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Prejudice and Discrimination: Crash Course Psychology

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Prejudice and Discrimination: Crash Course Psychology #39

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Empire, Genocide, and Manifest Destiny: Dreaming of Empire

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Empire, Genocide, and Manifest Destiny: Dreaming of Empire

Book by Mumia Abu-Jamal and Stephen Vittoria

The prevailing myth is that America's prized possessions and greatest exports are democracy and the dream of freedom. ... Google Books

Originally published : February 6, 2018

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Empire, Genocide, and Manifest Destiny: Dreaming of Empire Mumia Abu-Jamal - Google Search

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Please click here if you are not redirected within a few seconds. Empire, Genocide, and Manifest Destiny: Dreaming of Empire Book by Mumia Abu-Jamal and Stephen Vittoria The prevailing myth is that America's prized possessions and greatest exports are democracy and the dream of freedom. ...

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Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland

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Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland

Book by Christopher Browning

In the early hours of July 13, 1942, the men of Reserve Police Battalion 101, a unit of the German Order Police, entered the Polish Village of Jozefow. They had arrived in Poland less than three weeks before, most of them recently drafted family... Google Books

Originally published : January 1, 1992

Genres : Non-fiction and Personal narrative

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Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland - Google Search

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Please click here if you are not redirected within a few seconds. Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland Book by Christopher Browning In the early hours of July 13, 1942, the men of Reserve Police Battalion 101, a unit of the German Order Police, entered the Polish Village of Jozefow.

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'I could have been Mike Brown': your stories of racial profiling by the world's police

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Hands up. Don't shoot. The image of black men and women repeating this simple action at protests in Ferguson, Missouri - and across the globe - generates its power from what happens before that moment.

In Ferguson and too many places, police are more likely to pull over people of color for driving - indeed, often for simply being a person of color.

But there is lasting power in the stories people never forget. They are stories of "broken" taillights, of police brutality that doesn't show up in an arrest report because there never was one, of no justice because nobody knew where to turn.

To help reach beyond Ferguson, the opinion departments of Guardian US and the St Louis Post-Dispatch partnered to gather hundreds of reader experiences. Our hope is that this sampling will help spur empathy - and then action, everywhere. These are your stories, lightly edited for space, privacy and clarity, and your hope for what's next.

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'I could have been Mike Brown': 18 stories of racial profiling by the world's police

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Hands up. Don't shoot. The image of black men and women repeating this simple action at protests in Ferguson, Missouri - and across the globe - generates its power from what happens before that moment. In Ferguson and too many places, police are more likely to pull over people of color for driving - indeed, often for simply being a person of color.

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Being Black is Not a Crime: Yunek's Story of Police Brutality

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My name is Yunek Moore. I am a Black woman, a college graduate, and a survivor of police brutality. I'm choosing to tell my story because, sadly, this wasn't the last time something like this happened to a person of color in Peoria, Illinois, and that must change.

On June 4, 2013, I was a happy 17-year-old looking forward to attending college at Millikin University. I had just graduated high school, where I was ranked 11th in my entire class and spoke at graduation as one of my final duties as Senior Class President.

That night, I was at my friend Cipriana's house, where family and friends had gathered to celebrate our graduation and Cipriana's departure for Army basic training. We were having a bonfire in the backyard, eating s'mores and drinking Capri Suns.

As I sat in a lawn chair, a bright light suddenly shone in my eyes. I thought someone at the party was using their phone's flashlight or had turned on the backyard light, so I put my hand up to shield my eyes and politely asked them to stop pointing it at me. The person ignored my request and asked for my ID. Confused and still unable to see anything, I asked the person why she wanted to see my ID card. She never answered or stated who she was.

Instead, I was yanked out of my chair by what turned out to be three police officers, two men and one woman.

The officers grabbed me by the wrists and twisted my arms, then dragged me to the front yard and slammed me up against the brick house. I thought they were going to break my arm and I told them they were hurting me. The male officer responded, "Shut the hell up!"

I was handcuffed, then dragged across the concrete driveway, thrown onto the hood of the squad car, and searched. As my friends came up to ask why this was happening, the officers screamed at them, "Get back!"

The officers shoved me into the back of the squad car, punching and pushing my body. I gasped in pain as I sat awkwardly in the back seat, scared and stunned that this was happening. Not once did anyone tell me why I was being arrested or what I had done wrong.

At this point, my right shoulder was in excruciating pain, my right knee was swollen, and I had swelling and cuts on both my wrists. I was taken to the Peoria County Jail, where I asked for medical attention, but was denied. I was held until 5:30 a.m. the next day, when they finally let my mother pick me up.

Later, I learned I had a torn labrum in my shoulder and an incapacitated wrist, which - combined - required three surgeries, steroid injections, and physical therapy over the next several years. My entire right side was immobilized and one doctor said that my injuries looked like what football players might have after years of being tackled.

Beyond my physical injuries, this experience has taken a huge toll on me mentally. I'm now fearful of the police, and I constantly worry that something like this could happen to me again.

There was nothing illegal happening at the party. Yet I was arrested and cited for "resisting or obstructing a peace officer." The officers said they entered the backyard out of concern for the safety of those at the party, but the only danger anyone faced that night was at the hands of the Peoria Police Department.

These past six years, my family and I have witnessed how little accountability there is for police officers in Peoria. Without accountability, the unnecessary and excessive use of force I experienced will continue to happen to others.

Our city is no stranger to the kinds of headlines about fatal police interactions that we see across the country. We all know the tragic story of Eddie Russell Jr., who was shot 17 times by the Peoria Police Department despite their knowledge of his history of mental health crises.

It's time we fight for justice for our fellow community members and demand real reform in the Peoria Police Department.

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Being Black is Not a Crime: Yunek's Story of Police Brutality

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My name is Yunek Moore. I am a Black woman, a college graduate, and a survivor of police brutality. I'm choosing to tell my story because, sadly, this wasn't the last time something like this happened to a person of color in Peoria, Illinois, and that must change.On June 4, 2013, I was a happy 17-year-old looking forward to attending college at Millikin University.

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Are Taxes Fair? The Redistribution of Wealth via Taxation Explained in One Minute

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Are Taxes Fair? The Redistribution of Wealth via Taxation Explained in One Minute

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Right Wing Comics ~ presents ~ POLITICAL FUNNIES (redistribution of wealth)

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Right Wing Comics ~ presents ~ POLITICAL FUNNIES (redistribution of wealth)

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The ethics of redistribution

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The ethics of redistribution

Book by Bertrand de Jouvenel

The Ethics of Redistribution was originally delivered as a Boutwood Lecture at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, in the autumn of 1949. The Baron Bertrand de Jouvenel was then an already internationally regarded philosopher whose learned style... Google Books

Originally published : 1951

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The ethics of redistribution Bertrand de Jouvenel - Google Search

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Please click here if you are not redirected within a few seconds. The ethics of redistribution Book by Bertrand de Jouvenel The Ethics of Redistribution was originally delivered as a Boutwood Lecture at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, in the autumn of 1949. The Baron Bertrand de Jouvenel was then an already internationally regarded philosopher whose learned style...

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The Economics and Politics of Wealth Redistribution

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The Economics and Politics of Wealth Redistribution

The role of the democratic state in the redistribution of wealth is the topic of this readable and lively examination of an often controversial issue. Using public choice and rent-seeking analysis as a basis, Tullock discusses the role of the... Google Books

Originally published : 2005

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The Economics and Politics of Wealth Redistribution Gordon Tullock - Google Search

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Please click here if you are not redirected within a few seconds. The Economics and Politics of Wealth Redistribution The role of the democratic state in the redistribution of wealth is the topic of this readable and lively examination of an often controversial issue.

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Socialists frequently attempt to bolster their argument in favor of nationalized government by perpetuating the notion that the rich disproportionately benefit from capitalism and at the expense, no less, of the poor within a given society. In the spirit of attacking tax cuts for high income earners in America, socialists often present the case that this is an avaricious and greedy practice. In fact, I've even heard some go so far as to contend that tax cuts for the wealthy are a "radical redistribution of wealth upwards." This, folks, is perhaps the most illogical argument I have ever encountered.

The first thing that needs to be understood is that no country has ever taxed itself into prosperity. While the levying of taxes is necessary in order for a government to fulfill its most basic responsibilities, the left has long sought to bleed America's top earners into oblivion. Each time a Democratic president has been elected, the left cheered as marginal tax rates ballooned and the economy nosedived. The reason these jovial spirits are elated by the prospect of a crashing economy is because they can then present the case that capitalism has failed Americans across the board and the nation absolutely must without hesitation embrace socialism so the government can care for us all.

What happens when a Republican president is elected?

The 1980s was a period of economic growth and sustained prosperity for Americans under Ronald Reagan. Democrats were dead in the water on this one; supply-side economics lifted America out of Jimmy Carter's leftist dystopia and into a Reagan-induced wealth coma. Instead of being grateful, the left condemned the era as one of greed. Why?

As Rush Limbaugh wrote in his 1992 book The Way Things Ought to Be, "The prosperous eighties are attacked by liberals because that decade vindicates conservative economic policies, repudiates liberal economic policies, and thereby threatens the power base of the liberal left-which is dependent upon the perpetuation of the myth that confiscatory tax policies will bring prosperity to the majority of Americans."

Taxing rich people into extinction has historically decimated a society's economic prospects. We need look no further than the state of Connecticut, which has among the highest tax rates across the board on its wealthy residents. Well, they're technically now former residents.

According to the 2018 National Movers Study, the state of Connecticut ranks third in the nation in terms of out-migration. People flee Connecticut for a host of assorted reasons including climate, but the increased out-migration is dominated by residents searching for a state offering job growth, lower living costs and a balanced budget.

The out-migration has also been dominated by rich people. According to IRS data, Connecticut residents earning $200,000 or more annually comprise the largest subset of residents fleeing to neighboring states. Obviously, they want to keep more of the money they earn. When the wealthy flee, revenues take a punch. A 2015 study by the Cato Institute found that Connecticut forfeited $2.6 billion in tax revenue as a result of outmigration.

This is all to say that raising taxes on rich people is 1) an ineffective means of sustaining revenues over the long term and 2) indicative of class envy among the left.

It's no secret that many Democratic politicians, despite amassing incredible wealth themselves, disparage rich Americans for being greedy and corrupt in order to pander for lower-class votes. Rather than promise poor Americans the opportunity to seize responsibility of their own lives, pursue their ambitions and improve their own living situations, Democrats promise free stuff; compliments of your pal, the government and paid for, of course, by your super wealthy neighbors. It is in defense of this garbage that socialists conceived this falsehood of a "radical redistribution of wealth upwards."

The notion is that tax cuts steal money from poor people and redistribute it up the income ladder to rich people. Obviously, this is not the case. That money already belongs to the high earners because they earned it through a number of voluntary, mutually-beneficial transactions that took place within the free market. This is the opposite of wealth redistribution. The income already belongs to the rich; with tax cuts, the government simply isn't confiscating it from them and redistributing it to others through social welfare programs.

Unfortunately, instead of buying products that can improve their lives, many Americans are buying these asinine socialist talking points. President Reagan would be sick. As for me, I'm just hoping that conservatives can radically redistribute some intelligence to those unfortunate Americans embracing socialism.

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Column: There is no such thing as an upward redistribution of wealth - The Daily Campus

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The first thing that needs to be understood is that no country has ever taxed itself into prosperity. While the levying of taxes is necessary in order for a government to fulfill its most basic responsibilities, the left has long sought to bleed America's top earners into oblivion.

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A Better Way to Attack Inequality Than Redistributing Wealth

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Many government leaders are justifiably concerned about our country's huge and widening gaps in wealth and income and are looking for ways to reduce economic inequality and improve social equity. What surprises me, however, is how often, on both the left and the right sides of the political spectrum, the discussion turns to the idea of redistribution -- taxing the rich to give to the poor by increasing social welfare payments.

In this scenario, as The Washington Post 's Robert J. Samuelson wrote a few weeks ago, "redistribution becomes an engine of social justice." He cites a recent Brookings Institution study showing that increasing the top federal individual income tax rate from the current 39.6 percent to 50 percent would raise about $100 billion in tax revenue annually and that distributing that money to the poorest fifth of Americans would amount to an average of $2,650 per household.

In my view, there are real problems with thinking about redistribution in this way. First, many Americans don't think that taking money from one person to essentially give it to another is a legitimate function of government. Second, redistribution is divisive, separating out the poor as a special class of people when we should be pursuing policies that increase unity and a sense of commonality among all Americans.

Instead of pursuing redistribution, state and local government officials should focus on the powerful impact on social equity of simply improving the operations of their governments. The welfare checks that might be generated by raising taxes on the rich would be small, while the aggregate impact of better policing, better schools and better public transit would be large. Everyone benefits when governments deliver services with fairness and competence, but the poor and the vulnerable benefit disproportionately because they are the most dependent on public services.

Ferguson, Mo., and Baltimore, for example, have given us some insight into the huge societal costs of unfair and incompetent administration of criminal justice. As for education, consider this: A person who doesn't finish high school can expect about half the lifetime earnings of someone who does get a diploma. And then there's the one that bothers me the most because it seems so much more straightforward to improve than reforming our criminal justice system or public schools: transit.

Here again, numbers tell the story: The official federal poverty level for a family of two is $15,730. The average annual cost of owning and operating a car is $8,698. Obviously, owning a car is financially difficult for a poor family and yet, in most of America, there is no other way to get to work and to carry out the basic tasks of life. For any mayor wanting to make a difference in terms of social equity, an affordable and fully functioning transit system ought to be a high priority.

The wealthy don't really need transit or many of the other basic services of local government. They can take care of themselves, with private cars, private police and private schools. Tax them if you want to, but use the money to run a good government.

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A Better Way to Attack Inequality Than Redistributing Wealth

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Many government leaders are justifiably concerned about our country's huge and widening gaps in wealth and income and are looking for ways to reduce economic inequality and improve social equity.

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Gentrification

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Gentrification Tom Slater - Google Search

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Gentrification 1st Edition.​ ... Loretta Lees (Author), Tom Slater (Author), Elvin Wyly (Author) & 0 more.​ ... Loretta Lees is Reader in Geography at Kings College-London.

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Capital City: Gentrification and the Real Estate State

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Capital City: Gentrification and the Real Estate State

Around the world, more and more money is being invested in real estate, the business of building, buying and renting land and property. You can sense it as you walk through most cities, and you can feel it every time you pay the rent or mortgage.... Google Books

Originally published : March 2019

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Capital City: Gentrification and the Real Estate State - Google Search

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Please click here if you are not redirected within a few seconds. Capital City: Gentrification and the Real Estate State Around the world, more and more money is being invested in real estate, the business of building, buying and renting land and property.

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What is Gentrification

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Gentrification animated

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This Is What Happens After a Neighborhood Gets Gentrified

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"Displacement is becoming a larger issue in knowledge hubs and superstar cities."

Spencer Platt AFP/Getty

This article is from the archive of our partner
Back in 2014, Spike Lee famously expressed his disdain for the forces of gentrification in New York: "Why does it take an influx of white New Yorkers in the south Bronx, in Harlem, in Bed Stuy, in Crown Heights for the facilities to get better?" he argued. "What about the people who are renting? They can't afford it anymore!" Lee's criticisms reflect a now-familiar narrative in cities all over the U.S.: As wealthier residents flow back into once-low-income, often minority neighborhoods, longtime residents can be priced out.

But exactly how does this dynamic play out, and is displacement inevitable? A new comprehensive review of what we know about gentrification sheds much-needed light on this heated issue. The review, by researchers at the University of California Berkeley and UCLA and published by the Federal Reserve of San Francisco, takes a close look at studies of gentrification and displacement conducted over the past several decades. (I wrote about the review's insights on how public investment shapes gentrification last week). It helps us better understand several questions related to gentrification and displacement: Just how extensive is displacement, exactly what kinds of people are displaced, and how do people and groups fare after they leave gentrifying neighborhoods?

Recommended Reading

The earliest studies of displacement conducted in the 1980s generated widely varying estimates of how many people are displaced by gentrification. A 1982 study found that roughly 1 percent of all Americans, 5 percent of families, and 8.5 percent of urban families were displaced from their homes between 1970 and 1977 by either eviction, public action, sale or reoccupation, or the changing state of their neighborhood. A 1983 study of five cities (Boston, Cincinnati, Richmond, Seattle, and Denver) found that nearly a quarter (23 percent) of residents in these urban neighborhoods were displaced due to eviction, increased rent, or the fact that the house they were renting was sold between 1978 and 1980. Similarly, a 2001 study of gentrifying areas of Boston by Jacob Vigdor found evidence of heightened housing turnover in gentrifying neighborhoods.

Perhaps the foremost student of gentrification and displacement is Lance Freeman of Columbia University. His 2004 study with Frank Braconi found that poor households in gentrifying neighborhoods of New York City were less likely to move than poor households in non-gentrifying neighborhoods. This of course may have to do with the fact that there are fewer poor households in gentrifying neighborhoods to begin with. Still, the authors concluded that "a neighborhood could go from a 30% poverty population to 12% in as few as 10 years without any displacement whatsoever." In a subsequent 2005 study, Freeman found that the probability that a household would be displaced in a gentrifying neighborhood was a mere 1.3 percent. A follow-up 2007 study, again with Braconi, examined apartment turnover in New York City neighborhoods and found that the probability of displacement declined as the rate of rent inflation increased in a neighborhood. Disadvantaged households in gentrifying neighborhoods were actually 15 percent less likely to move than those in non-gentrifying households.

And, in a 2009 study, Freeman found that gentrifying neighborhoods are becoming more racially diverse by tracking neighborhood change from 1970 to 2000 (although he does note that cities overall are becoming more diverse as well). Freeman also discovered that changes in educational diversity were the same for both gentrifying and non-gentrifying areas. Ultimately, while some residents were displaced from 1970 to 2000, gentrifying neighborhoods were generally more diverse when it came to income, race, and education as opposed to non-gentrifying neighborhoods.

Counterintuitively, several studies have even found that gentrification can in some cases reduce displacement. Neighborhood improvements like bars, restaurants, waterfronts, or extended transit can and sometimes do encourage less advantaged households to stay put in the face of gentrification. A 2006 study found that displacement accounted for only 6 to 10 percent of all moves in New York City due to housing expenses, landlord harassment, or displacement by private action (e.g. condo conversion) between 1989 and 2002. A 2011 study concluded that neighborhood income gains did not significantly predict household exit rates. What did predict out-migration was age, minority status, selective entry and exit, and renting as opposed to buying.

A 2010 study on "Who Gentrifies Low-Income Neighborhoods" found that the impact of gentrification on black residents varies based on level of education. By examining around 15,000 census tracts in 64 metros from 1990 to 2000, the authors found that gentrification tends to benefit highly educated black households. In fact, one-third of the increase in income among gentrifying neighborhoods during this period came from the progress of this specific demographic. This in turn causes gentrifying neighborhoods to be more attractive to middle-class black households. But gentrification can also have a negative effect on less educated black households, by pushing those who did not complete high school out of gentrifying neighborhoods.

That said, displacement can be and is a big issue in places where gentrification is occurring at a feverish pace. In her coverage of related research by the UC Berkeley Urban Displacement Project, my CityLab colleague Tanvi Misra points to the strong link between gentrification and displacement in a high-gentrification city like San Francisco. Over a quarter of San Francisco's neighborhoods (422 of the nearly 1,600 surveyed) are at risk of displacement. The study's lead author, Karen Chapple, writes that by 2030, San Francisco, Oakland, "and many other Bay Area communities may realize that their neighborhood has turned the corner from displacement risk to reality."

Indeed, displacement is becoming a larger issue in knowledge hubs and superstar cities, where the pressure for urban living is accelerating. These particular cities attract new businesses, highly skilled workers, major developers, and large corporations, all of which drive up both the demand for and cost of housing. As a result, local residents-and neighborhood renters in particular-may feel pressured to move to more affordable locations.

A 2013 Cleveland Fed study found that extensive gentrification is the province of a limited group of large superstar cities and knowledge hubs like New York, San Francisco, Seattle, Boston, and Washington D.C. In three-quarters of America's 55 largest cities, less than 10 percent of all neighborhoods experienced gentrification from 2000 to 2007, and gentrification affected 5 percent or less of a total of 22 neighborhoods. Not surprisingly, these cities are the ones being hit hardest by displacement. And with real estate prices in these cities surging toward all-time highs, there is reason to believe that displacement may worsen over time.

Of course, an even bigger issue is the neighborhoods that are untouched by gentrification and where concentrated poverty persists and deepens. A 2014 study found that for every gentrified neighborhood across 51 U.S. metro areas, 10 others remained poor and 12 formerly stable neighborhoods fell into concentrated disadvantage. A Harvard study of Chicago found that the gentrification process continues for neighborhoods with over 35 percent of white residents, and either slows or stops if the neighborhood is 40 percent black. The reality is that the displaced are getting pushed out of working-class neighborhoods that are "good enough" to attract people and investment, while the poorest and most vulnerable neighborhoods remain mired in persistent poverty and concentrated disadvantage.

Gentrification and displacement, then, are symptoms of the scarcity of quality urbanism. The driving force behind both is the far larger process of spiky reurbanization-itself propelled by large-scale public and private investment in everything from transit, schools, and parks to private research institutions and housing redevelopment.

All of which points to the biggest, most crucial task ahead: creating more inclusive cities and neighborhoods that can meet the needs of all urbanites.
This article is from the archive of our partner CityLab.

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This Is What Happens After a Neighborhood Gets Gentrified

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"Displacement is becoming a larger issue in knowledge hubs and superstar cities." This article is from the archive of our partner Back in 2014, Spike Lee famously expressed his disdain for the forces of gentrification in New York: "Why does it take an influx of white New Yorkers in the south Bronx, in Harlem, in Bed Stuy, in Crown Heights for the facilities to get better?"

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Gentrification | National Geographic Society

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Gentrification describes a process where wealthy, college-educated individuals begin to move into poor or working-class communities, often originally occupied by communities of color. The people and businesses that move into gentrifying neighborhoods may have goals for their new homes that are at odds with the goals of people who have lived there for a long time.

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MIS EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO BY CARTER G. WOODSON

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MIS EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO BY CARTER G. WOODSON

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The Mis-Education of The Negro by Dr. Carter G. Woodson (Animated Review)

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The Mis-Education of The Negro by Dr. Carter G. Woodson (Animated Review)

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Miseducation: Inequality, Education and the Working Classes

Book by Diane Reay

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Miseducation: Inequality, Education and the Working Classes

In this book Diane Reay, herself working class turned Cambridge professor, brings Brian Jackson and Dennis Marsden's pioneering Education and the Working Class from 1962 up to date for the 21st century. ... Google Books

Originally published : October 11, 2017

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Miseducation: Inequality, Education and the Working Classes - Google Search

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Please click here if you are not redirected within a few seconds. Miseducation: Inequality, Education and the Working Classes In this book Diane Reay, herself working class turned Cambridge professor, brings Brian Jackson and Dennis Marsden's pioneering Education and the Working Class from 1962 up to date for the 21st century.

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The Mis-Education of the Negro

Book by Carter G. Woodson

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Get Your 1st Audiobook On Us w/ 30 Day Trial. Download Now & Start Listening! Members Always Save 30% Over 470,000 Audio Titles. Hassle Free Exchanges. Types: Mysteries & Thrillers, Self Development, Business, Bios & Memoirs.

The Mis-Education of the Negro

Book by Carter G. Woodson

The Mis-Education of the Negro is a book originally published in 1933 by Dr. Carter G. Woodson. The thesis of Dr. Woodson's book is that blacks of his day were being culturally indoctrinated, rather than taught, in American schools. Wikipedia

Originally published : 1933

Genre : African-American studies

Mar 12, 2014 · In 1933, Dr. Carter G. Woodson, an African-American historian, author, journalist and the ...Duration: 27:03 Posted: Mar 12, 2014

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The Mis-Education of the Negro - Google Search

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Please click here if you are not redirected within a few seconds. Get Your 1st Audiobook On Us w/ 30 Day Trial. Download Now & Start Listening! Members Always Save 30% Over 470,000 Audio Titles. Hassle Free Exchanges. Types: Mysteries & Thrillers, Self Development, Business, Bios & Memoirs.

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https://jpms.ucpress.edu/content/31/4/173

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https://www.truthdig.com/articles/miseducation-native-america/

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Locking Up Our Own: Crime and Punishment in Black America

Book by James Forman Jr.

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Locking Up Our Own: Crime and Punishment in Black America

Book by James Forman Jr.

In recent years, America's criminal justice system has become the subject of an increasingly urgent debate. Critics have assailed the rise of mass incarceration, emphasizing its disproportionate impact on people of color. ... Google Books

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Locking Up Our Own: Crime and Punishment in Black America - Google Search

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Please click here if you are not redirected within a few seconds. Locking Up Our Own: Crime and Punishment in Black America Book by James Forman Jr. In recent years, America's criminal justice system has become the subject of an increasingly urgent debate.

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The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness

Book by Michelle Alexander

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The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness

Book by Michelle Alexander

The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness is a book by Michelle Alexander, a civil rights litigator and legal scholar. Wikipedia

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Please click here if you are not redirected within a few seconds. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness Book by Michelle Alexander The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness is a book by Michelle Alexander, a civil rights litigator and legal scholar.

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Mass incarceration of minority males: A critical look at its historical roots and How educational policies encourage its existence.

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Mass Incarceration of Minority Males: A Critical Look at its Historical Roots and How Educational Policies Encourage its Existence

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This paper examines how the United States became the land of the imprisoned, incarcerating more people per capita than any other country. The paper will also sc...

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Despite making up close to 5% of the global population, the U.S. has nearly 25% of the world’s prison population. Since 1970, our incarcerated population has increased by 700% –  2.3 million people in jail and prison today, far outpacing population growth and crime.

One out of every three Black boys born today can expect to go to prison in his lifetime, as can one of every six Latino boys—compared to one of every 17 white boys. At the same time, women are the fastest growing incarcerated population in the United States.

There are twice as many people sitting in local jails awaiting trial and presumed innocent than in the entire federal prison system. And each year, 650,000 men and women nationwide return from prison to their communities. They face nearly 50,000 federal, state, and local legal restrictions that make it difficult to reintegrate back into society.

Our prison system costs taxpayers $80 billion per year. This money should be spent building up, not further harming, communities. Investment, not incarceration, is how we improve safety.