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We can make them less dry buy adding some excitement to the presentation to get students involved.

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Have students relate to the history (use pictures that have local images so students can relate to the material).

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Multimedia can serve as a mental break for students while in lecture. It can help a student focus again on new information as will help visual learners connect information with a media source. Elements like Kahoot or other games can also help students unpack information and inquire about questions they got wrong

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Using very dense images or videos can have students confused and create a more open classroom for discussion. Having sources that need explanations require the students to engage and helps the teacher have a reason to unpack information presented.

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Less text on the slides. Slides should be more simple.

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Using different types of text sizes and fonts can have students engage and remember certain parts of the presentation

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Pros: Good way for teachers to take student thoughts and info and present it to class. Ex is "From the Blog" section on this padlet

If teachers use effectively then it can help organize text and help students take effective notes.

The ability to use primary sources and quotes will help a presentation rather than hurt it.

Teacher can leave a prompt or discussion topic on screen in order to get students to discuss history

Cons: Student's may not get enough information or get too much information from a block of text

Teachers can rely too much on text and cause boring lectures / uninterested students.

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- Presentations can provide a want for inquiry/further historical context.
- If done right, you can leave out enough information they can do their own research.
- Using a presentation to establish a timeline or series of event that you want to teach sequentially.
- If interactive enough, it gets students thinking about the topic.
- You can use presentation to model historical thinking by showing analysis of primary sources. By showing a page/photo of a primary source and putting your annotations and thoughts around it.
- Having students read it aloud, then asking them where they have heard it before and making connections themselves
- Having more than just PowerPoints serve as presentations can also promote historical thinking. Things like videos, debates between students, and socratic seminars.

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Animations on slides can get students engaged and more apt to interact with the content. However, too many animations or media can distract students from the content.

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Watch colors that might clash or work against each other

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Figurative Map of the successive losses in men of the French Army in the Russian campaign 1812-1813.

Drawn by Mr. Minard, Inspector General of Bridges and Roads in retirement. Paris, 20 November 1869.

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The numbers of men present are represented by the widths of the colored zones in a rate of one millimeter for ten thousand men; these are also written beside the zones. Red designates men moving into Russia, black those on retreat. - The informations used for drawing the map were taken from the works of Messrs. Chiers, de Ségur, de Fezensac, de Chambray and the unpublished diary of Jacob, pharmacist of the Army since 28 October.

In order to facilitate the judgement of the eye regarding the diminution of the army, I supposed that the troops under Prince Jèrôme and under Marshal Davoust, who were sent to Minsk and Mohilow (Mogilev) and who rejoined near Orsha and Vitebsk, had always marched with the army.

Carte Figurative des pertes succesives en hommes de l'Armée Française dans la campagne de Russie 1812-1813.

Dressée par M. Minard, Inspecteur Général des Ponts et Chaussées en retraite. Paris, le 20 Novembre 1869.

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Les nombres d'hommes présentés par les largeurs des zones colorées à raison d'un millimètre pour dix mille hommes ; ils sont de plus écrits en travers des zones. Le rouge désigne les hommes qui entrent en Russie, le noir ceux qui en sortent. - Les renseignements qui ont servi à dresser la carte ont été puisés dans les ouvrages de MM. Thiers, de Ségur, de Fezensac, de Chambray et le journal inédit de Jacob, pharmacien de l'armée depuis le 28 Octobre. / Pour mieux faire juger à l'œil la diminution de l'armée, j'ai supposé que les corps du prince Jérôme et du Maréchal Davoust qui avaient été détachés sur Minsk et Mohilow et ont rejoint vers Orscha et Witebsk, avaient toujours marché avec l'armée.

Anschauliche Karte der fortlaufenden Verluste der französischen Armee im Russlandfeldzug 1812-1813.

Dargelegt von Hrn. Minard, Generalinspektor für Brücken- und Straßenbau im Ruhestand. Paris, den 20. November 1869.

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Die Mannstärken werden durch die Breiten der farbigen Bereiche dargestellt, wobei ein Millimeter zehntausend Mann entspricht; weiters sind diese am Rand der jeweiligen Bereiche angeführt. Rot zeigt die in Russland Einmarschierenden, Schwarz die es Verlassenden. - Die Informationen, die zum Erstellen der Karte herangezogen wurden, wurden den Werken der Hrn. Thiers, de Ségur, de Fezensac, de Chambray und dem unveröffentlichten Tagebuch von Jacob, der in der Armee seit dem 28. Oktober als Apotheker diente, entnommen. / Um die kontinuierliche Abnahme der Armeestärke besser vor Augen zu führen, habe ich unterstellt, dass die Truppen unter Prinz Jérôme und Marschall Davoust, die nach Minsk und Mohilow (Mogilew) entsandt wurden und die sich bei Orscha und Witebsk wieder vereinigten, die ganze Zeit mit der Armee marschierten.

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Minard: Napoleon's Retreat From Moscow (Russian Campaign 1812-1813)

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Figurative Map of the successive losses in men of the French Army in the Russian campaign 1812-1813. Drawn by Mr. Minard, Inspector General of Bridges and Roads in retirement. Paris, 20 November 1869. ---------------------- The numbers of men present are represented by the widths of the colored zones in a rate of one millimeter for ten thousand men; these are also written beside the zones.

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The Myth of the Criminal Immigrant (and more at the bottom of the page)

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The Trump administration's first year of immigration policy has relied on claims that immigrants bring crime into America. President Trump's latest target is sanctuary cities.

"Every day, sanctuary cities release illegal immigrants, drug dealers, traffickers, gang members back into our communities," he said last week. "They're safe havens for just some terrible people."

As of 2017, according to Gallup polls, almost half of Americans agreed that immigrants make crime worse. But is it true that immigration drives crime? Many studies have shown that it does not.

Immigrant populations in the United States have been growing fast for decades now. Crime in the same period, however, has moved in the opposite direction, with the national rate of violent crime today well below what it was in 1980.

In a large-scale collaboration by four universities, led by Robert Adelman, a sociologist at the State University of New York at Buffalo, researchers compared immigration rates with crime rates for 200 metropolitan areas over the last several decades. The selected areas included huge urban hubs like New York and smaller manufacturing centers less than a hundredth that size, like Muncie, Ind., and were dispersed geographically across the country.

According to data from the study, a large majority of the areas have many more immigrants today than they did in 1980 and fewer violent crimes. The Marshall Project extended the study's data up to 2016, showing that crime fell more often than it rose even as immigrant populations grew almost across the board.

In 136 metro areas, almost 70 percent of those studied, the immigrant population increased between 1980 and 2016 while crime stayed stable or fell. The number of areas where crime and immigration both increased was much lower - 54 areas, slightly more than a quarter of the total. The 10 places with the largest increases in immigrants all had lower levels of crime in 2016 than in 1980.

And yet the argument that immigrants bring crime into America has driven many of the policies enacted or proposed by the administration so far: restrictions to entry, travel and visas; heightened border enforcement; plans for a wall along the border with Mexico. This month, the Justice Department filed a lawsuit against California in response to the state's restrictions on local police to assist Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers in detaining and deporting undocumented immigrants charged with crimes.On Tuesday, California's Orange County signed on in support of that suit. But while the immigrant population in the county has more than doubled since 1980, overall violent crime has decreased by more than 50 percent.

There's a similar pattern in two other places where Mr. Trump has recently feuded with local leaders: Oakland, Calif., and Lawrence, Mass. He described both cities as breeding grounds for drugs and crime brought by immigrants. But Oakland, like Orange County, has had increasing immigration and falling crime. In Lawrence, though murder and robbery rates grew, overall violent crime rates still fell by 10 percent.

In general, the study's data suggests either that immigration has the effect of reducing average crime, or that there is simply no relationship between the two, and that the 54 areas in the study where both grew were instances of coincidence, not cause and effect. This was a consistent pattern in each decade from 1980 to 2016, with immigrant populations and crime failing to grow together.

In a majority of areas, the number of immigrants increased at least 57 percent and as much as 183 percent, with the greatest increases occurring in the 1990s and early 2000s. Violent crime rates in most areas ranged between a 43 percent decline and a 6 percent rise, often trending downward by the 2000s. Places with a sharp rise in the immigrant population experienced increases in crime rates no more frequently than those with modest or no growth in immigration. On average, the immigrant population grew by 137 percent between 1980 and 2016, with average crime falling 12 percent over the same period.

Because the F.B.I. changed how rape was defined in its crime figures, that category could not be included in this analysis. Focusing on the other components of the violent crime rate - assaults, robberies and murders - still fails to reveal a relationship with immigration rates.

Most areas experienced decreases in all types of violent crime. The change in assault rates ranged from a 34 percent decline to a 29 percent rise, while robbery rates declined in the range of 12 percent to 57 percent, and murder rates declined in the range of 15 percent to 54 percent.

This analysis is one of the most comprehensive longitudinal studies of the local immigrant-crime relationship. It spans decades of metropolitan area data, incorporating places with widely differing social, cultural and economic backgrounds, and a broad range of types of violent crime.

Areas were chosen to reflect a range of immigrant composition, from Wheeling, W.Va., where one in 100 people was born outside the United States, to Miami, where every second person was. Some areas were home to newly formed immigrant communities; other immigrant pockets went back generations. Controlling for population characteristics, unemployment rates and other socioeconomic conditions, the researchers still found that, on average, as immigration increases in American metropolises, crime decreases.

The foreign-born data, which is collected through the census, most likely undercounts the numbers of undocumented immigrants, many of whom might wish to avoid the risk of identifying themselves. They are, however, at least partly represented in the overall foreign-born population counts.

This is not the only study showing that immigration does not increase crime. A broad survey released in January examined years of research on the immigrant-crime connection, concluding that an overwhelming majority of studies found either no relationship between the two or a beneficial one, in which immigrant communities bring economic and cultural revitalization to the neighborhoods they join.

This article was published in partnership with The Marshall Project, a nonprofit news organization covering the U.S. criminal justice system. Sign up for its newsletter, or follow The Marshall Project on Facebook or Twitter. Anna Flagg is an interactive reporter for The Marshall Project.

In the recent study, Mr. Adelman and his team collected crime and foreign-born population data for 200 metropolitan statistical areas for the years 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000 and 2010. The Marshall Project extended the data set to include 2016, obtaining foreign-born numbers from the American Community Survey one-year estimates and crime figures from the F.B.I. Uniform Crime Reporting Program metropolitan area data sets. When either foreign-born or crime information was unavailable for 2016, the corresponding 2015 data was substituted.

Some metropolitan areas changed over time, growing to include additional regions, or splitting into separate ones. The Marshall Project consulted with the study researchers to determine when a larger area was still an appropriate match to the original described in the study. When an area split into components, raw data from each was added to calculate rates approximating the original region. When no reasonable approximation to the original area could be found, it was marked as missing for 2016.

When an area was missing information for a certain year, that year's data was interpolated using figures from the closest year available. For example, crime numbers were unavailable for Chicago for 2000 and 2010. Data for those years was linearly interpolated using the 1990 and 2016 figures. Charlotte, N.C., was not included in either the 2016 or 2015 U.C.R. metropolitan area data sets, so data from 2010, the most recent year with available data for this area, was used as an estimate.

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The Myth of the Criminal Immigrant (Published 2018)

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The Trump administration's first year of immigration policy has relied on claims that immigrants bring crime into America. President Trump's latest target is sanctuary cities. "Every day, sanctuary cities release illegal immigrants, drug dealers, traffickers, gang members back into our communities," he said last week. "They're safe havens for just some terrible people."

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PowerPoint focuses on clear concise slides that move from one to the next in a sequential order, but beyond organization it does little to encourage good presentation skills.

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From personal experience, [Powerpoint + lectures] always end up with uninterested and sleepy students in the classroom and boring and Wikipedia influenced papers.

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Powerpoint is an effective tool if the teacher does not rely on the powerpoint to deliver the information.

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PowerPoint can be very useful in a classroom but when used incorrectly can be detrimental to retention and engagement.

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Giving students the tools to do history will prepare them not only for your classroom exams and assignments, but will prepare them for life to research their own opinions and defend them.