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1. "His [Du Bois] geographic analysis documented the high levels of segregation in the city and how segregation resulted from decisions made by economic elites to protect white interests. Unlike the urban analysts of the Chicago school three decades later, Du Bois documented racial configurations within city spaces as planned phenomena rather than as outgrowths of natural ecological processes: the locations of neighborhoods and businesses were products of those who possessed money and power" (p.49).

2. "This impressive effort [The Pittsburgh Survey] was soon adopted in other cities, initiating the survey movement. Like other efforts, the Pittsburgh Survey reflected the interest of social scientists and reformers in establishing a scientific reservoir of data to address the impact of rapid industrialization, labor strife, and explosive racial and ethnic tensions in the early twentieth century" (p.52).

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I was unfamiliar with the social settlement movement and did some additional reading to gain a better understanding of its impact. I  typically recognize Jane Addams as a suffragist, but she was greatly involved in other social reform movements as well. Social settlements brought educated middle-class individuals together to live in poor urban areas, as such, they supported local clubs, cultural events, and some social welfare programs. "Jane Addams and the Hull-House residents provided kindergarten and daycare facilities for the children of working mothers"(https://www.hullhousemuseum.org/about-jane-addams).

Through this work, they also published the Hull House Maps and Papers (HHM&P), an examination of the social conditions of socio-economically disadvantaged individuals in Chicago.

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Morris writes, "Du Bois analyzed black crime, revealing that it was largely rooted in social conditions rather than in biological and social degeneracy, as white social scientists usually claim" (p.48). Kendi, in Chapter 6 'Body', demonstrates that research has proven a connection between social conditions and criminal activity and that a lack of resources can increase the occurrence of crime. "...researchers have found a much stronger and clearer correlation between violent-crime levels and unemployment levels than between violent crimes and race" (p.79).

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I am not familiar with the data-gathering technique referred to as 'triangulation'. It is referenced twice in this section, "...these multiple areas were analyzed with a novel multi-method triangulated set of data" (p.50). How is this technique utilized? What does it entail?

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I’m curious about why DuBois chose Philadelphia and Farmville, Virginia for his studies. Was there something unique about these communities or did DuBois see them as most representative of Black urban and rural communities?

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The quote “One cannot study the Negro in freedom and come to general conclusions about his destiny without knowing his history in slavery” (p. 47). I see this as a direct connection to the historical perspective that Kendi takes to connect the racist policies that Kendi discusses in the context of the slave trade. Kendi points to the policies that created the idea of race in order to justify the slave trade and their impact on the creation of racism. DuBois was pointing to the same conclusions that slavery had an overwhelming influence on the condition of Black people in the United States.

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I learned that DuBois was using his research to push back on the racist ideas that Black people were inferior due to biological and evolutionary factors that had no basis in science. He was able to draw upon his training as a historian and the work of Booth and his “Life and Labor of the People of London” to shape his own research and thinking about the status of Black people in America.

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“Mia Bay has argued ‘Since white sociology’s natural laws and negative assessments of black capacity tended to be based on evolutionary theory rather than any sort of empirical evidence, American social science offered no research models for DuBois as he set up his study of Philadelphia’s black population’”. (p.50)

“The Philadephia Negro represented DuBois’s first sustained effort to produce a sociological study that broke from the tradition of armchair grand theorizing” (p. 50)

I took both of these quotes from the same section of the chapter because I think they illustrate the importance of DuBois’s work. He was able to both break from the school of thought that Black people were inferior due to biological factors or “evolutionary theory” and also did this not through “armchair grand theorizing” but to actually do empirical research to show the conditions by which Black people were living in the United States at the time and draw conclusions from this research. DuBois really was a pioneer of both Sociology and of our modern conception of the impact of slavery and racial oppression.

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“One cannot study the Negro in freedom and come to general conclusions about his destiny without knowing his history in slavery.” (47)

“Whereas white male scholars, given their privileged position and the rewards they inherited from the status quo, were wary of efforts to use science to promote social change and considered such aims as detrimental to objectivity and detachment, Du Bois and settlement leaders, though believing that the purpose of research was to generate scientific knowledge using the best methods and theories available, viewed scholarship as having the additional goal of informing struggles against oppression.” (53)

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It is so jarring how Du Bois' implementation of what we'd consider today to be essential practices of social research (carefully conducted research based qualitative and/or quantitative data) was largely disregarded despite the ground breaking nature of his work in the US.

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What would Du Bois think about the concept of intersectionality and how could The Philadelphia Negro contribute to our understanding of intersectionality during this time period?

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Learning about how Du Bois captured "how spatial configurations of Philadelphia were shaped by racist practices generated by the color line" (49) reminded me of Kendi's discussion on space racism, or the deliberate way inequities are perpetuated through racialized spaces.

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Regarding sociology and social change, Du Bois sated, “The sole aim of any society is to settle its problems in accordance with the highest ideals, and the only rational method of accomplishing this is to study those problems in the light of the best scientific research” (p. 46)

As anthropologists Faye V. Harrison and Irene Diggs pointed out, “The method and theoretical point of view which Du Bois articulated for this study helped to lay foundations for research that changed the discourse on race and culture in the social sciences in the United States.” (p. 54)

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I learned that Du Bois pioneered the data-gathering technique known as triangulation. I also learned that in his research, Du Bois was the first sociologist that analyzed the Black class structure and demonstrated how it shaped the community and its stratification dynamics. He developed a novel sociology of work and occupations analysis by exploring stratification and mobility processes within the black community (p. 47)

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Kendi: Ch. 12 Space- racialized spaces for Whites and Blacks

Du Bois: p. 49 Through his extensive use of maps, Du Bois captured how spatial configurations of Philadelphia were shaped by racist practices generated by the color line. His geographical analysis documented the high levels of racial segregation in the city and how segregation resulted from decisions made by economic elites to protect White interests.

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As this was a time before aviation, how did research and researchers from Europe get properly conveyed to research and researchers in the U.S. and vice versa? Were scientists regularly sailing back and forth to share research tactics and findings?  What does armchair grand theorizing mean?