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La primera articulo se trata de mercado hispanica en USA. Es muy interestante, y es in reliciona que la tema en el libro.

Segundo, es mi árbol de familia.

Trecer, este video de  es muy facinante porque enseña un proyecto linguistico de SDSU que incluye unos niños bilingues muy chiquitos arredor el edad de dos años que pueden habalar mas que la lengua ingles naturalmente. Es en relaciona que el libro.

Cuatro, esta página de wikipedia tiene una lista de calcos en españo.  Hay varias secciones en este link que incluye calcos en inglés que son prestados de español, como "moment of truth" (el momento de la verdad). Es en relaciona que el tema de calco y cognado falso en el libro.

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A calque or loan translation is a word or phrase borrowed from another language by literal, word-for-word ( Latin: " verbum pro verbo") or word-for-word translation. This list contains examples of calques in various languages.

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Me

Zeneida -  (USA) - English Dominant bilingual ( Spanish)

Parents

Salman (India,USA immigrant) - Urdu/English bilingual

Zarina (USA) - English dominant Urdo bilingual

Paternal Grandparents

Masoud (India, USA immigrant) - Urdu/English bilingual

Farrukh (India, USA immigrant) - Urdu monolingual

Maternal Grandparents

Mir (India.USA immigrant) - Urdu/English bilingual

Rebecca (Mexico, USA  immigrant) - English/Spanish bilingual

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Free Webinar | August 16th
Find out how to optimize your website to give your customers experiences that will have the biggest ROI for your business. Register Now "
In a recent study Yahoo conducted with Ipsos on Hispanic millennials focused on the third generation, over half of the respondents said it's about time that advertisers recognized that Hispanics shop, too. It's a new year, and another reminder that the Hispanic consumer is exponentially growing in buying power. Now more than ever, it's imperative for marketers to understand what it takes to reach this important customer segment and build a proper marketing strategy that's thoughtful, effective and appeals to their specific interests and preferences.

I've dedicated my career to understanding the Hispanic market, and I have seen it evolve, ebb and flow over time as the economy has grown. According to the Selig Center for Economic Growth, this market is on track to reach $1.7 trillion by 2020. But, if there's one key theme I've seen resonate as a marketer, it's the significant role of the Spanish language: its various uses, along with the recognition that cultural identity is bigger than knowing the language. One key understanding: Half of all second-generation Hispanics are bilingual, while only 23 percent of third generation are. There are a few themes that resonate when developing a marketing strategy for Hispanics, with language considerations woven throughout.

Below, I've offered up a few key strategies and tactics that marketers can adopt to be successful with this market, framed around their preferences for digital content, how they associate with their culture, and what types of advertising resonates with them most.

Use online video, and distribute it on mobile.

When it comes to entertainment, Hispanics love variety, and even more when it comes in the form of online video. On average, they visit nearly nine different sites, apps and services to view this content over a 30-day period. This presents a huge opportunity for marketers to implement a multi-pronged digital content strategy, where language can strategically be used across multiple touchpoints. Also, content that speaks to their heritage is popular with Hispanics, whether or not they're fluent in Spanish.

A study Yahoo conducted last summer indicated that Hispanics are quickly replacing traditional television, spending a majority of their time watching online content. Moreover, they've become a mobile-first generation: Over the last few years, their time spent on mobile video increased by 53 percent, and is even higher for those who are Spanish-dominant, with 94 percent who watch video at least once a week. It allows them to watch whenever, wherever they are. And that's huge for marketers.

Know your audience: Tap into Hispanics' cultural connections.

The majority of Hispanics feel connected to their heritage. Culture is a way of life that's felt in the way they act, what they eat, listen to, watch and how they speak with each other. There are, however, nuances between different generations. Over half of Hispanics are of millennial age or even younger, and these gaps in age have an impact on a variety of cultural factors, including language attribution, cultural identity, battling stereotypes and more.

We often hear the second-generation saying, "No soy de aqui, ni soy de alla," which means "I'm not from here or from there" -- they feel caught in between two cultures. Content needs to be tailored to their specific interests. This might mean use more ads in English, but with a stronger cultural or emotional connection -- memes that play on cultural experiences or videos that poke fun can be very effective, and we see this more and more from people sharing on social media. Whomever the audience, show relatable scenarios and tug at the heartstrings.

Conversely, our study indicated the third generation feels "at home" in both cultures, having grown up primarily English-dominant, and yet still heavily connected to their heritage. They're also more likely to feel a higher pressure for success, having learned the importance of a college education, achieving goals and living lives their parents may not have had. And when evaluating language fluency and the fact that less than a quarter of third-generation Hispanics are bilingual, marketers should assume that content that's primarily in English, and that reinforces the attainability of the "American Dream," will be well received with this generation.

There are also some unique instances in which the use of Spanish scales across generations. Hispanics spanning three or four generations might live under the same roof; this can mean daily interactions between grandparents, parents and their children, the latter of which might serve as interpreters for their older family members. In the digital sphere, we see social media also as a gateway for cultural connection here, as many Hispanics use different platforms to communicate with friends and family members. The opportunity here? Reinforce the heart and humor of older generations.

For advertisers, be relatable: It's about more than translating commercials.

Here's some music to your ears: Hispanics are very receptive to advertising; in fact, over half of millennial Hispanics actually welcome advertising targeted to them as a Hispanic. So what's the catch? Marketers need to offer a true reflection of what it means to be Hispanic -- that speaks to both Hispanic traditions and American culture. Avoid "Hispandering" -- content should be highly curated and focused on cultural identity beyond just language. The use of stereotypes can be comical, but should be done properly, else they will backfire. Our third-generation study showed "Latin-style dancing" was the least important advertising element indicated by respondents.

With a larger average household size and high spending power, Hispanics are loyal to the brands they love, which creates a perfect opportunity for brand marketers. Unfortunately, too many brands expect to reach this market by pouring additional budget into their total market media buys. This is clearly not the smartest move, as this audience needs to be addressed differently. Instead, marketers should recognize barriers, and be careful and thoughtful in their strategy for this specific audience.

To recap, marketing to Hispanics requires thoughtful implementation of the following:

Use video whenever, however possible, and serve it on mobile. Whether you're creating a short parody piece, a 30-second ad clip or a long-form feature, use video to capture attentions on every type of mobile device you can.

Know your audience! Are they Spanish-dominant? What do they read? Are they second-generation? Third? If you don't know who you're talking to, you won't know how to talk to them. Because we see consumers and their interests from more points of view than any other company, we offer unique insights from 165 billion daily data events to target the right audiences.

Be real, and be credible. Hispanics are closely tied to their heritage, but that's not all that defines them; understand where their differences lie. If possible, engage outside resources to understand these nuances; whether it's a multicultural agency, or our insights and advertising teams at Yahoo, tap the expertise of others with a proven track record of success.

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Marketing to Hispanics: Why It's Not Just About Speaking Spanish

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Free Webinar | August 16th Find out how to optimize your website to give your customers experiences that will have the biggest ROI for your business. Register Now " In a recent study Yahoo conducted with Ipsos on Hispanic millennials focused on the third generation, over half of the respondents said it's about time that advertisers recognized that Hispanics shop, too.

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Este primer video es muy divertido porque muestra que los hispanohablantes intentan imitar otros acentos españoles. Esto es en relación con lo que aprendimos en clase sobre diferentes acentos y pronunciaciones.

el segundo articulo es muy interesante porque es un blog sobre varios acentos y dialectos espanoles, que es discutido en el libro. Creo que es muy importante para hablante nativos y estudiantes para entender diferentes acentos porque a veces acentos son difíciles de entender.

La tercera blog por un lingüista habla sobre la inteligibilidad mutua entre los dialectos españoles. Inteligibilidad mutua se refiere a la relación entre lenguas o dialectos diferentes en que los hablantes de las distintas pero relacionadas lenguas pueden entenderse fácilmente.

Finalmente, es un video sobre seceo vs ceco, que aprendimos en clase. Seceo es cuando hay un "ssss" sonido en el specch, pero ceceo es cuando esta no distinción entre "s" y "c" con "th" sonido.

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Enjoy the videos and music you love, upload original content, and share it all with friends, family, and the world on YouTube.

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Inteligibilidad mutua en los dialectos españoles

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Inteligibilidad mutua en los dialectos españoles

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While we were living in New Mexico, a family from Argentina moved in next door. At the time I had neglected my Spanish for a while, but I liked to think that it was still there when I needed it. And in fact, I was delighted to find that I could easily converse with our new neighbors. I actually felt pretty smug.

Until the day, that is, when the phone rang while I was visiting next door, and my neighbor launched into an intense conversation with someone from home. Her Spanish sped up, her accent became more pronounced, and I could barely follow what she was saying (not that it was any of my business).

This little anecdote has more to say about my (probable) rustiness in Spanish, and my neighbor's politeness in accommodating her Spanish to my non-native ears, than it does about Spanish dialects. For in fact, different varieties of Spanish are just as mutually comprehensible as varieties of English. A Spanish speaker from Madrid may have initial difficulty understanding Cuban or Argentine Spanish, just as an American does Australian or Scottish English, but that's as far as the problem goes. One's ear adjusts pretty quickly. That's why Spanish-language films and telenovelas don't provide Spanish subtitles for foreign distribution any more than English-language films and TV programs do. In fact, Spanish-speaking friends I have polled insist that the range of variation is smaller than in English.

Education plays a major factor in helping Spanish speakers around the world understand each other. Depending on where one lives, some dialectal features, like the weakening and loss of final /s/, can be associated with low socioeconomic status (not unlike ain't in English). The speech of two educated Spanish speakers from different countries can therefore be more similar than that of two people from the same country, or even the same city, from opposite ends of the socioeconomic and educational spectrum. Moreover, educated speakers are more aware of dialectal differences and so better able to understand and/or accommodate. For example, just as a sophisticated English speaker from the United States isn't thrown off by British vocabulary ( lift for elevator, lorry for truck, and the like), a well-educated Spaniard will understand that Argentineans use vos, not tú, to mean "you." At the same time, an Argentinean who is aware that his use of vos is non-standard can accommodate to the Spaniard by trying to use tú instead.

Why is Spanish as consistent as it is? It's partly because all modern dialects of Spanish stem from two varieties of Spanish spoken in Spain in the 16th century: either castellano (standard Spanish, exemplified by the speech of Madrid) or Andalucian Spanish, exemplified by the speech of Seville. This was a small range of variation to begin with. Moreover, during the four hundred years or so that Spanish has been a world language, several factors-the existence of a language standard, increasingly widespread literacy, the availability of books and the mass media, and now the Internet-have provided centralizing ballast to the centrifugal force of language change. It remains to be seen how long they can continue to do so.
[Update from 4 Aug: Here's a post about mutual intelligibility in English that includes a list of references about mutual intelligibility in general (search on "Subtirelu")].

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The mutual intelligibility of Spanish dialects

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While we were living in New Mexico, a family from Argentina moved in next door. At the time I had neglected my Spanish for a while, but I liked to think that it was still there when I needed it. An...

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Puerto Rican Funerals & Dominican Barbers

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Every country in Latin America has its own, very different, way of speaking Spanish. Watch as these Latinos to imitate each other's accents! Accent or no accent YOUR VOTE COUNTS, register to vote TODAY: http://www.YourAmerica.com #VoteForYourAmerica Accentuating @ TheFlama.com http://www.theflama.com Add us on Snapchat: http://bit.ly/FlamaSnaps https://facebook.com/TheFlama https://twitter.com/theflama https://instagram.com/theflama https://theflama.tumblr.com

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BY DEREK CZAJKA ("Languages of the World")

Readers of this blog are doubtless aware of the notion of language families. Many of the world's languages belong to a family of related languages. When languages are said to belong to a family, the implication is that these languages all descended from a common ancestor. Given sufficient data, it is often possible to reconstruct forms found in this common ancestor, by comparing forms found in extant descendants, and, with luck, forms attested in older languages that are now extinct. A longer explanation of this phenomenon, replete with examples, may be found, among many other places, in any basic historical linguistics textbook, any introductory linguistics textbook that contains a section on historical linguistics, or any textbook that deals at length with language families, such as the book currently in press from the principal author of this blog.

The comparative method, the technique of comparing related languages and attempting to derive possible proto forms, has proved to be an invaluable resource for those who study the historical relationships between languages. A great deal is now known about the language known to us, though presumably not to those who spoke it, as Proto-Indo-European, a language that, to our knowledge, was never written down. Similar efforts have been made, though perhaps not with quite the same amount of loving detail, with many other language families throughout the world. For all of its power, though, it is important to recognize that the comparative method has its limits. In order to demonstrate a little of both the potential and the limitations, I will examine two verbs in five Romance languages. One, the verb that means 'to sing', is a regular verb in all the languages shown here. The other, the verb meaning 'to do' or 'to make', has varying degrees of irregularity in the languages considered. For the sake of brevity, I will only consider the present indicative forms of these verbs. I will be looking at five Romance languages: French, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, and Spanish. I will then include the forms of these verbs in classical Latin. Verb conjugations are courtesy of Verbix. I will provide these conjugations as they are spelled, but I will make remarks about pronunciation. The pronunciations were taken from the text-to-speech engines for the respective languages provided in the Apple iPhone and/or Google Translate. While this method of gleaning pronunciations is, perhaps, not the most scientific one, it is useful in cases where I have no direct experience with the languages in question (in the cases of Portuguese and Romanian), and is one computer-generated pronunciation made with consultation of native speakers more than linguists often have available when making linguistic comparisons.

To sing
p# French Italian Portuguese Romanian Spanish Latin
1S chante canto canto cânt canto cantō
2S chantes canti cantas cânţi cantas cantās
3S chante canta canta cântă canta cantat
1P chantons cantiamo cantamos cântăm cantamos cantā́mus
2p chantez cantate cantais? cântaţi cantáis cantā́tis
3P chantent cantano cantam cântă cantan cantant

Given the forms from the five modern languages, and asked to come up with forms from the protolanguage, you would probably come up with answers that are reasonably close to the Latin versions. There might be a few problems with vowel height in a couple forms, but these things are to be expected. However, there are a number of things that might lead you astray, and a couple things that you would miss altogether. One thing that makes the task easier is that I presented the words orthographically, and not phonetically. Had I done the latter, the task would have been a bit more difficult. In particular, French would have become all but useless to the task, since four of the six forms-all of the singular, plus the third-person plural-would resemble each other. French orthography provides some corroborating evidence for the sibilants at the end of the second-person endings and the first-person plural. It would be very difficult to account for these sibilants if they were not found in the proto-language. However, without the evidence from French orthography, a few might note the geographical closeness of Spanish and Portuguese, and draw the conclusion that something went a bit funny in Iberia.

Losing French orthography would also get rid of any chance to reconstruct the final -t in the third-person plural. As it is, none of these languages leaves behind any trace of the -t suffix in the third-person singular. In the case of the plural, one might be far more tempted by the Italian -ano, especially considering that it is, after all, pronounced. Anyone considering this option, however, would also need to consider the fact that we already have evidence that final -o in Italian also appears in Spanish and Portuguese. At the very least, a person hypothesizing a *-ano in the proto-language would do well to search for a verb in this conjugation where the stem ends in n. Another trap in Italian is the extra "i" that appears in the first-person plural. The way to avoid this one is to look at other verb conjugations, and see that -iamo seems to be a near universal suffix, even in cases where other languages have differing endings (compare, for example, Italian dormiamo and Spanish dormimos).

Another feature that is entirely absent from these forms is vowel length. In the Latin forms, long vowels are marked by macrons. All forms except the third-person forms have long vowels on the endings. However, even in a more conservativ language like Spanish, there is no difference between the vowels in cantas and in cantan that would suggest the change in vowel length in classical Latin.

To do
p# French Italian Portuguese Romanian Spanish Latin
1S fais faccio faço fac hago faciō
2S fais fai fazes faci haces facīs
3S fait fa faz face hace facit
1P faisons facciamo fazemos facem hacemos fácimus
2p faites fate fazeis? faceţi hacéis fácitis
3P font fanno fazem fac hacen fáciunt

AN obvious question that arises from the modern language forms is, just how regular was this verb in the proto-language? Italian and French give us the impression that it's pretty irregular. Is there a consonant in the verb stem? It looks like there might be, sometimes, but only scattered through a few forms. In Spanish and Portuguese, however, the verb seems very close to a regular -er verb. It's not quite there, but it's close. Spanish has this slightly bizzare alternation between a voiced velar stop or fricative and a voiceless dental or alveolar fricative, but apart from that little oddity, it does what one would expect if one were familiar with the language. In Romanian, as well, the verb seems fairly ordinary. It does help us understand this rather unsettling alternation of the medial consonant in Spanish. Seems as though it may have been the result of palatalization. Observe that Romanian makes a similar alternation with /t/ in the verb 'to sing'. Precisely how this palitalization led eventually to dental and alveolar fricatives in Spanish, French, and Portuguese is interesting, but beyond the scope of this article. In our small sample, more of the languages treat this verb as approximately regular, than very irregular, as in French and Italian. If the balance were tipped the other way, we might be tempted to attribute the more regular froms to regularization based on analogy. However, if we did this, we would have to ask why these languages opted for waht seems to be the rarer form when making the analogy. If, instead, we assume that the verb was more regular in Latin, but became irregular in French and Italian, we must come up with an explanation as to why they became so irregular. In order to answer this question, we would need more cognates, to see if this consonant disappeared in other words.

One thing to note about this verb is that the French forms shed some more light than they did for 'to sing'. In both the third person singular and plural, we see the final -t. While in citation form, this "t" is not pronounced, it appears on occasion, especially when followed by a vowel. We also see the remnants of the intervocalic t in the second-person plural, which had vanished without a trace from 'to sing'. Finally, French is the only language that hints at the back vowel in the third-person plural. Admittedly, it's not a very good hint, since a front high vowel was converted to the same back close-mid vowel in the first-person singular, but it is worthy of note nonetheless.

An obvious criticism of this exercise is that I should not expect the modern Romance languages to echo classical Latin. The Roman empire was, after all, a large one, and it may be that some of the features of classical Latin, such as vowel length, or the final t in the third person, never existed at all in Gaul or Iberia or Eastern Europe. To these naysayers, I say, you're absolutely right. However, this is one of the points of the exercise. Applying the comparative method to the Romance languages, especially if you use more than just the languages named after nation states, can tell you a lot about the historical ancestor of those languages. However, it can only take you as far as those modern languages allow. Imagine, if you will, construction Proto-Romance from only the modern Romance languages, Proto-Germanic from the extant GErmanic languages, Proto-Hellenic from modern Greek and maybe a few minority languages, and so forth. It would be much more difficult to reconstruct Proto-Indo-European. The reason we've been so successful at that enterprise is that we have ancient languages available, that were much more similar to each other than their modern descendants. However, this is the same reason that we have to stop comparison at Proto-Indo-European. It may be possible that Indo-European is related with other languages in its region, but it would be incredibly difficult to find them if all we have for inputs to the comparative method are outputs from a previous cycle. There is simply too much lost in transmission.

* Verbix does not list any verb forms for the second-person plural in Portuguese. This is likely because Portuguese, like many varieties of Spanish, has done away with the original forms from Latin in favor of newer pronouns. The forms shown here are from Wiktionary, and have not been confirmed in any other source.

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Comparing Verb Conjugations in the Romance Languages - Languages Of The World

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BY DEREK CZAJKA ("Languages of the World") Readers of this blog are doubtless aware of the notion of language families. Many of the world's languages belong to a family of related languages. When languages are said to belong to a family, the implication is that these languages all descended from a common ancestor.

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"Water" is always "Feminine"!

OK, water is grammatically feminine... anyway, it's easy to see that agua is feminine, whether singular or plural in the two phrases: el agua fría and las aguas frías but they don't really satisfy student curiosity.

The explanation for nearly every question about Spanish etymology is found in Latin, and its evolution into Spanish over the past 1500 years or so (for some features, you can go back even farther in time). The Latin articles (really demonstrative adjectives) that became el, los, la and las were il, illa -- but they had many forms. The important form for understanding derivation of nouns in Spanish is the Latin accusative (direct object case), not the nominative (grammatical subject case). So in Latin, the water and the waters, in the accusative (singular and plural) were: illam aquam and illas aquas.

Over time, the final m of aquam and the final m of illa m were weakly pronounced -- and since most people were illiterate, no one even knew that an m was supposed to be on the end of each of these words. Try pronouncing illa aqua and notice what happens to the second syllable of the article and its relationship to the first syllable of . They blend into each other, or elide. What is left, in terms of what you hear? il aqua! It's easy to see -- even feel by pronouncing them one after another -- how il aqua became el agua.

Next, let's examine the accusative plural -- the waters or illas aquas -- and see how it became las aguas. First, notice that the s at the end of illas prevents the final a of illas and the initial a of aquas from ever blending together? Also, the final s of aqua, is a strong marker of the plural. The initial i of illas was a briefly pronounced syllable (some people say it was a "short" i as in the English word is, but this is incorrect -- short and long in Latin have to do with length of pronunciation, not the quality of the sound). Anyway, it was weak and dropped out, leaving two L sounds, which in effect elided and left us with las aquas -- almost modern Spanish.

This phenomenon happens only with Spanish words that begin with a stressed a-, or ha-: águila ( eagle) and hacha ( axe) are two of the most common.

How Latin Became Spanish

The articles in this series deal with the etymology and evolution of Spanish from its mother tongue. They are written for the non-specialist, for teachers whose students ask the inevitable question "why..." which can only be answered with a "how..."

1. Evolution of Romance Languages

2. Evolution of Spanish From Latin: Why We Say "el agua" and "las aguas"

3. How Latin Became Spanish - Let's Examine the Definite Articles: El, La, Los & Las

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From Latin to Spanish: Why Spanish Says "el agua" but "las aguas"

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This article explains a common question that many Spanish teachers are at a loss to explain because they never studied Latin or the history of Spanish in depth. It is written for the non-specialist, either teacher of Spanish or even a curious student. The evolution is made clear.

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Este video muestra la historia del castellano muy brevemente, y las influencias que han influido la lengua por los siglos. Este video habla de la influencia de Latín, que aprendimos en clase, y también la influencia de los Moros que hablaban el árabe. Lo que me interesó en este video fue la explanación de la influencia de “Al” que viene de árabe pero ya tiene significación en español.

Este articulo, Como ingles, la lengua de latín tenia artículos de géneros. Iba muchos mas artículos en latín que español ahora, pero los mas común iban “il”  “illa”. Este sitio descubre los artículos de agua. Aunque la palabra “agua” es femenino, la forma singular es “el agua”. Este es porque, estaba llamado “illam aquam”. Pero muchas personas no pronuncian los m’s en ambas palabras similar a intertónica. Entonces, ellos decía “illa aqua” y luego, combinaba los a’s y ahora hispanohablantes dicen “el agua” y “las aguas”.

Como el rol del modo de subjuntivo no han cambiado mucho desde latín a español, la forma en la que se hacen los conjugaciones de verbos tampoco han cambiado mucho. Se muestran estos conjugaciones de verbos al lado con latín y porsupuesto son muy parecidos los cambios.

Este video contiene animaciones que demuestran las teorías antes de la evolución de la lengua. Explica que todos las lenguas del mundo pueden formar grupos de relación y todos las lenguas del mundo que se derivan de unas lenguas antiguas. También, el video explica algunos de las prácticas incorrectas de estudiar la lengua, como usar palabras que sueñan similar en dos lenguas para estudiar la relación entre los dos. Es más fácil y correcto comparar lenguas con frases básicos o los términos para números, pronombres y términos de familia.

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Primero leo más sobre declaraciones condicionales de este sitio web. No los entendí al principio, pero esto me ayudó a entender mejor el libro.

Como hemos visto en el libro de texto, podemos usar los árboles de sintaxis para representar la descomposición, las sintagmas, de una frase. Este sio de web te permite poner frases y crear los árboles de sintaxis. Aunque el ejemplo se muestra con ejemplos en inglés, es posible escribir el ejemplo en español. También encontré un video que explicaba el concepto x con barro del libro. Teoría de la X' La Teoría de la X-barra es un principio sobre la estructura básica de los sintagmas en la moderna teoría de la sintaxis. Este principio establece que existen ciertas similitudes estructurales en todos los tipos de sintagmas de todas las lenguas humanasEntonces leo un artículo sobre la evolución de la sintaxis.Este artículo es muy interesante porque tiene evidencia para el uso del sintaxis como un método de controlar la comunicación sin elementos de linguística. El autor se usa la perspectiva exaptationista para explicar sus tres hipótesis: el control manual del tracto corticespinal, el fascículo arqueado y los orígenes con imitación vocal, y finalmente unas partes especializadas de la area de Broca con los funciones no linguísticas.

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Capitúlo 4: La estructura de la oración: sintaxis 

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Capitúlo 4: La estructura de la oración: sintaxis 

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El origen biológica del desarollo de sintaxis

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El origen biológica del desarollo de sintaxis

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Introduction

Naturalizing the linguistic brain

Human language, in its mature state, is a complex system that allows us to encode and communicate thoughts and experiences via hierarchically structured signals called sentences. Humans, apparently uniquely among living animals, are born with a capacity to acquire such systems readily and without the need for explicit tutelage: an instinct to learn language. The capacity for syntax is a central component of this system.

The traditional textbook picture of the neural circuitry underlying the human capacity for language involves premotor speech and syntax areas in Broca's region, posterior temporo-parietal areas involved in comprehension, and connections between them involving the arcuate fasciculus. Current opinions about this three-component model vary from tacit acceptance in many studies to flat-out rejection by a few (e.g., Lieberman, 2000). Today, it seems clear from modern brain imaging work that parts of this model were right all along (e.g., that Broca's area, especially Brodmann's Area (BA) 44 and BA 45, play an important role in language). Other parts are only partially correct (e.g., brain regions involved in language, especially production, tend to be biased toward the left hemisphere, but earlier scientists erred in seeing this bias as a complete left localization). The "connectionist" (in the Lichtheimian nineteenth century sense, not the twentieth century neural network sense) component of the model has had new life breathed into it by comparative diffusion-tensor imaging (DTI) research (Catani and Mesulam, 2008; Rilling et al., 2008). While the importance of left-lateralization, or the precision with which "Wernicke's area" can be localized, may be questioned, the basic notion that Broca's area and its connections with parietal and temporal cortex play an important role in language, both in speech and in syntax, seems rather clear. In this article I will take this for granted, and inquire into the evolution of these linguistic circuits.

When we inquire into the evolutionary changes characterizing human language, our most solid point of reference will always be differences between human brains and brains of other primates, whether in brain anatomy or in brain function. That is, in evolutionary terms, we are seeking human autapomorphies (traits which differentiate us from our closest relatives, and were not present in the last shared ancestor). Cladistically speaking, the correct comparisons are with our nearest living cousins, the great apes, though both technical and ethical problems with ape neuroscience often force us to rely heavily on more distant primate cousins, especially macaques, to identify evaluate human specializations. So, given the evident absence of language in apes, the fundamental question is "what derived features underlying language arose in the human lineage after it separated from our last common ancestor (LCA) with chimpanzees?" This search for differences, for derived traits, is thus a search for human autapomorphies.

However, in asking this question about human specializations we obviously should not ignore the vast amount of neurobiology that we share with other primates, or other vertebrates more generally. Modern neuroscience is full of neural synapomorphies (traits we share with relatives, by common descent). With other vertebrates we share virtually all aspects of neurotransmitter chemistry, neuronal morphology, and brainstem circuitry, along with many detailed aspects of neural processing (e.g., the circuitry of the retina or superior colliculus, or the layout of motor circuitry in the cerebellum or basal ganglia). With other mammals we share the possession of a six-layered neocortex and the strongly conserved pattern of connectivity between its layers. When it comes to chimpanzees, it is no exaggeration to say that virtually all known aspects of neuroanatomy appear to be shared, aside from gross size differences, and there are actually few known differences between apes and other Old World primates (for an exception see Nimchinsky et al., 1999). So whatever the neural differences underlying the human capacity for language are, they must always be viewed in the context of an ocean of similarity. Human neural autapomorphies are needles in a synapomorphic haystack.

From a biologist's viewpoint, there is of course nothing special about being "special." Every living species possesses autapomorphies of some sort (otherwise it would not be recognizable as a species), and these specialities always are understood in the context of a much larger set of synapomorphies. We should be no more surprised by human neural autapomorphies tied to language than we are to find that star-nosed moles have a highly specialized somatosensory cortex for their nasal "fingers" (Catania, 1999), or that echolocating bats have specialized auditory regions for their echolocation calls (Suga et al., 1987). It is thus unfortunate that when considering our own specializations, humans have a tendency to invest them with especial significance. This is a mistake. Biologists and neuroscientists should not allow our investigation of neural autapomorphies to be conflated with philosophers' long-running search for defining features of humanity, features that, as a modern replacement to the uniquely human soul, might be misused to justify moral or ethical stances. An ethics built upon empirically determined autapomorphies is built upon shifting sands, as scientific findings might demand change at any point. Thus it is important to divest our investigations of any neural differences that exist from larger, and essentially philosophical, questions about why humans are "special" in ethical or moral senses.

Our task, as neurobiologists, is simply to identify the various neural mechanisms underlying language and, using the comparative approach, to determine which are synapomorphic and which are not. And, given that language relies on widely shared neural foundations, we should not be surprised to find abundant synapomorphies, nor should we take such findings as evidence against the existence of autapomorphies. My goal in this paper is to explore the evolution of human neural autapomorphies involved in language, with a focus on syntax. This exploration will adopt a fully comparative approach, using what is known from research on non-human primates, mammals more generally, and birds, to contextualize whatever few autapomorphies humans possess in terms of the much wider foundation of shared synapomorphies.

Furthermore, I will attempt to clarify and defend one particular approach to the evolution of novelties, based on the idea of exaptation: that complex structures, evolved in one functional context, can change their function, and be put to work in new domains, often carrying with them traces or constraints due to their prior function. This exaptationist perspective is in full accordance with the truism that evolution has no foresight, or with the evocative image of evolution as a "tinkerer," that gets by with whatever parts or raw materials happen to be available (Jacob, 1977, 1982). Nonetheless, the notion of exaptation when applied to human cognitive evolution has evoked skepticism or even hostility (e.g., Dennett, 1995; Buss et al., 1998; Newmeyer, 1998; Pinker and Jackendoff, 2005), even by those who accept the more general notion of evolution as tinkerer. Thus I will start with a brief exploration of the general concept of change of function (which was a cornerstone of Darwin's model of evolution) and its resurrection in the term "exaptation" by Gould and Vrba, and then very briefly outline some of the objections that have been made to this concept, and the closely related concept of "spandrels," as applied to human cognition and language.

Next, I will outline in detail three exaptive hypothesis concerning human language, which illustrate how an explicitly exaptive model, built on a firm comparative foundation, can both make sense of human specializations and provide further testable predictions for neuroscientists "on the front line" of comparative and functional neuroscience. These hypotheses are, for the most part, built upon the ideas of other scholars, though they are not always framed in the context of exaptation. Although I find each of these hypotheses plausible, my goal here is not to convince anyone that they are true. Rather, my purpose is to demonstrate that exaptive hypotheses about language evolution are plausible, and are part and parcel of a standard biological approach. Further, I detail some testable predictions in the hope that some future neuroscientists will attempt to test such models. In the final part of the paper, I will briefly describe the virtues of a broad comparative approach, incorporating research on both mammals and primates (to discern homologies and ancestral states) and birds (to exploit the hypothesis-testing power of convergent evolution). I believe that there is real value to be gained for evolutionary neuroscience in adopting the rigorous and explicit comparative approach that evolutionary biologists have perfected in the last few decades (complete with the admittedly somewhat ungainly terminology of synapomorphies and autapomorphies).

Naturalizing the human brain demands that we acknowledge both its widely shared foundations with other animals, and recognize at the same time its unique specializations. Our understanding of ourselves will be incomplete without a clear-eyed acceptance of both classes of traits. My goal in this paper will be to investigate how autapomorphies characteristic of our species, and specifically involved in language, might have evolved. More specifically, I aim to defend the proposition that change in function, one of Darwin's favorite evolutionary phenomena, might have played an important role in language evolution and particularly for syntax. From this "exaptationist" perspective, I will argue with many others that precursors for some language functions will be found not in primate communication, but in other aspects of behavior such as motor control or thought. This is by no means a new suggestion, but I will attempt to clarify this exaptive perspective by offering three quite specific models of possible exaptive phenomena, where a circuit built for one function is put to use in another, that are tied to human language.

Exaptation and Change of Function

Darwin was famously a gradualist, suggesting that his entire theory would fall apart if one example of evolutionary leaps, or saltations, could be shown. Gradualism, at its simplest, is the assumption that the distribution of phenotypes across evolutionary time is smooth and continuous (like body mass or height) rather than discrete and discontinuous (like eye or flower color). This is a commitment to a continuum of phenotypes. Darwin's gradualist perspective was weakened considerably in the modern evolutionary synthesis of genetics and evolutionary theory, initially by the fact that genes are, by their nature, discrete. More recently, the assumption of a smooth relation between genotypic and phenotypic change has been challenged by the discovery of homeotic "master control genes" like HOX or PAX genes in which small genetic changes have drastic phenotypic effects. Nonetheless, a smooth continuum of phenotypes appears to be common in many traits, and such smoothness is assumed to be operative by many models of selection (e.g., the Price equation). So gradualism survives, but in a weaker form than Darwin considered to necessary.

A different kind of potential "smoothness" in evolution involves continuity of function. In this case, Darwin was a discontinuist, for he gave multiple examples of "changes in function," and he saw these as exemplifying a major driving force in the evolution of complexity. For example, in discussing the evolution of vertebrate lungs, Darwin proposed that these structures first evolved as complex swim bladders involved in buoyancy control in ancestral fish. As our aquatic ancestors became air breathers, the function of these ancestral swim bladders was converted to that of lungs, which function in the respiratory exchange of gases. Darwin cited several other examples of change in function, including the separate use of the swim-bladder in hearing in some fish, and from flowers and barnacles. Although Darwin gave no specific term to "nascent" traits in which function changed, later authors termed the precursor versions "pre-adaptations." More recently (Gould and Vrba, 1982) objected to the term "pre-adaptation" because of its teleological connotations of evolutionary foresight, and coined the term "exaptation" for the end-product of an evolutionary change in function. Gould and Vrba argued convincingly that such changes in function are ubiquitous in evolution, so much that most complex traits have gone through at least one change in function.

Darwin recognized the exaptive process of evolutionary change of function, combined with gradualism, as a crucial factor in the evolution of complex organs for a simple reason: it is often difficult to see how a small rudiment of an organ could have any adaptive function until it exceeded a certain size or complexity. What good is a tiny lung, that could only fulfill a small proportion of the individual's respiratory needs? What good is a tiny wing, that could never allow an organism to become airborne (Kingsolver and Koehl, 1985)? By the assumption of continuity of function, these are big problems. But as soon as we consider the possibility of change of function, the answer becomes obvious: lungs started out as swim bladders (where a little buoyancy might still be useful) and wings as temperature regulators (where a small radiating or insulating surface might make a considerable contribution). For further examples of change of function (see Gould and Vrba, 1982), and for a critique and clarification of some of the conceptual issues this raises (see Reeve and Sherman, 1993; Dennett, 1995). It should be noted that it appears that Darwin was incorrect in his swim-bladder example about the direction of change. It now appears that lungs evolved first (in early fish, who also possessed gills) and were later converted to complex swim bladders in later fish radiations [see Fitch ( 2010) for this and other examples of exaptations related to speech].

Exaptation in cognitive evolution

Given the established fact that organs can change their function, and the importance of this fact for evolutionary theory, it is somewhat surprising that exaptation has been dismissed (or worse, ignored) by many researchers interested in human cognitive evolution (cf. Gould, 1991; Buss et al., 1998). This is particularly true in language evolution, where a continuity of a function in communication is assumed by many (e.g., Pinker and Bloom, 1990; Pinker and Jackendoff, 2005) while changes in function are seen by others as an explanatory necessity (e.g., Berwick, 1997; Chomsky, 2010).

Part of this debate can be readily resolved by adopting a multi-component perspective, wherein human language capabilities enlist several interacting but independent mechanisms. Many of these mechanisms will be shared with other animals, but several appear to have changed considerably since the LCA of humans and chimpanzees (hereafter, the LCA), including those involved in signaling, syntax, and semantics (cf. Fitch, 2010). From a multi-component perspective it is perfectly plausible that some novel aspects of language (e.g., speech production or hearing) are fully continuous in function from the LCA, whereas others may constitute exaptations where function has changed. Prominent candidates for exaptive change are the computational mechanisms subserving linguistic syntax, the topic of the current article. But to illustrate the point I will start with a less controversial and better understood example, drawn from the neural circuitry underlying language. First it is necessary to clarify how a multi-component perspective on contemporary language circuits leads to implications for a multi-stage model of language evolution.

Exaptation and differing models of protolanguage

A logical concomitant of a multi-component perspective on language evolution is a notion of intermediate stages during human evolution in which certain components of language were present, while others were either lacking entirely or not integrated into a linguistic system. For those novel aspects of language that evolved since the LCA, the term "protolanguage" is often used to denote such a precursor system, an evolutionary way-station on the path to full modern language. The term "protolanguage" was first used in an evolutionary context by anthropologist Gordon Hewes ( 1973), who introduced it in the context of a gestural protolanguage hypothesis, by which early stages of linguistic signaling were in the manual/visual domain. It was further popularized by linguist Derek Bickerton, who used the term to denote a lexical model of protolanguage, in which spoken words formed the first stage of language evolution (Bickerton, 1990, 2000, 2007). One of the oldest models of protolanguage dates back to Darwin ( 1871), who suggested that the earliest stages of human language were musical, with no semantic content. This notion of "musical protolanguage" or "prosodic protolanguage" has more recently been embraced by a number of scholars (Richman, 1993; Brown, 2000; Mithen, 2005; Fitch, 2006). For more detail on these and other conceptions of protolanguage (see Fitch, 2010).

Different models of protolanguage constitute different hypotheses about the nature of the mechanisms involved in modern language, along with an implied order in which these mechanisms were acquired during human evolution. Often, these models also offer, whether explicitly or implicitly, hypotheses about the function(s) subserved by different mechanisms as well. For example, Bickerton ( 2010) suggests that the first words served the communicative function of displaced reference (allowing early hominins to communicate about distant food sources), and that this putative function has remained continuous since that time. In contrast, Darwin's model suggests that the initial function of complex, learned signals was courtship and territorial defense, in direct analogy to birdsong. Darwin's musical protolanguage model thus entails a change of function, from non-verbal communication to semantic communication of propositional knowledge, during hominin evolution. Bickerton's model is thus continuist in this respect, while Darwin's is exaptive, involving a change in function.

Peter MacNeilage, a speech scientist, has offered an exaptive hypothesis for the evolution of speech, where the oscillatory lip, jaw, and tongue movements involved in producing consonant/vowel alternations in human speech we co-opted from the basic mammalian circuitry controlling chewing, licking, and suckling (MacNeilage, 1998). Like Darwin's swim bladder example, MacNeilage's hypothesis suggests that the complex and coordinated motor activities used in speech were taken over from the already complex and coordinated motor control that had evolved, over tens of millions of years, in ancestral mammals to subserve feeding. In the commentary following this article, many critics suggested that a continuity of function was more likely (and thus that human speech evolved from primate vocalizations), but none of them questioned the general plausibility of MacNeilage's exaptive explanation.

Another prominent exaptive model for language evolution is due to Noam Chomsky ( 1968, 1976, 2010), who argued that the roots of the generative capacity of language should be sought in private conceptual abilities, rather than in communication of knowledge between individuals. His argument, echoed by various prominent biologists like Jacques Monod and Salvador Luria, is that language is far more powerful than it needs to be for communication. Thus, the vast reach of language into all aspects of human cognition cannot be explained by a step-by-step expansion of communication abilities, because most of the sentences we can generate and understand would have no conceivable selective advantage (cf. Piattelli-Palmarini, 1994; Berwick, 1997). In contrast, a flexible and extendable system of thought would always be of considerable adaptive value, because even small advantages in thought can prove valuable if they allow an individual to out-think conspecifics (cf. Jolly, 1966; Humphrey, 1976; Byrne, 1997). In other words, language appears to be more powerful than needed for everyday communication but appropriately powerful as a medium for creative, generative thought. Again, this is simply an exaptive hypothesis like many others, where the function of one aspect of language has changed, over evolutionary time, from conceptual to communicative, but this particular exaptive hypothesis has been singled out for criticism by many authors (Pinker and Bloom, 1990; Newmeyer, 1998; Jackendoff and Pinker, 2005; Pinker and Jackendoff, 2005), so much so that linguist Frederick Newmeyer confessed to finding Chomsky's ideas on this front "utterly implausible" (Newmeyer, 1998).

As this brief review illustrates, there is considerable disagreement about the importance of exaptive change in function in the evolution of human language, and opinions are particularly polarized in the domain of syntax. Of course, one's model of language evolution depends on one's conception of contemporary language, and some real disagreements stem from such underlying theoretical biases. On the other hand, the many examples of change of function in other evolutionary domains force us to consider exaptive hypotheses concerning language with an open mind. The conversion between swim bladders and lungs, or between radiators and insect wings, may not appear intuitively plausible, but both are taken very seriously by contemporary evolutionary biologists.

Furthermore, when continuity of function is simply assumed without argument, this assumption may conceal further problematic assumptions. For example, Clark ( 2011) shows how Bickerton's model of language evolution, based on continuity of communicative function, makes several problematic implicit assumptions that Bickerton himself fails to consider. Furthermore, the assumption of functional continuity may block consideration of alternative hypotheses. For example, it was assumed for many years that the only plausible explanation for the descent of the human larynx was for speech communication (Lieberman, 1968, 1975, 1984). This led researchers to overlook examples of laryngeal descent in multiple animal species (e.g., Fitch and Reby, 2001; Weissengruber et al., 2002; Frey and Riede, 2003), all of which lack speech, and which clearly demonstrate that a descended larynx can serve adaptive functions other than spoken language (see below for the importance of convergent evolution in such inferences).

Thus, rather than formulating the problem of language evolution as the transition from non-human primates to modern human language, in all its glory, we should rather investigate models in which several stages of protolanguage existed. It is less important to know when these different stages occurred (e.g., in Australopithecus or Homo erectus) than it is to construct plausible scenarios in which specific novel abilities evolved, building on pre-existing mechanisms but extending them in the required direction. For example, we know that humans evolved novel speech control mechanisms, so one stage in human evolution must certainly have involved this capacity. However, many organisms have vocal imitation but lack language, so we must further posit additional evolutionary events in which syntactic or semantic abilities evolved. It is of course possible that multiple capacities evolved simultaneously, but to me it seems much more likely that each of these capacities evolved at different times, involved different circuits, and possibly served different adaptive functions. It is equally possible that some of these stages were exaptive (building on non-communicative precursors) while others were characterized by continuity of function.

Three Exaptive Hypotheses in the Evolution of Language

In the rest of this article I will consider the evolution of the various mechanisms underlying modern linguistic abilities, taking seriously the possibility of one or more changes in function.

Exaptive hypothesis 1: Speech motor control and direct cortico-ambigual connections

While humans are gifted vocal imitators, picking up words and melodies in their environment spontaneously, other primates are not: a chimpanzee raised in a human home will never learn to speak or sing (Yerkes and Yerkes, 1929; Hayes, 1951). This is not due to their peripheral vocal anatomy: most mammals can dynamically lower their larynx to a position that would allow different vowels to be produced (Fitch, 2002, 2010). Furthermore, vocal tract deficiencies would not account for the failure of chimpanzees to imitate melodies, which would require only laryngeal control. Thus, the biological explanation of the lack of complex vocal learning in non-human primates must have something to do with brain structure.

A prominent hypothesis for what, precisely, accounts for the difference between humans and other primates was developed by Uwe Jürgens and his colleagues, on the basis of initial observations by the comparative neuroanatomist Hans Kuypers, and I thus call it the "Kuypers/Jürgens direct connections hypothesis" (Kuypers, 1958a, b, 1973; Jürgens et al., 1982). Kuypers explored the connections from motor cortex to subcortical motor systems in the brainstem and spinal cord, and compared these between cats, non-human primates (chimpanzees and macaques), and humans. He used Nauta/Gygax staining to document axonal degeneration after lesions (in animals) or strokes (in humans) to the motor cortex. He examined in particular the motor neurons controlling laryngeal muscles, located in the nucleus ambiguus of the medulla. He found that there were projections from cortical motor neurons directly onto these motor neurons only in humans. In cats or non-human primates, only multi-synaptic indirect connections were present to ambigual motor neurons. Interestingly, Kuypers found that chimpanzees and macaques do have direct connections to brainstem nuclei controlling the face (lips and jaw), while cats lack these.

This argument is consistent with lesion data: while lesions to motor cortex can induce long-lasting mutism in humans, matched lesions have no effect upon vocal production in monkeys (Sutton et al., 1974; Aitken, 1981; Jürgens et al., 1982). Lesions to lateral cortex often severely disrupt human speech, but spare innate species-typical vocalizations like laughter and crying (Foerster, 1936; Groswasser et al., 1988). Finally, since non-human primates have direct cortico-motor connections to the jaws, tongue, and lips, the frequent use by chimpanzees of learned, un-phonated "vocalizations" like jaw clacks, lip smacks, and lip buzzes ("raspberries") in volitional, goal-directed communication (Marshall et al., 1999; Reynolds Losin et al., 2008) is consistent with the general idea that direct connections are needed for learned, volitional communication. All that is missing in chimpanzees is laryngeal control. These data, and other convergent data from birds (see below), has led many comparative neuroscientists to endorse the idea that direct cortico-motor connections to the larynx play a key role in human speech abilities (e.g., Myers, 1976; Deacon, 1992; Holstege and Ehling, 1996; Striedter, 2004).

How did humans develop direct connections that are lacking in other primates? In this case we have a very clear candidate for a mammalian "pre-adaptation" for this human situation: the cortico-spinal tract. The cortico-spinal tract is a major descending pathway from motor cortex down to motor neurons within the spinal cord. Cortico-spinal axons originate in pyramidal neurons in layer V of the neocortex, mostly in primary motor cortex but also from premotor cortex, the supplementary motor area (SMA), cingulate gyrus, and somatosensory cortex. A clear homolog of the cortico-spinal tract is present in all mammals. A closely related set of cortico-motor projections make up the cortico-bulbar tract, which project from cortex down to various brainstem motor nuclei found in the trigeminal (CN V, controlling the jaw), facial (CN VII: lips and other facial musculature), and hypoglossal (CN XII, controlling the tongue) nuclei. Thus, in primates, the cortico-bulbar and cortico-spinal tracts together innervate motor neurons above and below the key laryngeal motor neurons located in the nucleus ambiguus (CN X, containing the motor neurons of the vagus nerve complex, including the superior and recurrent laryngeal nerves). I suggest that either, or both, of these tracts provided a precursor of the direct cortico-ambigual connections found in humans. Specifically, I propose that the developmental processes underlying axonal growth and synapse-formation in the cortico-spinal tract were "exapted" to generate cortico-ambigual connections found in adult humans and which play a key role in speech.

Why do such direct connections develop in humans but not other primates? An intriguing hypothesis has been put forward by Terrence Deacon, involving competition between an innate call system based in the brainstem, and the cortico-motor system. Most mammals share a basic system for producing species-typical calls, involving a "control center" in the periaqueductal gray (PAG) of the midbrain (Jürgens, 1994; Holstege and Ehling, 1996). This system can produce the entire species-typical vocal repertoire of cats or squirrel monkeys, or innate vocalizations like laughter and crying in humans, and does not rely upon cortical input (hence, anencephalic human babies who lack a neocortex can still smile, laugh, and cry normally). Deacon has suggested that, during development, there is competition between this prepotent brainstem system and cortical axons projecting down through the brainstem, which transiently connect to laryngeal motor neurons in the nucleus ambiguus, but are out-competed by the innate vocal system projections from PAG and other centers (Deacon, 1992, 1997). By Deacon's hypothesis, evolving the kind of direct cortical control over vocalizations typical of humans would require a reduction in the innate call system, and perhaps also the innate call repertoire. This hypothesis has various testable predictions, and even suggests that direct cortico-motor connections could be elicited experimentally in other mammals, if the innate call system was reduced by lesions at the right stage of development (along the lines of Roe et al., 1992).

Obviously, speech motor control is closely tied to the auditory/vocal modality of communication, and speech is not synonymous with, or even necessary for, human language. However, this aspect of speech does provide a simple, clear example of how a particular neural circuit involved in spoken language might have evolved via exaptation of a pre-existing motor circuit found in other primates. While the Kuypers/Jürgens hypothesis is the best available explanation of human vocal control capacities at present, the exaptive hypothesis sketched above remains speculative at present. However, it is clearly both testable, and consistent with a considerable body of knowledge from comparative neuroscience.

Exaptive hypothesis 2: Intracortical connections involved in speech

While the previous example focused on speech motor output, another well-known example of an important circuit involved in spoken language is provided by the arcuate fasciculus connecting temporal/parietal regions to motor and premotor cortex. This white-matter fiber tract was originally discussed in Wernicke's analysis of "conduction aphasia" (Wernicke, 1874), but its importance was highlighted in some classic papers by Norman Geschwind ( 1965, 1970). Wernicke's original argument concerned the necessity, in speech, of an exchange of information between auditory areas which store the sound of a word and motor areas which mediate the motor outputs capable of generating that sound with the articulators. This idea was (over)extended by Lichtheim and Geschwind to include a third hypothetical association area in the angular gyrus. But Wernicke's basic notion that the ability to learn to vocally produce heard sounds (such as words or melodies) requires connections between auditory and motor centers is sound, and has withstood the test of time. For a detailed history of this discussion (see Catani and Mesulam, 2008).

The advent of DTI and in vivo tractography has breathed considerable new life into these old ideas, documenting differences between human brains and those of other primates (Rilling et al., 2008). As in the previous example, there appear to be significant differences among species in the intracortical white-matter connections between temporal, parietal, and frontal regions that are plausibly related to speech motor control (see Petkov and Jarvis, this issue). In particular, Rilling and colleagues found that while the macaque homolog of the arcuate fasciculus makes only specific and limited connections between the superior temporal gyrus and regions of the lateral prefrontal cortex, the human arcuate makes rich and extensive connections to the middle and inferior temporal gyri as well. This expansion of the connectivity from prefrontal regions to essentially the entire temporal lobe may be linked to a relative expansion in humans of both frontal (Deacon, 1997; Schoenemann et al., 2005) and temporal regions (Rilling and Seligman, 2002). This expanded connectivity was also found, but to a limited degree, in one of the four chimpanzee brains scanned.

The expansion and elaboration of the arcuate fasciculus in humans has a more interesting implication in the context of the current topic of exaptation, because many have noted that this pathway is involved not only in speech imitation but also in some aspects of syntax processing. Although Broca himself viewed his eponymous area as primarily involved in speech output, it has become abundantly clear that premotor areas such as BA 44 are also involved in auditory comprehension, and syntax processing in particular (e.g., Caramazza and Zurif, 1976; Grossman, 1980; Friederici et al., 2000). Because this issue is more thoroughly reviewed elsewhere in this issue, I will not go into the details here.

My main point is to suggest that these two functions - auditory/motor exchange and syntax production and comprehension - are not unrelated. Specifically, I hypothesize that reciprocal auditory/motor connections that initially evolved in the context of vocal imitation (an output function) could later be exapted for use in syntax comprehension (an input function). The logic underlying this suggestion is similar to that underlying the motor theory of speech production (Liberman et al., 1967; Liberman and Mattingly, 1985; Galantucci et al., 2006; Feenders et al., 2008; Pulvermüller and Fadiga, 2010) or more recent ideas about the role of the mirror neuron system in linking motor action and visual perception in the support of social cognition or empathy (di Pellegrino et al., 1992; Arbib, 2005; Iacoboni et al., 2005; Keysers and Gazzola, 2006). The prefrontal component of this system is, at birth, concerned basically with motor control. It develops, through babbling and later practice with speech production, a quite complex repertoire of automatized vocal actions. This initially occurs with auditory guidance, but has little significance for auditory comprehension itself. However, once such a learned cortical repertoire exists, it could provide a useful, highly articulated basis for auditory phonetic comprehension (knowing what a sound is based on the actions that would be needed to produce it) and, at a higher level, syntactic, or semantic (knowing what a sentence means based on the structures that would be needed to generate that meaning).

As phrased above, this hypothesis could apply either to ontogeny (during individual brain development) or phylogeny (during the evolution of the required neural circuits in the species). However, one reason to doubt a purely ontogenetic interpretation of syntactic circuitry is provided by studies of signed language (Bellugi et al., 1990). Although the output modality of sign is obviously different from that of speech (involving mostly limb movements, and monitored via vision and somatosensory systems), the syntactic processing of sign nonetheless relies on a brain region identical to, or at least greatly overlapping, Broca's area in spoken language (Horwitz et al., 2003). This suggests that the appropriate connections develop reliably in all humans, regardless of linguistic modality, and thus suggests an influence of an evolved pattern of connectivity in addition to the role of cortical plasticity during individual development.

Exaptive hypothesis 2 thus suggests that the intracortical connections of the human arcuate fasciculus initially evolved for the specific purpose of vocal imitation. These connections, once in place, were then again exapted for use in the more complex task of syntactic comprehension, and particularly between premotor control regions and posterior regions involved in semantic interpretation. This exaptation would have constituted a second evolutionary event, occurring afterward and perhaps for different selective reasons from the first.

Exaptive hypothesis 3: The evolution of broca's area (BA 44 and 45)

The third exaptive hypothesis considered here is closely related to the previous one, and concerns the evolution of specific cortical regions involved in syntax. While the previous hypothesis is hodological, concerned with connections, this one is cytoarchitectonic, and concerned with the computational specializations of specific cortical regions. This hypothesis builds largely upon the work of Angela Friederici and her colleagues (Friederici et al., 2006; Anwander et al., 2007; Bahlmann et al., 2008). It is widely recognized that the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG), the traditional site of "Broca's area," is subdivided into multiple regions distinguishable on the basis of cytoarchitecture, receptor distributions, and connectivity (Amunts et al., 1999; Zilles, 2004). Four core regions can be distinguished, the first three designated by their BA:

1. The inferior portion BA 6 - premotor and supplementary cortex;

2. BA 44 - "pars opercularis" - just anterior to BA6;

3. BA 45 - "pars triangularis" - anterior to BA 44;

4. "Deep frontal operculum" - inferior to BA 44, and curling under the temporal lobe.

BA 44 and 45 are the core of Broca's area, as classically defined. In an important study, Horwitz et al. ( 2003) investigated brain activation during signing and speech by fluent bilinguals, and then correlated the brain activation patterns with cytoarchitectonic maps. They found that BA 44 was activated not only during speech or sign production, but also during complex, volitional movements of the limbs or vocal apparatus with no linguistic content. In contrast, BA 45 was activated only during the production of either spoken or signed language (complex narratives, so including phonological, syntactic, and semantic components). In both cases, activations were significantly above baseline only in the left hemisphere. These data suggest that Broca's region is parcellated into regions that differ in the degree to which they are tied to motor control.

The idea that Broca's area is made up of computationally distinct regions receives strong support from neuroanatomical research on both humans and monkeys (Rempel-Clower and Barbas, 2000; Anwander et al., 2007; Gerbella et al., 2010). Cytoarchitectonically, each of the four regions above is distinct in terms of the granularity of layer 4 of neocortex. BA 45 has a well-developed granular layer 4 (it is "granular"), while layer 4 is present but poorly developed in BA 44 (which is thus termed "dysgranular"). The deep frontal operculum and BA 6 are "agranular": they lack any distinct layer 4 (a trait typical of motor regions).

Connectivity also varies among these regions. Tracer studies in macaques, which remain the "gold standard" for analysis of connectivity, clearly show that differences in granularity reflect fundamental differences in connectivity (Rempel-Clower and Barbas, 2000), and such studies also show that BA 45 in macaques clearly divides into two distinct components. BA 45B is heavily connected to eye movement circuitry such as the frontal and supplementary eye fields. While BA 45A also makes extensive frontal connections, it is unique in having strong connections to superior temporal and auditory areas (Gerbella et al., 2010) and seems more directly homologous to human BA 45. Human tractography, using DTI and related methods, also reveals a clear parcellation of Broca's area (Anwander et al., 2007), with BA 44, BA 45, and the deep frontal operculum having distinct patterns of connectivity.

There are two distinct exaptive hypotheses about the evolutionary origins of language-specific functions in Broca's region, and particularly BA 45. The first, which I will dub the "premotor origins hypothesis," continues a long line of suggestions that the underlying computations of human language syntax are related in some way to motor control and motor planning. Many theorists have suggested that the hierarchical nature of linguistic structures is related in some way to the hierarchical nature of motor planning (e.g., Lashley, 1951; Lieberman, 1984; Kimura, 1993; Allott, 1994; MacNeilage, 1998). This suggestion leads to a more concrete suggestion in the current context: that the premotor functions of BA 6 and the deep frontal operculum (with their agranular layering pattern) provided the precursor of computations more directly characteristic of language through a gradual "granularization" of gray matter, and strengthening of pre-existing connections to other regions of cortex (e.g., via the arcuate fasciculus to parietal and temporal regions). Starting with BA 44, and progressing to BA 45, this would lead to a broader and more abstract computational role for Broca's area, culminating in the amodal, granular BA 45.

A second (and not mutually exclusive) hypothesis has not, to my knowledge, been previously suggested. Apes and Old World primates like chimpanzees and macaques have binocular vision and trichromacy, reflecting an increased importance of the visual modality relative to sound and olfaction. This is reflected specifically in a heightened awareness of the gaze of others, and volitional control of one's own eyes, both of which play important roles in Old World primate social behavior and understanding (Scaife and Bruner, 1975; Emery et al., 1997; Emery, 2000). For review of the importance of gaze and visual cueing in the evolution of cognition and language see (Fitch et al., 2010). While the movement of the eyes is clearly a motor function, its control requires strong intracortical communication from visual and multi-modal areas. When such visual dependency is combined with intense social pressures, we might expect the computation of eye movements to have a more abstract and generalized component than limb or hand movements. Since, in the macaque, one portion of BA 45 is closely linked to eye movements, while the other makes long-distance cortical connections, I suggest that the abstract and amodal computations involved in language (whether spoken or signed) had a pre-adaptive foundation in the social and visually guided aspects of gaze that are, by hypothesis, subserved by BA 45B.

These two hypotheses may in fact be complementary, in the sense that the special role of BA 44 in language production and processing may represent a kind of fusion of the two flanking regions, specifically the hierarchical premotor functions of BA 6, and the multi-modal, integrative, and social functions of BA 45. The result would be a more abstract computational process than hierarchical motor planning: an operator that can combine or unify pre-existing conceptual units (motor actions, vocalizations, or visual objects) to freely create a discrete infinity of modality-independent cognitive structures. Such an operator shares the key functionality required by modern theories of language, such as Merge in minimalist approaches (Chomsky, 1995; Hendrick, 2003; Berwick and Chomsky, 2011) or "unify" in tree-adjoining, construction grammar or other unification grammars (cf. Hagoort, 2005b). Whether during comprehension or in production, such an operator must quickly retrieve items from memory (e.g., retrieve the phonological form of words from the lexicon), combine them in a context-relevant fashion (e.g., using background information and current context) into flexible, temporary, goal-relevant structures that can be parsed semantically (in comprehension) or produced motorically via some serialization process (during production). As emphasized by Hagoort, such an overarching computation is consistent with both the neuroanatomy of Broca's area, as discussed above, and a wide variety of brain imaging results focused on language comprehension (Hagoort, 2005a, b).

Could hierarchy-building circuitry in BA 6 and the deep frontal operculum, evolved in the context of motor planning and dedicated to motor control, be exapted to produce a general purpose, amodal, two-way circuit that can perform the computational equivalent of Merge or Unify? While this hypothesis clearly remains speculative at present, it has several points to recommend it:

1. We know from the brain imaging studies cited above that amodal, language circuitry exists in Broca's region and is involved in language production, regardless of output modality;

2. The modality-general portion of this circuitry appears to center on BA 45;

3. We know from both lesion and brain imaging studies that Broca's area more generally (BA 44 included) is involved not just in production by also in perception;

4. Studies of macaque mirror neurons and the human mirror system provide a plausible foundation for the two-way nature of this system, building on a pre-existing mirror system for interpreting the actions of others;

5. We know that Broca's area, broadly construed, can be activated in non-linguistic tasks, consistent with a generalized, amodal role of the LIFG in selection of appropriate action or items, and suppression of irrelevant alternatives.

Not only is this exaptive hypothesis consistent with the data above, but it makes several specific testable predictions about the structure, connectivity, and function of BA 45:

1. BA 45 in humans should be more amodal than other components of the LIFG, and in particular its white-matter connections should be longer, and fan out more widely, than those of other regions;

2. Anatomically, the cytoarchitecture of BA 45 should be less motor-driven, more perceptually embedded, and thus more suited to amodal cognition than BA 6 or BA 44 (as already suggested by its granular layer 4);

3. In monkeys, cells in BA 45A should fire in a much wider variety of situations than BA 44 or BA 6 (including in particular social cognition tasks).

I conclude that exaptive hypotheses about the origins of syntax, far from being "utterly implausible," are consistent with a wide range of neuroanatomical and functional data. I see such hypotheses, when built upon a solid foundation of comparative neuroscientific data, as presenting numerous testable predictions and avenues for profitable empirical investigation. Of course, "plausible" plus "testable" does not equal "true." But I hope to have convinced the open-minded reader that there are good reasons for considering exaptive hypotheses in research on the evolution of cognition, and that the mistrust or outright hostility such hypotheses have evoked from some quarters is unjustified.

Testing Exaptive Hypotheses: The Role of Comparative Research

I will end with a brief attempt to clarify the role of comparative research in testing evolutionary hypotheses in general, and exaptive hypotheses in particular. In brief, we can use comparison of homologous traits in closely related species to derive inferences about ancestral states. This is an important first step in testing any exaptive hypothesis: we must first understand the ancestral state that served as a putative "pre-adaptation." When considering the evolution of language, and neural components in particular, the comparison set here will typically be non-human primates, or sometimes mammals more generally.

The second set of comparisons involve "analogies" - similar traits that have evolved independently, via convergent evolution (such traits are one member of the broader class termed "homoplasies" by comparative biologists). Convergent evolution plays a central role in testing evolutionary hypotheses, because each example of a convergently evolved trait represents an independent evolutionary event, and thus an independent data point for statistical testing (Harvey and Pagel, 1991; Pagel, 1992). In contrast, a trait that is homologous among a group of species has, by definition, evolved only once in that clade, and even if there are hundreds of species sharing the trait, they constitute only a single independent data point.

The clade used most frequently in comparative tests regarding language evolution are birds, Class Aves, which have evolved numerous traits convergently with some mammals (e.g., homeothermy or "warm bloodedness," or large brains) and specifically with humans (e.g., biparental care, vocal imitation, or bipedalism).

Homology: Inferences about ancestral state

A homologous trait is one that is shared among a group of related organisms by virtue of its presence in their common ancestor. When attempting to build a phylogeny, systematists distinguish between two classes of homology. "Synapomorphies" are traits that are shared in a particular clade, but lacking in other close relatives, while "symplesiomorphies" are more broadly shared (due to their present in a more ancient shared ancestor). Feathers are a synapomorphy among living bird species (all birds have them, and all living non-birds lack them), while the possession of a heart or a mouth are symplesiomorphies (all birds have them, but so do all other vertebrates). However, in the current context we are concerned with rebuilding ancestral states, however far back they might go, and so we will discuss homology in general.

Homology is a relative concept: it depends on what trait is being examined, and what particular clade is being discussed. Thus, for example, the wings of birds and bats are homologous as forelimbs (because they both derive from the forelimb of the shared tetrapod ancestor of birds and mammals) but are convergently evolved analogs as wings. Furthermore, correct determination of homology depends upon the level of mechanistic detail being discussed. The complex, image-forming eyes found in insects, octopus, or vertebrates evolved convergently (Allman, 1999) but their location is nonetheless controlled by a homologous transcription factor Pax-6 (Quiring et al., 1994; Gehring and Ikeo, 1999; van Heyningen and Williamson, 2002). Such a situation has been termed deep homology and appears to play a surprisingly important role in human evolution (cf. Carroll, 2008; Fitch, 2009; Shubin et al., 2009).

Careful examination of homologous traits in multiple species allows us to reconstruct traits that were present in the common ancestor of those species. For example, the corpus callosum is found in all placental mammals (eutherians), but is absent in marsupials and monotremes. This allows us to conclude that the corpus callosum was not present in the common ancestor of all mammals, but arose in the LCA of living eutherians. In contrast, the anterior commissure is found in marsupials, and more widely among vertebrates including birds, suggesting that it evolved rather early in tetrapods. Such inferences about ancestral states depend on solid comparative neuroanatomy in living organisms, and no fossil evidence is required to roughly date such evolutionary events.

A broad comparative analysis is also important to determine the directionality of any evolutionary changes in different lineages. It is important to note that traits can be lost as well as gained in evolution. There is no way to know, based on a simple comparison of two species that differ in some trait, what the directionality of change might have been, and this requires outgroup comparisons with other related species. For example, one might think that the sexual swellings surrounding the vaginal area in female chimpanzees are a primitive feature of primates, given that such swellings are also seen in macaques and baboons. This would lead to the conclusion that humans have lost such swellings in our recent evolutionary history. An outgroup comparison, looking at gorillas, orangutans, and gibbons (the other members of our own ape clade) refutes that intuitive inference: none of these apes shows sexual swellings. Thus in this case humans retain the primitive state, and it is chimpanzees that have evolved a novelty (convergently with moneys and baboons). This example illustrates both the need for rigorous outgroup comparisons when analyzing homology, and also illustrates that the LCA of humans and chimpanzees was not a chimpanzee. In this case, and presumably many others, chimpanzees have evolved, just as we have, in the last 6 million years.

Convergence: Testing hypotheses about mechanism and adaptive value

Homologies play a crucial role in constructing phylogenies and rebuilding extinct ancestors. For such problems, convergent evolution is a nuisance and a distraction. But for a different set of more abstract evolutionary problems, convergent evolution provides one of the most powerful tools at our disposal, and thus the second main arm of the comparative method. These are problems involving statistically valid tests of evolutionary hypotheses, whether of mechanism or evolutionary function.

In some cases convergent evolution of a similar trait can lead us to new hypotheses about function. Consider the example of the descended human larynx, which was until recently believed to be uniquely human, and therefore assumed to be directly tied to human speech abilities. The recent discoveries of a permanently descended larynx in several deer species, big cats such as lions and tigers, koalas, Mongolian gazelles, and goitered gazelles clearly demonstrates that a descended larynx can serve some purpose other than speech (Fitch, 2010). In this case, analyses strongly suggest that the purpose is an exaggeration of the size conveyed by vocalizations, so that animals with a descended larynx seem larger to listeners. Because this explanation also applies to humans, it offers a clear alternative to the standard idea that the descended larynx is an exclusively speech-related trait. This is particularly true since the human larynx descends a second time, at puberty, but only in males. This sexually dimorphic descent seems unlikely to be tied to speech abilities, since teenage males do not undergo any improvement in these: instead it is simply part of a deeper, richer, and more impressive voice timbre, quite similar to the red deer's roar.

In other cases convergent evolution of mechanism can corroborate mechanistic hypotheses. A nice example is given by the evolution of direct motor connections in birds. As discussed above in hypothesis one, a plausible reason chimpanzees and other primates cannot talk, and humans can, is because humans possess direct cortico-motor connections for laryngeal control, and other primates do not. This is a correlational argument: humans have speech and have direct connections, and other primates do not. Therefore, direct connections are involved in speech motor control. While plausible, such arguments are never particularly convincing. However, in this case, data from birds strongly support the argument, because direct connections from the avian equivalent of motor cortex (area RA) indeed have direct monosynaptic connections onto the motor neurons controlling the muscles of the syrinx (the birds primary organ of voice). These connections are lacking in bird species incapable of vocal learning (Wild, 1993a, b). This case, where an analogous mechanism is present in species which have convergently evolved the analogous ability, lends great credence to the Kuypers/Jürgens hypothesis. What is more, there are many other relevant species in which to test this prediction, including all the mammals who have convergently evolved vocal learning.

Many other examples of the power of convergent evolution could be drawn from the genetic level, already explored in previous work. For example, the role of FOXP2 in vocal control and vocal motor learning has been elegantly explored in birds by Constance Scharff and colleagues (Haesler et al., 2004, 2007; Scharff and Haesler, 2005), and provides the first example of deep homology yet known in the domain of vocal motor control (cf. Fitch, 2009; Scharff and Petri, 2011). Research on axon guidance has examined the development of a set of connections in the avian brain that may be the analogy of the arcuate fasciculus, and suggests that a set of broadly shared axonal guidance molecules, the cadherins, may play a key role in this (Matsunaga and Okanoya, 2008, 2009). An intriguing possibility is that these same molecules, or close relatives, might also play a role in the development of intracortical connections that underlie syntax or spoken language more broadly.

In summary then, both analogy and homology will always have a role to play in the comparative method, and the importance of convergent evolution for testing evolutionary hypotheses means that research on the avian brain will continue to be extremely important in analyses of traits that make humans unique among primates.

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The Evolution of Syntax: An Exaptationist Perspective

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Human language, in its mature state, is a complex system that allows us to encode and communicate thoughts and experiences via hierarchically structured signals called sentences. Humans, apparently uniquely among living animals, are born with a capacity to acquire such systems readily and without the need for explicit tutelage: an instinct to learn language.

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Generador de árboles gramaticales .

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An app for producing linguistics syntax trees from labelled bracket notation.

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X-con-barra

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Linguistics and English Language at the University of Edinburgh

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El primer video que usé explica prefijos y sufijos. Unas características de español (ingles también) son prefijos y sufijos. Prefijos están elementos enfrente de la palabras y sufijos están atrás de las palabras. Juntos, estos están llamados “afijos”. Afijos están usada para cambiar un poco el significante de una palabra. Palabras pertenece a las raíces o familias como “papel”. La plural de la palabra es “papeles”. El primero parte de la palabra es el mismo. Una palabra simplemente añade “es”. Con raíces, lenguajes son mas fácil para aprender. El video es en relacion que prefijos y sufijos en el libro. Tambien, usé un video sobre modalidad. Modalidad es la conceptualizacion de un evento o situacion como algo real, posible, necesario o deseado. Entonces, hice una lista de vocabulario de palabras importantes del capítulo. Finalmente, usé un video para explicar fonético, morfológico, léxico, sintáctico, semántico. Tuve problemas para entender estas secciones en el capítulo, pero este video me ayudó a entenderlas más.

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Este video explica los conceptos de prefijos y sufijo

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Los prefijos y sufijos son fonemas que ayudan a formar nuevas palabras. Ese proceso se conoce como derivación.

Concepto de prefijo:El prefijo es un término que antecede a una palabra para modificar su sentido gramatical. Esto sirve, justamente, para ayudar a formar nuevas palabras.

Ejemplos de palabras con prefijos:
Los prefijos, cuando se escriben en forma aislada, no tienen un sentido completo, por ejemplo:
entre--
pro--
anti--
super-
supra-
tele-
Así escritos, no constituyen palabra alguna.

Deben estar unidos a otra para completar su significado:
entretiempo
proactivista
antirrobo
supermercado
supranacional
telecomunicación
anticuerpos
desprolijo
desprevenido

Concepto de sufijo: El sufijo es un término, a diferencia del prefijo, que va escrito en la parte final y no al comienzo de un palabra para modificar y completar su sentido.

continue reading below our video

Tips for Getting a Seat Upgrade During Holiday Travel

Sufijos escritos en forma aislada.
-ario
-azgo
-ble
-ción
-ismo
-ito
-triz
Igual que en el caso anterior, solo pueden tener sentido cuando van unidos a una raíz, naciendo asi una nueva palabra

Ejemplo de palabras con sufijos:
-ario: empresa rio
-azgo: harta zgo
-ble: ama ble
-ción: comunica ción, afec ción
-ismo:paisaj ismo
-ito: pali to
-triz: empera triz

¿Para qué sirven los prefijos y los sufijos? Las palabras tienen que ser creadas de alguna manera. Existen diferentes procesos gramaticales por los cuáles nuevas palabras se van formando. Uno de ellos es lo que se conoce con el nombre de derivación. Los prefijos y sufijos ayudan a crear nuevas palabras mediante ese mecanismo, ya que, los nuevos vocablos derivan de otros, razón también por la cual, a una palabra que se ha formado a partir de un prefijo o de un sufijo, se la denomina como palabra derivada.

¿Cómo se acentúan los prefijos y los sufijos? Para aplicar las reglas de acentuación, se toma en cuenta la palabra de la cual forma parte el prefijo. Esto da como resultado que en ciertos vocablos, un prefijo que no poseía tilde en forma aislada, sin embargo lo esté al formar parte de la nueva palabra.

Ejemplo: el prefijo uso no lleva tilde. Cuando forma parte de términos como "sobreúso" sin embargo, debe llevar tilde acorde a las normas básicas de acentuación.
La misma regla se aplica a los sufijos.
En los siguientes artículos puedes obtener más información sobre los prefijos y los sufijos:

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Los prefijos y sufijos son fonemas que ayudan a formar nuevas palabras. Ese proceso se conoce como derivación. Concepto de prefijo:El prefijo es un término que antecede a una palabra para modificar su sentido gramatical. Esto sirve, justamente, para ayudar a formar nuevas palabras.

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Este video explica la modalidad.

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Modalidad oracional - Lengua - Educatina

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Más sobre este video en: http://bit.ly/1cbyLvo ▶ Suscríbete: http://bit.ly/SubscribeEducatina ▶ ¡No olvides dar un "Like" y Comentarnos! - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - En esta oportunidad trataremos las modalidades oracionales que surgen de la actitud del hablante frente al mensaje.

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Sustantivo - su sinonimo es nombre. Puede ser modificada por determinantes y adjetivos.

Adjetivo - Palabra que acompaña al sustantivo, concordando con él en género y número, para limitar o completar su significado

Verbo - Parte conjugable de la oración que expresa la acción y el estado del sujeto y ejerce la función sintáctica de núcleo del predicado:

Adverbio - Parte invariable de la oración cuya función consiste en modificar la significación del verbo (vive lejos), de un adjetivo (extraordinariamente activo)o de otro adverbio

Pronombre - Clase de palabra que ejerce las mismas funciones gramaticales que el sustantivo:

Conjuncion - Parte invariable de la oración que denota la relación que existe entre dos palabras, sintagmas u oraciones, juntándolos o enlazándolos siempre gramaticalmente, aunque a veces signifique contrariedad o separación de sentido entre ellos.

Preposicion - Parte invariable de la oración cuyo oficio es denotar el régimen o relación que entre sí tienen dos palabras o términos a los que sirve de nexo:

preposiciones como "contra" tienen un significado marcado.

Afijos - [Partícula] que se adjunta a una palabra o raíz, modificando su sentido o valor gramatical, para formar otras derivadas o compuestas:

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Este capítulo describe la fonética, los diptongos y la transcripción fonética. Para ayudarme a entender y relacionar el material miré varios artículos y videos. El primer sitio que encontré que me ayudó fue una Transcripción Fonética en Español. Esto me ayudó a comprobar las palabras que intenté traducir por mi cuenta. Creo que es realmente útil porque se relaciona con nuestra transcripción fonética de nuestro libro. Lo siguiente que usé fue un video sobre la fonética española. Se enseñó en inglés, pero me ayudó a aprender cómo hacer la transcripción fonética basada en sonidos fonéticos españoles. En el libro aprendimos cómo los acentos se utilizan para distinguir los sonidos en español, pero no en inglés. Pensé que era muy interesante ver qué palabras son como en inglés, y este sitio web enumera palabras en inglés que no tienen acentos, pero se pronuncian lo mismo. Por último, encontré un artículo que me ayudó a entender los diptongos, que aprendimos en este capítulo. El diptongo se define como la unión de dos vocales en la misma sílaba. Un diptongo está compuesto de dos vocales cerradas, una abierta y otra cerrada, o una cerrada y una abierta. Todos juntos, estos sitios web y videos me ayudaron a entender la fonética más.

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Este sitio web describe diptongos. Me pareció muy útil para mí.

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El se define como la unión de dos vocales en la misma sílaba. Un diptongo es conformado por dos vocales cerradas, una abierta y una cerrada o una cerrada y una abierta. Las vocales abiertas son: a, e, o, y las vocales cerradas i, u.

En cambio dos vocales que sean abiertas no constituyen diptongo, sino hiato y deben separarse en distintas sílabas.

Existen dos tipos de diptongos: Creciente y Decreciente.

Ejemplos de diptongo crecientes:

Ejemplo de diptongo decrecientes:

Ejemplos simples de diptongo:

Ejemplos de diptongo vocales a-i:

Ejemplos de diptongo vocales a-u:

Ejemplos de diptongo vocales e-i:

Ejemplos de diptongos vocales e-u:

Ejemplos de diptongo vocales o-i:

Ejemplos de diptongo vocales o-u:

Couto, Souza, Gourmet, Soufflé, Lourdes, Rou nd. (son de origen extranjero y aceptado por la RAE)

Otros diptongos de origen extranjero y compuestos:

Ejemplos de diptongo vocales i-a:

Ejemplos de diptongo vocales i-e:

Ejemplos de diptongos vocales i-o:

Ejemplos de diptongos vocales i-u:

Ejemplos de diptongos vocales u-a:

Ejemplos de diptongos vocales u-e:

Ejemplos de diptongos vocales u-i:

Ejemplos de diptongos vocales u-o:

Ejemplos de diptongos ou

Ejemplo de oraciones con diptongos:

Ejemplo 1, con diptongo ai

1. En el baile Ana fue genial y Mario Salió airoso en su ejecución.

2. En la película el traidor, era el hombre que usaba polainas en los zapatos.

Ejemplo 2, con diptongo au:

Ejemplo 3, con diptongo ei:

Ejemplo 4, con diptongo eu

1. Tras un gran esfuerzo, pague la primer deuda de mi hermano mayor, ahora me falta pagar cuatro endeudamientos que tiene por otros bancos.

2. Al enfermo de la casa azul le formaron un proyecto terapéutico que da buen resultado, pues sufre de eufonía.

3. Gran euforia es lo que se escuchó en mi familia cuando el banco nos marcó deuda cancelada por pagar y firmar.

Ejemplo 5, diptongo oi:

1. En la milicia me obligaban a usar boina, pero ahora los militares son casi obsoletos y utilizan drones o androides.

2. Es muy difícil coincidir cuando me hablan pues no oigo lo que me dicen, creo que necesito que me atiendan el oído, pues ha disminuido mucho mi percepción.

3. En las caricaturas existen algunos androides que cuidan a la gente y otros androides que la agreden, es molesto pensar esas cosas, pero es divertido verlas.

4. La música es muy buena, la oigo día y noche, aunque la familia de a lado se molesta mucho, creo que oigo muy fuerte la música, debo de rectificar el volumen.

Ejemplo 6, diptongo ou

1. El Señor Couto es el tío de mi esposa Lourdes y nos prestará dinero.

2. Cuando conocí a Sara Souza, nunca esperé casarme con ella.

3. Cuando estudié cocina aprendí a hacer Soufle, pero ahora que me casé se lo preparo a mi esposo y a mi hija.

4. En el ring están peleando dos luchadores, ya ganó un round cada uno, el siguiente round es el decisivo.

5. Es definitivo, a mí me gusta más la comida popular que la comida gourmet, pues para comerla no necesito vestirme de etiqueta.

Ejemplo 7, diptongo ia:

1. El jazz se toca con guitarra, batería, piano y bajo entre otros instrumentos, además para muchos es una caricia para sus oídos.

2. Emmanuel es un hombre anciano, pero no físicamente sino mentalmente, tiene tanta pereza que ya no se ve radiante sino cansado.

3. En el viejo oeste se escuchaba la pianola, se veía mucho en las películas de comedia.

4. El papa Juan Pablo II fue un hombre nacido en Polonia, él hacía lo posible por que existiera paz en el mundo.

Ejemplo 8 diptongo ie:

1. El ron se puede tomar con hielo, pero es mejor darse su tiempo para tomarlo, así se disfruta mejor, sobre todo cuando está combinado.

2. En navidad en mi localidad no cae hielo como sucede en otras ciudades, espero algún día ver nevar.

3. Para ver la verdad se debe perder el miedo, pero para no verla se debe estar ciego.

Ejemplo 9, diptongo io:

1. Desde niño tengo la intención de estudiar mucho, pues creo tener una mente prodigiosa.

2. Cuando inicio mi trabajo en las mañanas, veo a mi novio pasar y saludarme, espero que pronto llegue a la casa.

3. Ese camionero viola la ley y no lo acepta en el juicio.

4. Esa voz prodigiosa es necesaria para el inicio del espectáculo.

Ejemplo 10 diptongo iu:

1. En la película, la mujer era una médium, y se puso en contacto los muertos, la viuda estuvo contenta por hablar con su esposo.

2. El señor quedó viudo y finalmente regresó a su tierra, oriundo de Veracruz, intentará rehacer su vida.

3. Mi equipo de futbol triunfó en el partido de ayer, y aunque perdió 3-1, será el que jugará la final, pues ganó más puntos que sus contrarios.

4. Un trabajo diurno será suficiente para que estudie y pueda ser triunfador en mi vida.

Ejemplo 11, diptongo ua:

1. El agua potable es la mejor forma de hidratarse si no se está enfermo, pero si se tiene infecciones intestinales, el agua debe tener suero.

2. El pez del acuario atiene agua tratada y con medicamento, pues según el experto está enfermo.

3. La comida está suave, sobre todo la carne y la guarnición es muy sabrosa.

Ejemplo 12 diptongo ue:

1. Cuando cocinas pescado huelo lo bien que queda la comida, es claro que en este pueblo cocinan bien.

2. Tras salir de su habitación, la niña brinca la cuerda, brinca tanto que la suela se rompe y de nuevo deja de jugar.

Ejemplo 13 diptongo ui:

1. En la antigüedad existieron los druidas, algo que precedió a los jesuitas y a otras religiones paganas.

2. Cuidar el patio es un arte en Japón, donde se ha constituido en una tradición excepcional.

Ejemplo 14, diptongo uo:

1. En biología el profesor nos enseñó el trabajo con residuos peligrosos, sean sólidos u acuosos.

2. Tras el trabajo quedaron muchos residuos del compuesto acuoso, hay que ver como se aprovecha.

3. Este individuo insiste en cobrarme una cuota de recuperación.

Ejemplo 15, diptongo ou (poco reconocido o de origen extranjero):

1. Caminando por el boulevard, Lourdes conoció a su actual marido.

2. En su primer cita, los novios conocieron el bouquet de un buen vino combinado con chocolate.

3. En la película, los niños jugaban con la ouija, en realidad producía terror, pues pasaban cosas sin explicación, incluso creíamos que los mounstruos rondaban por ahí.

4. El Sr. Juan abrió una Boutique para que su hija maría pueda vender sus vestidos además también vende pasteles, los hace en Boulez y hornea en un horno eléctrico.

Clic para conocer animales que llevan diptongo en sus nombres
Citado APA: (A. 2010,09. Ejemplo de Diptongos. Revista Ejemplode.com. Obtenido 09, 2010, de http://www.ejemplode.com/12-clases_de_espanol/41-ejemplo_de_diptongos.html)

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El se define como la unión de dos vocales en la misma sílaba. Un diptongo es conformado por dos vocales cerradas, una abierta y una cerrada o una cerrada y una abierta. Las vocales abiertas son: a, e, o, y las vocales cerradas i, u.

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Este artículo demuestra palabras en inglés que no tienen acentos. No hay acentos para distinguir las palabras que se deletrean iguales en inglés, pero pronunciado diferente. .

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Heteronyms are a type of homograph. They are words that are spelled the same but differ in meaning and pronunciation. All heteronyms are also homographs, but not all homographs are heteronyms. Many heteronyms are similar in meaning (especially a related noun and verb are spelled the same but pronounced differently), while others are wholly unrelated.

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Es importante entender las diferentes teorías de adquisición del lenguaje. Este es un gráfico que explica cada teoría. La teoría nativista se relaciona con las ideas de Chomsky. ¿Cuál es la idea de que nacimos con la capacidad de entender el lenguaje y que hemos programado en algún lugar de nuestro cerebro un módulo que nos ayuda a producir y procesar el lenguaje. Otros lingüistas, como Skinner, creen que el lenguaje se aprende por ensayo experimental y error. También existe la teoría de que necesitamos la socialización para aprender el lenguaje. Esta teoría se refiere a cómo los padres nos enseñan los idiomas.

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El desarrollo lingüístico de los infantes

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El desarrollo lingüístico de los infantes

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Este artículo enumera las distintas etapas en las que los infantes aprenden a 'hacer' nuevas cosas con su lenguaje. Afirma que el desarrollo del lenguaje de los bebes puede durar más de 12 meses, y que en cada etapa aprenden a expresarse de maneras nuevas.

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A baby's first words are music to a parent's ears. But how can you tell if your child's speech and language development is on track?

While every child learns to speak at his or her own pace, general milestones can serve as a guide to normal speech and language development - and help doctors and other health professionals determine when a child might need extra help.

By the end of 3 months

By the end of three months, your child might:

Smile when you appear

Make "cooing" sounds

Quiet or smile when spoken to

Seem to recognize your voice

Cry differently for different needs

By the end of 6 months

By the end of six months, your child might:

Make gurgling sounds when playing with you or left alone

Babble and make a variety of sounds

Use his or her voice to express pleasure and displeasure

Move his or her eyes in the direction of sounds

Respond to changes in the tone of your voice

Notice that some toys make sounds

Pay attention to music

By the end of 12 months

By the end of 12 months, your child might:

Try imitating speech sounds

Say a few words, such as "dada," "mama" and "uh-oh"

Understand simple instructions, such as "Come here"

Recognize words for common items, such as "shoe"

Turn and look in the direction of sounds

By the end of 18 months

By the end of 18 months, your child might:

Recognize names of familiar people, objects and body parts

Follow simple directions accompanied by gestures

Say as many as eight to 10 words

By the end of 24 months

By the end of 24 months, your child might:

Use simple phrases, such as "more milk"

Ask one- to two-word questions, such as "Go bye-bye?"

Follow simple commands and understand simple questions

Speak at least 50 words

When to check with your child's doctor

Talk to your child's doctor if your child hasn't mastered most of the speech and language development milestones for his or her age or you're concerned about any aspect of your child's development. Speech delays occur for many reasons, including hearing loss and developmental disorders. Depending on the circumstances, your child's doctor might refer your child to a hearing specialist (audiologist) or a speech-language pathologist.

In the meantime, talk to your child about what you're doing and where you're going. Sing songs and read together. Teach your child to imitate actions, such as clapping, and to say animal sounds. Practice counting. Show your child that you're pleased when he or she speaks. Listen to your child's sounds and repeat them back to him or her. These steps can encourage your child's speech and language development.

See more In-depth

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Language development: Speech milestones for babies

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A baby's first words are music to a parent's ears. But how can you tell if your child's speech and language development is on track? While every child learns to speak at his or her own pace, general milestones can serve as a guide to normal speech and language development - and help doctors and other health professionals determine when a child might need extra help.

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En este capítulo fuimos introducidos al tema de la lingüística. Tenemos un video sobre los conceptos de Saussure, y sus ideas sentaron las bases para muchos desarrollos significativos tanto en lingüística como en semiología en el siglo XX. También tengo un gráfico que explica las diferentes teorías de adquisición del lenguaje que se mencionaron en el libro. Las teorías también se relacionan con la lista de vocabulario que hice del libro. Estas son palabras que creo que fueron cruciales a lo largo de mi lectura. Estas palabras explican los conceptos de la lingüística. Por último, incluí un artículo que describe el desarrollo del lenguaje en los bebés. Hay diferentes etapas que el niño pasa por su primer año en su vida. Esto se relaciona con la discusión del desarrollo del lenguaje en el libro.

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Este video explica la dicotomía de Saussure. Explica "lengua" y "habla". Explicó este concepto en francés, pero este video lo explica en inglés. Saussure estudio sincronico de la lengua. Este enfasis en los estudios sincronizados fomento la investigación de lenguas que no poseian sisteas de escritura. El, como chomsky, son considerados como los padres de la linguistica moderna, obviamente dependiendo con quien estes hablando y como ellos ven la linguistica.

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Ferdinand de Saussure and Structural Linguistics

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significado - el concepto
modelo conductismo -  el lenguaje humano no puede ser descrito mediante la creacio n de modelos que caractericen estados mentales, sino que debe ser descrito simplemente como un conjunto de respuestas a un conjunto concreto de estı mulos.
reglas prescriptivas - sirven para ayudar a los estudiantes para pronunciar palabras
significante - la sequencia de sonidos

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Traductor del español a la transcripción fonética

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Traductor del español a la transcripción fonética

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Esto es un traductor automático en el que se entra frases del español y sale su transcripción fonética. No incluye los "." que hemos estado utilizando en clase, pero aún así me ha ayudado mucho.

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Phonetic Transcription of Spanish Words. IPA Translator.

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The best tool to convert Spanish text to phonetic transcription using International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) symbols. High-frequency Spanish words highlighted.

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Un vídeo de una lección sobre el fonético español

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Un vídeo de una lección sobre el fonético español

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Este video contiene una breve lección que examina muchos de los sonidos fonéticos y algunos ejemplos de ellos, y lo hace de una manera bastante agradable.

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Learn how to say the letters and sounds in Spanish

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Spanish for Beginners - I will teach you every single letter and sound in the Spanish alphabet. From the A to the Z in Spanish. You will learn how to pronounce Spanish letters. With this lesson you will never say the H because the the H is silent in Spanish.