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A rich website!

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an intimate portrait of one of the 20th century's greatest leaders

Funding for FRONTLINE is provided by PBS viewers. Major funding for "The Long Walk of Nelson Mandela" is provided by DaimlerChrysler with additional support from U.S. News & World Report.

FRONTLINE profiles the most widely known and revered political leader in the world--Nelson Mandela. Credited with the reversal of apartheid in a South Africa controlled by two generations of stern Afrikaner leaders who enforced the ideology of racial separation, Mandela stands as an all-embracing giant who brought about his nationÌs extraordinary peaceful transformation to democracy.

In the most in-depth film biography of Mandela ever undertaken, the broadcast tells the story of his life through interviews with intimates--from his most trusted associates to his jailers on Robben Island, the prison where he was held for twenty-seven years. The two-hour film offers an insider's account of his extraordinary will to lead and of the great risk and personal sacrifice he endured to achieve democracy and equality for the people of his nation.

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FRONTLINE - The Long Walk of Nelson Mandela

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This program chronicles the life, character and leadership of Nelson Mandela,one of the great figures of the twentieth century. It is a personal biography of Mandela,drawing on intimate interviews with Nelson Mandela's political allies and adversaries, as well as the jailers, drivers and others with Mandela at pivotal moments in his life.

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Trevor Noah at the APOLLO theatre

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Comedian Trevor Noah On being mixed race in South Africa

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TL1

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Comedian Trevor Noah On being mixed race in South Africa

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APARTHEID 46 YEARS IN 90 SECONDS - BBC NEWS

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APARTHEID 46 YEARS IN 90 SECONDS - BBC NEWS

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SEQUENCE Le Procès Doc 2- APARTHEID 46 YEARS IN 90 SECONDS - BBC NEWS

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Apartheid   -                    46 years in 90 seconds

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Apartheid   -                    46 years in 90 seconds

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SCRIPT

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BBC News SOUTH-AFRICA The Apartheid Years

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 Apartheid in South Africa        - PASSIVE FORMS

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 Apartheid in South Africa        - PASSIVE FORMS

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SEQUENCE Le Proces Doc 2c) -  Apartheid in South Africa PASSIVE FORMS

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by Nelson Mandela (Excerpt 1)

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SEQUENCE Le Procès Doc 2f)  CE The Long walk to Freedom excerpt + questions

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The State against Mandela and Others (2018)

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The State against Mandela and Others (2018)

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Dossier pédagogique

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Mandela's Rivonia Trial Cannes Festival Presentation

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Asimbonanga (Johnny Clegg in Frankfurt in 1998)

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Asimbonanga (Johnny Clegg in Frankfurt in 1998)

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Johnny Clegg (With Nelson Mandela) - Asimbonanga - 1999 Fran

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The State against Nelson Mandela and others

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The State against Nelson Mandela and others

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A film by Gille Porte and Nicolas Champeaux (2018)

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SEQUENCE Le Procès Doc 3- Film Trailer -The State against Mandela and the others- LE PROCÈS DE MANDELA ET LES AUTRES (2018)

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TL1

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Le Procès contre Mandela et les autres POSTER

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Nelson Mandela's short biography (1918-2013)

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Nelson Mandela's short biography (1918-2013)

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The most important dates.

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about Asimbonanga and the 1998 concert in Frankfurt

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Life and Accomplishments of a South-African Leader

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Life and Accomplishments of a South-African Leader

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Nelson Mandela's short Biography

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Nelson Mandela Biography: Life and Accomplishments of a South African Leader

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Mandela's Speech at the Rivonia Trial (20 April 1964) 

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Mandela's Speech at the Rivonia Trial (20 April 1964) 

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"I have fought against white dimination and I have fought against black domination..."

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Nelson Mandela, 1964: 'I am prepared to die' - audio recording of speech at sabotage trial

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SA 2ndes Doc 7c) The Truth and Reconciliation Commission RELATIVE PRONOUNS

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The Truth and Reconciliation Committee chaired by

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The Truth and Reconciliation Committee chaired by

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Archbishop Desmond Tutu

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by Nelson Mandela (Excerpt 2)

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From the White House (Washington)

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Barack Obama's Personal Tribute To Nelson Mandela

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Barack Obama's Tribute to Nelson Mandela

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Barack Obama's Tribute to Nelson Mandela

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2013 - Full Script

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Barack Obama pays tribute to Nelson Mandela FULL TEXT

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Invictus, a film by Clint Eastwood (2009)

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Invictus, a film by Clint Eastwood (2009)

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with Morgan Freeman, Matt Damon

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Nelson Mandela is the father of South Africa, Mahatma Gandhi is our grandfather !

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With Nelson Mandela's illness and President Obama's recent South Africa visit, it is a good time to assess the impact of Mahatma Gandhi on the South African icon.

"As he toured Robben Island [where Mandela was imprisoned] with his family, Obama was looking back at the legacy of others," the L.A. Times reports. "As he stood in the quarry, he was heard telling his daughters, Sasha and Malia, about Mahatma Gandhi's early work in South Africa as a lawyer."

Gandhians have been eager, not too surprisingly, to claim Mandela. At a function organized in New Delhi last July on Mandela's ninety-fourth birthday, Gandhi's grandson Rajmohan asserted his grandfather's influence on Mandela was so immeasurable that when Rajmohan met South Africans, they regarded the Mahatma as a fellow countryman.

"The locals were surprised to learn that Gandhi was an Indian," he said. "I want Indians, too, to embrace Mandela and make him an Indian hero."

"While Nelson Mandela is the father of South Africa, Mahatma Gandhi is our grandfather," Harris Majeke, South Africa's ambassador to India, said at the same event. "Mandela was inspired by the Satyagraha campaign led by Gandhi. It was a compelling act of passive protest against oppression. This would later inspire the formation of the African National Congress and strengthen Mandela's belief in our shared humanity."

It is true that there is a direct connection between Gandhi's campaign against discrimination in South Africa and the anti-apartheid movement there.

"The African National Congress, which in 1952 launched the first mass movement against apartheid under the leadership of Dr. Albert Luthuli, had been founded in 1912 on the model of the Natal Indian Congress, with which Gandhi had been closely associated," writes Claude Markovits in "The Un-Gandhian Gandhi: The Life and the Afterlife of the Mahatma."

This link was reaffirmed when Gandhi asked his second son, Manilal, to stay in South Africa and continue his work. It gets more complicated from there. Manilal was present at a crucial meeting of the ANC in 1949, where he pressed the party to unconditionally adopt nonviolence, but with little success. The attitude of the party toward Gandhianism in subsequent years was best summarized by Mandela.

"Nonviolent passive resistance is effective as long as your opposition adheres to the same rules as you do," Mandela stated in his autobiography, unfavorably comparing the dominant Afrikaner minority in his country to British imperialists. "But if peaceful protest is met with violence, its efficacy is at an end. For me. nonviolence was not a moral principle but a strategy."

It was with such a mindset that Mandela attempted the sabotage that he was arrested for. As Gandhi scholar David Hardiman points out, however, Mandela never ceased regarding Gandhi as an inspiration, and, in fact, saw nonviolence as an integral part of the movement. "Violence and nonviolence are not mutually exclusive; it is the predominance of the one or the other that labels a struggle," Mandela said.

In keeping with that outlook, the use of violence by the African National Congress was limited. And Mandela learned from Gandhi the essential virtues of forgiveness and compassion, values that served him and his country very well on his assumption to power.

Besides, how much of a role did violence play in the liberation of South Africa? While some scholars, such as Gay Seidman, emphasize the role that armed struggle played, many other scholars say that it was not very big.

"Rioting, sabotage, murder of suspected collaborators and other violent tactics were very much part of the anti-apartheid resistance movement," writes Professor Stephen Zunes. "Yet, these were not as important as the ongoing and potentially greater noncooperation with the apartheid regime and the economic system that sustained it."

And the predominance of nonviolence in the apartheid struggle was crucial in other ways.

"Sanctions had discernible effects in supporting the successful opposition campaign in South Africa," write Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan in "Why Civil Resistance Works." "The ANC leadership had demanded sanctions for decades but they came about only after mass nonviolent resistance had spread."

Mandela and the African National Congress took a large amount of their inspiration and strategy from Mahatma Gandhi and his campaigns in South Africa and India. The world emerged a much better place for that.
Amitabh Pal, the managing editor of The Progressive and co-editor of the Progressive Media Project, is the author of "Islam" Means Peace: Understanding the Muslim Principle of Nonviolence Today (Praeger).

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With Nelson Mandela's illness and President Obama's recent South Africa visit, it is a good time to assess the impact of Mahatma Gandhi on the South African icon."As he toured Robben Island [where Mandela was imprisoned] with his family, Obama wa...

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by  Justin Chadwick with Idriss Elba

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Mandela: Long Walk To Freedom Official Trailer #1 (2013) - Idris Elba, Naomie Harris Movie HD

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A timeline

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Kids learn about the history and timeline of the country of South Africa including early tribes, Dutch settlers, British rule, Boer Wars, apartheid, and Nelson Mandela.

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The Nelson Mandela Mural created by Shepard Fairey (2014)

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The Nelson Mandela Mural created by Shepard Fairey (2014)

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It pays tribute to Nelson Mandela and the 25th anniversary of the Purple Rain Protest.

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"Nelson Mandela Mural by Shepard Fairey" on Revolvy.com

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Nelson Mandela Mural by Shepard Fairey The Nelson Mandela Mural a 10-storey, 2,174 square feet (202.0 m2) public artwork on Juta Street in Braamfontein, Johannesburg, created by Shepard Fairey and completed in September 2014. It pays tribute to Nelson Mandela and the 25th anniversary of the Purple Rain Protest.

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Slideshow South-African history until 1912

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Slideshow South-African history until 1912

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The colonization of South-Africa

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1902 Second Boer war ends.

1910 Union of South Africa formed, handing power to Afrikaners at the expense of the black majority.

1912 A meeting of chiefs, churchmen and lawyers at the Waaihoek methodist church in Bloemfontein on 8 January heralds the birth of the South African Native National Congress. John Langalibalele Dube is the first president.

1913 Natives Land Act effectively gives 80% of land to white people, who make up less than 20% of the population. It helps secure cheap labour for white-owned mines.

1914 National party founded by Afrikaner nationalists in Bloemfontein.

1918 Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela born in Mvezo in the Transkei on 18 July.

1923 The SANNC is renamed the African National Congress (ANC).

1944 ANC youth league founded with leaders including Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and Oliver Tambo.

1948 National party elected and introduces apartheid, a legal system of racial segregation. It will be described by prime minister Hendrik Verwoerd as a "policy of good neighbourliness".

1952 ANC launches defiance campaign. Mandela is arrested.

1955 Freedom Charter adopted at the Congress of the People at Kliptown. It declares "that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people ... The people shall govern!"

1956 Mandela is arrested and joins 155 others on trial for treason. The trial lasts four-and-a-half years.

1959 Africanists who object to the ANC's growing co-operation with white and Indian people break away to form the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC).

1960 Police open fire on an unarmed crowd at a PAC demonstration against pass laws in Sharpeville, killing 69. A state of emergency is declared and the ANC and PAC are banned. The ANC president chief, Albert Luthuli, becomes the first African to win the Nobel peace prize.

1961 ANC launches armed struggle with Mandela as commander-in-chief of its military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), which means "Spear of the Nation". In 18 months MK carries out 200 acts of sabotage.

1962 Mandela is arrested and sentenced to five years in prison for incitement and leaving the country illegally.

1963 Police raid the secret headquarters of MK at Liliesleaf farm in Rivonia, arresting the leadership.

1964 MK leaders, including Mandela, are sentenced to life imprisonment at the Rivonia trial. Mandela tells the court: "I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die."

1966 Verwoerd assassinated in parliament.

1976 Student uprising in Soweto leaves about 600 dead.

1990 Ban lifted on the ANC and Mandela released, on 11 February, after 27 years in prison.

1993 Mandela and FW De Klerk, the last apartheid president, are jointly awarded the Nobel peace prize.

1994 ANC wins South Africa's first democratic elections, making Mandela the country's first black president.

1999 Mandela steps down after one term. ANC wins second democratic election with Thabo Mbeki as president. MP Patricia de Lille presents a dossier containing numerous allegations of bribery relating to a 70bn rand (£5.44bn) arms deal.

2000 Mbeki is criticised for a speech that appears to underplay the threat of HIV. Campaigners will accuse Mbeki of Aids "denialism" that costs hundreds of thousands of lives.

2003 Winnie Mandela convicted of theft and fraud.

2004 ANC re-elected.

2008 Mbeki ousted at Polokwane conference and replaced by Kgalema Motlanthe as caretaker president.

2009 Corruption allegations are dropped against Jacob Zuma. ANC re-elected with Zuma as president.
Topics

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1902 Second Boer war ends. 1910 Union of South Africa formed, handing power to Afrikaners at the expense of the black majority. 1912 A meeting of chiefs, churchmen and lawyers at the Waaihoek methodist church in Bloemfontein on 8 January heralds the birth of the South African Native National Congress.

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 Mandela's memory retold by South African icons

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 Mandela's memory retold by South African icons

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His achievements and his contributionn to South-Africa

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WATCH: Mandela's memory retold by South African icons

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Trevor Noah celebrates Mandela's 100th Birthday

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Trevor Noah celebrates Mandela's 100th Birthday

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Uly, 18 2018 - The Daily Show

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Trevor Celebrates Nelson Mandela’s 100th Birthday | The Daily Show

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A photographic tribute

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RUGBY vs FOOTBALL   Trevor Noah makes fun of the Springboks (the national rugby team) and Bafana, Bafana(the national football team) 

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RUGBY vs FOOTBALL   Trevor Noah makes fun of the Springboks (the national rugby team) and Bafana, Bafana(the national football team) 

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"Springbok Bafana" - Trevor Noah - (It's My Culture) LONGER RE-RELEASE

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How Mandela failed to bridge the economic divide between blacks and whites.

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How Mandela failed to bridge the economic divide between blacks and whites.

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More than two decades have passed since South Africa overhauled a racist regime designed to keep the country's black population under the thumb of an elite white minority.

But while democracy has delivered freedom for all South Africans, not enough has changed for those living in the country's vast townships.

In fact, despite 25 years of democracy, South Africa remains the most economically unequal country in the world, according to the World Bank. If anything, the rainbow nation is even more divided now than it was in 1994.

In many ways, the legacy of apartheid endures. Previously disadvantaged South Africans hold fewer assets, have fewer skills, earn lower wages, and are still more likely to be unemployed, a 2018 World Bank report on poverty and inequality in South Africa found.

And, at the other end of the spectrum, an elite, mainly white minority continues to thrive.

While the African National Congress (ANC) is set to win just over 57% of the national vote, it faces an increasingly disillusioned electorate.

The gap between rich and poor is wider in South Africa than in any other country where comparable data exist, the World Bank found.

Mthandazo Ndlovu, Oxfam South Africa's democracy and governance manager, say inequality has been exacerbated as a result of "systemic failures at a government level."

It's not just income inequality that is cause for concern, he adds, but also unequal access to opportunities and essential public services.

"One would have assumed that 25 years into democracy we would have had better access to land, better access to health care, we would not have children falling into pit latrines due to failures in the provision of ablution facilities," he said.

Read: Land was stolen under apartheid. It still hasn't been given back

This is not to say the government hasn't made significant strides in leveling the playing field, he added. Access to basic services such as electricity, water, education and health care has improved considerably since the ANC came into power, according to the World Bank report.

But a fraction of the population still enjoys the lion's share of the spoils while the rest struggle to make ends meet.

South Africa's richest households are almost 10 times wealthier than poor households, according to World Bank estimates.

"If you look at the number of people who sleep on an empty stomach, these numbers are quite shocking," adds Ndlovu.

Poverty levels are highest among the black population, followed by South Africa's "coloured" population - the accepted term for mixed-race people in the country.

In South Africa, the white population makes up the majority of the elite - or top 5% - explained Murray Leibbrandt, economics professor at the University of Cape Town.

Read: South Africa's Suidlanders are prepping for a race war

Part of Leibbrandt's work has involved tracking the social progress of 30,000 South Africans from 2008 to 2017.

"The best signifier of a country that's really on its way isn't a society with no inequality," he said. "It's a society with declining inequality and a growing middle class."

By Leibbrandt's estimates, South Africa's middle class is small and sluggish, and comprises approximately one in five South Africans.

While the middle class has hardly grown since 2008, the black percentage of the middle class has increased from 47% to 64%, he says.

"The picture that we pick up in our statistics is that we haven't been successful in breathing transformation through the country. And it fractures the country."

Read: Can a new president halt South Africa's decline?

Levels of inequality in South Africa appear to be passed down from generation to generation.

"It's a very embedded phenomenon that doesn't change very quickly, because it's the result of the way the whole society coheres," Leibbrandt said.

The way forward, he suggested, starts with South Africans recognizing the situation as it is right now.

"The point is that this inequality and these livelihoods of people, that is their daily life. And so if we are going to try and flourish together ... then we do need to try and understand that."

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South Africa is the world's most unequal country. 25 years of freedom have failed to bridge the divide | CNN

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More than two decades have passed since South Africa overhauled a racist regime designed to keep the country's black population under the thumb of an elite white minority. But while democracy has delivered freedom for all South Africans, not enough has changed for those living in the country's vast townships.

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South Africa needs to fix its dangerously wide wealth gap

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South Africa needs to fix its dangerously wide wealth gap

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South Africa is known for its extreme income inequality, which is one of the highest in the world.

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Wealth inequality is a bigger challenge than income inequality in South Africa. Shutterstock

South Africa is known for its extreme income inequality, which is one of the highest in the world. Ten percent of the population earn around 55%-60% of all income, compared to only 20-35% in the advanced economies.

But while the top income share is high in its own right, it pales in comparison to those for wealth; such as real estate, pension funds and shares of listed companies. New tax and survey data suggest that 10% of the South African population owns at least 90-95% of all assets. This share is much higher than in the advanced economies, where the richest 10% own "only" around 50-75% of all assets.

Why does wealth matter? First, the level and distribution of wealth in a country are important indicators of its citizens' long-term welfare. Whereas income and consumption tell us something about a household's current living standards, information on wealth is important in assessing whether the household can sustain these living standards during spells of unemployment or throughout retirement.

But wealth is also of particular concern for long-term inequality. This is because wealth can generate its own income (such as interest, dividends, rents, and capital gains), and can be passed on between generations. Over time, small differences in assets can therefore grow larger and larger. As Thomas Piketty argues in his influential book on wealth and inequality ( Capital in the 21st Century), this tendency has been one of the biggest drivers of growing inequality in both advanced and developing countries.

A growing number of studies have suggested that high inequality can have unfavourable political and economic consequences, which is why South African policymakers are increasingly concerned about it. Currently, most initiatives focus on inequality of income and consumption, since these variables are closely linked to poverty and exclusion.

But based on my own research I argue that narrowing the wealth gap also deserves close attention.

Why wealth is difficult to measure

We know that South Africa's wealth distribution is highly unequal. It is, however, very hard to measure precisely how unequal it is. This is because our usual tools are well suited to measuring income and consumption, but not very good at measuring wealth.

The most widely used data on living standards come from household surveys. Their main limitation when it comes to measuring wealth is that participation is voluntary and that richer households tend to be less likely than others to participate. In addition, many people are not aware of the current value of their assets or feel uncomfortable talking about wealth.

Because of these limitations, researchers have started to use data from tax records. Since tax filings are mandatory, tax data do not run the risk of under-representing individuals at the top of the distribution.

Nevertheless, tax data have their own limitations. First, they tell us nothing about the population whose income is too low to require income tax filing. In South Africa this group comprises more than 80% of the population. Secondly, they do not allow us to measure wealth directly since only investment incomes are taxed in South Africa.

While this approximation introduces an element of uncertainty, it is currently the only way to get data on the top of the wealth distribution.

Extreme wealth inequality

In my research I combine tax and survey data. Three main findings stand out:

The wealthiest 10% of the population own at least 90-95% of all wealth, whereas the highest-earning 10% receive "only" 55-60% of income.

The next 40% of the population - the group that is often considered to be the middle class - earn about 30-35% of all income, but only own 5-10% of all wealth.

The poorest 50% of the population, who still earn about 10% of all income, own no measurable wealth at all.

The fact that the bottom half has very little wealth is not unique to South Africa. What is striking, however, is the small wealth share of the middle of the distribution. Income- or consumption-based studies find that around 20% to 30% of South Africans belong to the middle class.

But my analysis suggests that a "propertied middle class" is largely nonexistent. This differentiates South Africa from the advanced economies, where a much larger share of the population owns significant financial and non-financial wealth.

The data also show that race plays a role in inequality, as average wealth still differs strongly between groups. Nevertheless, they suggest that wealth inequality within the majority black population far exceeds overall inequality. This is consistent with the findings of a study on income inequality, which shows that the income distribution is increasingly shaped by growing inequality within race groups rather than inequality between race groups.

Implications for policymakers

In theory, the extreme concentration of wealth in the hands of a few can be addressed from two sides: redistributing wealth held at the top or building wealth at the bottom.

In reality, however, these two approaches should be balanced by combining taxation of top wealth holders with policies to encourage middle-class wealth formation. This is because South Africa has a relatively low level of private wealth and should not risk reducing overall private saving and investment.

The most common tools for redistributing wealth are taxes on investment incomes and inheritances. Currently these taxes constitute only a tiny share of total tax revenue. Taxes on investment income makes up about 1% of total tax revenue while inheritance tax makes up 0.1%. The current proposals of the Davis Tax Committee aim to increase these shares by closing loopholes in the estate duty.

More effective inheritance taxes can be very effective to counter the tendency of growing wealth concentration. But there are practical challenges when it comes to taxing the wealthy effectively. Wealth can easily be shifted between asset classes, ownership structures and tax jurisdictions to avoid being subject to taxation.

The Panama Papers showed the extent to which the efficacy of wealth taxes is limited by the fact that large fortunes are moved out of the reach of national tax authorities.

Helping lower- and middle-class households build wealth may therefore be a more effective way to promote a more equitable wealth structure. Since pension assets are the single most important form of wealth in South Africa, a more comprehensive pension system would be particularly effective in reducing wealth inequality. The current proposals by the National Treasury, which aim to increase the coverage of occupational pension systems and reduce pre-retirement withdrawals, are promising.

The new figures on the extreme extent of wealth inequality should provide some tailwind to these proposals, which could jointly lead to a more equitable wealth structure in South Africa.

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South Africa needs to fix its dangerously wide wealth gap

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South Africa is known for its extreme income inequality, which is one of the highest in the world. Ten percent of the population earn around 55%-60% of all income, compared to only 20-35% in the advanced economies.

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Francois Pienaar, captain of the 1995 Rugby World Cup winners, recalls how Nelson Mandela used sport to heal a nation

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Francois Pienaar, captain of the 1995 Rugby World Cup winners, recalls how Nelson Mandela used sport to heal a nation

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mong certain white communities in apartheid South Africa, it was taken for granted that Nelson Mandela was a terrorist who must remain behind bars. That was drummed into the young François Pienaar, who would one day welcome Mandela to his wedding and name him as godfather to his two sons.

The men came together when Pienaar captained South Africa to victory at the 1995 Rugby World Cup. When the blond Afrikaner shook hands with the black freedom fighter turned president, they instantly forged one of the country's defining images of racial unity.

"François here is the symbol of reconciliation," said Ahmed Kathrada, a fellow prisoner of Mandela on Robben Island, when he shared a platform with Pienaar at the One Young World summit in Johannesburg last October.

In an interview with the Observer, Pienaar recalled the hardline white attitudes that shaped his childhood. "In my little world, I grew up in an Afrikaner community, went to an Afrikaner school, spoke only Afrikaans. Children were seen and not heard and you believed the publicity of the day," he said. "Obviously the press told the stories that the ruling party of the day in particular wanted to be told.

"I remember when I heard Nelson Mandela's name mentioned at barbecues or dinner parties, the words 'terrorist' or 'bad man' was an umbilical cord almost to his name. As a young kid I wish I'd had questions about it, but I never did. I just thought that guy's maybe not a good guy, because sadly we didn't engage with our parents.

"You didn't ask questions like why black kids don't go to school with you, why is it just all white? That's how you grew up, which is very wrong and very sad. I wish I'd had the courage of conviction to ask questions, but I didn't. It's about exposure."

It was only when Pienaar went to university on a sports scholarship that he found himself exposed to different cultures, speaking English and having debates about politics and the country's future. "We'd just gone through 1985, a very dark year in South Africa's history, so it was topical at university. There were talks and rumours about Mr Mandela being released and white South Africans in particular feared the worst.

"Many were very conservative South Africans who were stocking up on food, thinking it's going to be Armageddon, civil warfare. I can understand that, not that I agreed with it. They feared that if this man who had been put in jail for 27 years, and was not handled particularly well as a prisoner, comes out, he's going to be slightly peeved.

"What he says the nation will do. So if Mr Mandela came out of prison and said, 'Listen, this is wrong, we're taking over the country now by force,' it would have been civil warfare. Then he came out and he didn't. The conservative people were, 'We're just waiting for this to happen'. It never happened."

Mandela's release and the fall of apartheid meant an end to international sanctions and sporting boycotts. A year after the first multiracial democratic election in 1994, the country hosted the Rugby World Cup, traditionally an Afrikaner sport that saw black people cheering for the opposition. But Mandela understood the importance of surprise and the grand gesture. He resisted pressure to scrap the springbok, the team's despised emblem, and rallied the nation around the players.

"During those six weeks what happened in this country was incredible," Pienaar said. "I'm still gobsmacked when I think back to the profound change that happened. We started obviously with a great leader with a fantastic vision who realised that sport is important for the Afrikaner white community and to earn their respect and trust.

"But on the other side I have such a respect for what he had to go through in the African National Congress because the springbok was a symbol of apartheid. The majority of South Africans never supported the Springboks, so to ask them to support them for the first time was a massive ask.

"Through the course of those six weeks, because he asked them and we came to the party in terms of playing good rugby and building a nice momentum towards the final, things happened in South Africa that were just magical."

For the final there were 63,000 people in the stadium and 62,000 were white. With a stroke of PR genius, Mandela appeared in the green-and-gold Springbok jersey and cap: "It's well documented that Mr Mandela walked out into Ellis Park in front of a predominantly white crowd, very much an Afrikaner crowd, wearing a springbok on his heart and how they shouted, 'Nelson, Nelson, Nelson!' because what he'd promised he delivered. And when the final whistle blew this country changed for ever. It's incomprehensible."

The events became the subject of a book and film, , starring Matt Damon and Morgan Freeman and directed by Clint Eastwood. Pienaar and Mandela became close over the years until ill health forced the latter to withdraw from public life. Last week came the sad but inevitable news of his demise.

"It's a time for celebration, celebrating what he did and what he stood for, and also time for reflection and mourning obviously," Pienaar said.

"But hopefully it will be tears of joy that South Africa has been so blessed to have a man who put us on a very important road, and just hope the leaders following him will not only use his name for effect but because they truly believe in what he stood for, and build on that."

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Mandela and the rugby hero who rejected the prejudices of a white childhood

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Francois Pienaar, captain of the 1995 Rugby World Cup winners, recalls how Nelson Mandela used sport to heal a nation. Interview by David Smith

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The Mandela @ 94 _z _a exhibition consists of paintings, sculptures, photographs, cartoons, beadwork and prints created by artists from various cultural backgrounds.

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Beaded artwork by the husband and wife team Billy and Jane Makhubele.

A photograph of Natalie Knight and Nelson Mandela at her art studio in 1993.

One of the highlights of the exhibition is a lithograph, titled Tennis Court, by Mandela himself.

Susan Woolf's conceptual pieces in the Towards Mandela series made of newspaper clippings, teabags and resin.

Joachim Schonfeldt's unusual circular paintings depict Mandela's life in the townships.

Collen Maswanganyi's painted sculpture of a Shangaan woman wearing traditional clothes sending a Facebook message to Madiba on his 94th birthday.
(Images: Natalie Knight)

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Wilma den Hartigh
Ahead of Nelson Mandela International Day on 18 July, art is being used to celebrate the life of South Africa's iconic former president and anti-apartheid activist in his 94 th year, and tell the story of a life dedicated to the struggle for freedom.

Unlike speeches, films or awards, the beauty of art is in the detail and individual artistic representations that have captured the story of Mandela, at all stages, over many years.

Natalie Knight, art curator of the Mandela @ 94 _ z _a exhibition, now open to the public at the Origins Centre at Wits University in Johannesburg, says that the artworks on show do just this.

They tell Mandela's story from his rural beginnings, his life of poverty in Alexandra township and his home in Soweto, to his days as a lawyer and as an accused, his suffering in prison and his triumph of becoming the country's first democratically-elected president.
Sharing experiences of Madiba
The Mandela @ 94 _z _a exhibition consists of paintings, sculptures, photographs, cartoons, beadwork and prints created by artists from various cultural backgrounds. The 20 participating artists are all South African, with the exception of Blanchard Magu from the Ivory Coast.

Knight says one of the most remarkable aspects about artists' representations of Mandela over the years is that they have been overwhelmingly positive.

"The common denominator among the exhibiting artists is their admiration and respect for a leader who has made South Africans proud," she says.

"Through their artworks they have captured the spirit of a man who embodies the desire for peace, justice and reconciliation."

She says this is why the exhibition is so captivating. "Everyone has a different experience of Mandela."

She recalls her own experience of meeting the renowned struggle icon.

"My first interaction with Nelson Mandela was when he walked into the Natalie Knight Gallery in the Hyde Park Corner shopping centre in 1993," she says. "I was in the middle of a photo shoot."

She also remembers what he was wearing. "He was wearing his broad, friendly smile and a casual sweat shirt with the words - The Music Talks."

Knight showed Mandela a pastel drawing by artist Tommy Motswai, of the historic handshake between FW de Klerk and himself. The photographer asked if Mandela would shake hands with Knight in front of the drawing.

"He obliged and then shook hands with the other 15 members of my staff as well," she says. "His bodyguards were getting restless and possessive but Madiba brushed them aside."

Years later the photograph became the source material of a beaded artwork made by the husband and wife team Billy and Jane Makhubele. This is one of the works on show at the exhibition.

The pair created artworks from photographs published in newspapers of important events in Mandela's life - including the day of his release from Robben Island and his wedding to Graça Machel - using beads and safety pins on traditional Shangaan fabric.
Mandela's art also on show
One of the highlights of the exhibition is a lithograph, titled Tennis Court, by Mandela himself.

The lithograph is one of a collection of artworks by Madiba which appeared in The Robben Island series II. The series was sketched and completed by the Nobel laureate between March and June 2003. It consists of 21 charcoal sketches of images that he found meaningful during his incarceration on the island.

The tennis court came into existence when prisoners asked officials if a courtyard at the prison could be converted so that they could get more exercise. Before this, prisoners were only marched round the courtyard for half an hour every day.

"Our persistence paid off and we painted the cement courtyard surface to create a traditional tennis court layout," Mandela explains in the book. "Strangely, Robben Island was the first opportunity for me to play tennis since university ... it was a strange sensation enjoying such civilised hobbies in such an uncivilised place."

Knight says that this particular work's simplicity is what makes it so striking.

Various pieces by conceptual artist Susan Woolf are also on show. Woolf is an accomplished South African artist and one of her more recent projects depicting taxi hand signs were accepted for a national stamp series in 2010.

Stampnews.com also chose Woolf's taxi hand sign stamps as one of the top 10 most important stamps in the world in 2010.

Her conceptual pieces in the Towards Mandela series were made of newspaper clippings, teabags and resin.

Woolf says she collected newspaper articles about Mandela for many years, and when she moved into her new studio she wasn't sure what to do with them. "I thought that I just can't let go of the clippings and I wanted to find a way to preserve them," she explains.

She decided to set the clippings in used rooibos teabags. The use of rooibos teabags is significant as it relates to Mandela's years in prison. Before it became popular, rooibos was considered a cheap tea and was often only deemed suitable to serve in prisons.

Every teabag, complete with tea grains, contains inscriptions by Woolf. "I just recorded my thoughts of the moment on them, often while waiting for my children when I was picking them up at school."

Knight also included unusual circular paintings by Joachim Schonfeldt. The round hand-painted scenes on hollowed-out sections of wooden doors depict Mandela's life in the townships. "The artist bought ordinary doors, then carved circles in them and in each carving painted a site where Mandela lived," she explains.

Schonfeldt is also known as one of the founders of the Bag Factory Artists Studios in Johannesburg, one of the first collective studio spaces for visual artists in the country.

Sculptor Johannes Maswangnayi produced images in wood of Mandela at different times of his life. His son Collen exhibits a thought-provoking sculpture entitled Fruits of Freedom, which questions whether Mandela's long walk to freedom has borne fruit.

Cartoons by well known South African cartoonist Jonathan Zapiro and photographs by Jurgen Schadeburg, Debbie Yazbek, Michael Meyersfeld and Ivor Ginsberg are also part of the exhibition.
References to social media
Knight says that Collen Maswanganyi's small painted sculpture of a Shangaan woman wearing traditional clothes and sending a Facebook message to Madiba on his 94 th birthday straddles the cultural divide.

In the exhibition's name Knight also tried to include elements of social media and the internet by using references to emails, Twitter and instant messages. But the abbreviation "ZA" signals that it is very much a local exhibition.
The exhibition is open to the public from Monday to Friday from 09:00 - 17:00 and on Saturdays from 09:00 - 13:00. It runs until the 31st of July 2012.

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Madiba's life captured in art | Brand South Africa

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Ahead of Nelson Mandela International Day on 18 July, art is being used to celebrate the life of South Africa's iconic former president and anti-apartheid activist in his 94th year, and tell the story of a life dedicated to the struggle for freedom.