr5nwue On Sunday (6 November 2016), little Bella Devyatkina from Moscow showed off her linguistic abilities on the Russian TV show "Amazing People," on which she fluently spoke English, Spanish, Chinese, Russian, French, German and Arabic.

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Este video es muy interesante y habla sobre la idea de simplificar la ortografía en español porque hay muchas "H"'s mudos y letras con muchos sonidos. Yo nunca pensaba sobra esta idea pero estoy de acuerdo. Cuando aprendemos las reglas de fonéticas en clase, fue muy difícil para mi y otros también. La simplificación de ortografía simplificará las reglas de fonéticas y las letras de IPA también.

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How much energy and brain power do we devote to learning how to spell? Language evolves over time, and with it the way we spell - is it worth it to spend so much time memorizing rules that are filled with endless exceptions? Literary scholar Karina Galperin suggests that it may be time for an update in the way we think about and record language. (In Spanish with English subtitles.)

Karina Galperin · Literary scholar

Karina Galperin studies the culture, language and literature of early modern Iberia.

Karina Galperin studies the culture, language and literature of early modern Iberia.

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Transcript of "Should we simplify spelling?"

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TED Talk Subtitles and Transcript: How much energy and brain power do we devote to learning how to spell? Language evolves over time, and with it the way we spell -- is it worth it to spend so much time memorizing rules that are filled with endless exceptions?

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Este video habla sobre la historia de la lengua, y dice que la lengua surge de la misma lengua lo que empezó todo. Este es relacionado con fonéticas porque se plantea la pregunta si fonéticas fue empezado en la misma forma y lengua. Los sonidos que podemos hacer con nuestras bocas son limitados y tuvieron que venir de algún sitio.

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Murray Gell-Mann: The ancestor of language

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After speaking at TED2007 on elegance in physics, the amazing Murray Gell-Mann gives a quick overview of another passionate interest: finding the common ancestry of our modern languages.

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Aquí son algunas tablas que explique algunos reglas de estrés en palabras de español. Este es eficaz cuando necesita saber como pronunciar una palabra así que puede saber como escribir en el forma correcta de IPA.

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hace referencia a Las Reglas de Estrés primera tabla

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Una tabla para ayudar con las pronunciaciones de las letras fonéticas. Este ayudará cuando escribimos palabras o frases en la forma fonéticas.

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The charts below show the way in which the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) represents Spanish language pronunciations in Wikipedia articles. For a guide to adding IPA characters to Wikipedia articles, see {{ IPA-es}} and Wikipedia:Manual of Style/Pronunciation#Entering IPA characters.