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A conspiracy theory is a belief in something that is not or has not been claimed to be real/true. Many people study conspiracy theories and can make others believe them if they have just enough evidence, many people are more gullible or paranoid so hearing things that slightly could be possible, can make others believe things, that arent always true. Political things an subjects can be very popular because everyone in the world has an opinion on presidents and how the government handles the world and problems we may have to face on a daily basis. (100)

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Outlining today's digital threats and solutions

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Conspiracy theories can be harmful because everyone has different opinions on many things, some people may take conspiracy theories more serious than others and that can lead to disagreements and hate spread either in person or over social media. When problematic subjects or opinions come up, you never know how others will handle it and how the government will choose to handle it. Conspiracy theories are either true, or not true, so if some people are more gullible than others, they may find it easier to believe and people may start thinking they are crazy and weird. Anything that people have different opinions on, can be dangerous. (107)

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Abstract

The COVID-19 pandemic has illuminated how conspiracy beliefs-that explain important events as the secret actions of the powerful-can severely impact health choices (such as reduced infection-prevention behaviours). However, the consequences of conspiracy beliefs span far beyond the topic of COVID-19. This review shines a spotlight on how conspiracy beliefs could impact public and personal health (e.g., vaccine uptake), democratic citizenship (e.g., political engagement), intergroup relations (e.g., prejudice and discrimination), and may inspire violence and extremism. We argue that conspiracy beliefs are likely to have the power to mobilise citizens in ways detrimental to a smooth-running society. We conclude the review by offering a range of fruitful avenues for future investigation.

Keywords: Conspiracy theories, Consequences, Health, Democracy, Prejudice, Violence, Extremism

Introduction

Over the last couple of years, parallel with the COVID-19 pandemic, we have seen a COVID-19 infodemic rife with conspiracy theories [ 1]. Conspiracy theories can be defined as "attempts to explain the ultimate causes of significant social and political events and circumstances with claims of secret plots by two or more powerful actors" ([ 2], p. 4). COVID-19 conspiracy theories include claims that the virus is a hoax, made up to exert control over an unsuspecting public, and that the virus was developed in China as a bioweapon to fulfil a hidden agenda [ 3]. It is often assumed that this is indicative of conspiracy theorising being 'on the rise' today (e.g., see Ref. [ 4] for a commentary). However, conspiracy theories have long been a part of history. Whispers of conspiracy theories were reported during the great fire of Rome in AD 64, where people were suspicious that Emperor Nero happened to be out of Rome when the fire began [ 5]. When considering the historical course of conspiracy theorising, some scholars have argued that conspiracy theories may actually be less popular today than they have been throughout history (e.g., Ref. [ 6]). Nonetheless, history shows us that belief in conspiracy theories can surge during times of societal crisis (i.e., rapid political change and virus outbreaks, [ 5]), with COVID-19 thus being described as a 'perfect storm' for conspiracy beliefs [ 7].

Research investigating why people might hold conspiracy beliefs has developed steadily over the last 15 years, with findings suggesting that conspiracy beliefs are adopted when important psychological needs are not being met, such as experiences of anxiety, uncertainty and threat [ 8]. If conspiracy beliefs are alluring as a means to address psychological needs, then a positive consequence of endorsing these beliefs could be assumed to remedy negative feelings. To test this, Liekefett and colleagues [ 9] conducted two longitudinal studies over a 6-week and 1-year time frame, tracking individuals' conspiracy beliefs, anxiety, uncertainty aversion and threat perception. Findings revealed that conspiracy beliefs did not reduce anxiety, uncertainty aversion, or existential threat, and there was some evidence that it increased these negative feelings and reinforced conspiracy beliefs. Concertedly, emerging research demonstrates that appealing positives of conspiracy endorsement are overshadowed by evidence of the dangerous consequences of these beliefs [ 10]. Whilst the COVID-19 pandemic has illuminated how conspiracy beliefs can severely impact our health choices (e.g., Ref. [ 11]), the influence of conspiracy beliefs is far-reaching. This article offers an overview of the current understanding of the consequences of conspiracy beliefs that span beyond the COVID-19 pandemic.

Public and personal health

There has been a tidal wave of interest by researchers to explore the links between COVID-19 conspiracy theories and health behaviours. Ripp and Roer [ 11], in a systematic review performed in February 2021, found twelve studies examining COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs and preventative behaviour and ten measuring COVID-19 vaccination willingness (see Ref. [ 12] for a similar systematic review). Results consistently uncovered a negative relationship between COVID-19 related conspiracy beliefs, vaccination willingness, and infection-prevention behaviours (see also [ 13] for a meta-analysis). Importantly, these associations were uncovered in a variety of countries, such as the United Kingdom (UK) [ 14], Italy [ 15], France [ 16], Kuwait and Jordan [ 17]. Whilst there is a growing evidence base from multiple countries, there is a dearth of evidence speaking to causality. However, consistent with correlational findings, a longitudinal study by Bierwiaczonek et al. [ 18] provided some causal evidence that COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs reduced adherence to social distancing guidelines over a one-month period.

Whilst attention to COVID-19 conspiracy theories has been warranted, a spotlight should also be shone on other notable health-related consequences. Experimental evidence shows that exposure to anti-vaccine conspiracy theories reduces both intentions to vaccinate children [ 19, 20] and to personally receive the HPV vaccine [ 21]. Further, in a sample of British White gay males, experiences of discrimination based on sexual orientation were associated with heightened belief in HIV conspiracy theories that propose HIV is human-made. In turn, conspiracy beliefs were associated with less favorability towards Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP), a bio-medical therapy for those at high risk of HIV exposure [ 22]. However, the impact of conspiracy theories is not only reserved for biomedical therapies. Natoli and Marques [ 23] found that exposure to antidepressant conspiracy theories (i.e., the pharmaceutical industry secretly places importance on chemical solutions over natural alternatives for profit) reduced participants' intention to seek help, an effect explained by decreased trust in health authorities. The research above illustrates how conspiracy beliefs can influence the acceptance of medicines and health interventions beyond the COVID-19 pandemic.

Democratic citizenship

Belief in conspiracy theories can have seemingly opposite consequences on democratic actions. Imhoff et al. [ 24] experimentally demonstrated that conspiracy beliefs decrease normative action (such as voting and legal demonstration) but increase non-normative behaviours (such as refusal to pay taxes and committing violence against a person in power). Similar findings from a two-wave panel across five democracies have showcased how conspiracy beliefs are linked with reduced intention to vote in an election, an effect indirectly explained by reduced external efficacy [ 25] (see also political powerlessness [ 26]). However, emerging work has showcased how, in certain circumstances, conspiracy beliefs could lead to normative political engagement (i.e., voting). In a sample of Italians, Mancosu et al. [ 27] demonstrated that conspiracy theorising measured shortly before the 2016 constitutional referendum predicted whether individuals reported that they had voted 'Yes' (i.e., voting to oppose the reform, measured shortly after the referendum). Similarly, Jolley et al. [ 28] found that conspiracy beliefs held by British participants specific to the 2016 European Union (EU) referendum in the UK (measured one week before) predicted having voted to leave the EU (measured immediately after).

In helping to explain this mismatch between action/non-action of normative political engagement, Kim [ 29] experimentally demonstrated that when people encounter a conspiracy theory that directly targets a group, such a belief can promote engagement in politics. In other words, when there is a clear conspirator (e.g., another political party) who is targetting a specific group, people believe that they can play a role in calling out this behaviour through normative political activities. The emerging research highlights how conspiracy beliefs may precede political behaviours and, worryingly, could be activated by communication strategies ahead of an electoral campaign.

Intergroup relations

Conspiracy beliefs not only have practical consequences (e.g., reduced pro-environmental intentions [ 26]) but can interfere with intergroup relations. For example, holding such beliefs can lead to distancing from the wider community. Bilewicz et al. [ 30] found that participants endorsing conspiracy theories of the Smolensk plane crash preferred to distance themselves from conspiracy non-believers. Similarly, non-conspiracy believers also preferred greater distance from conspiracy believers. Thus, an unintended consequence of conspiracy theories is their potential to increase further the social exclusion of believers [ 31], which may lead an individual further down the rabbit hole when seeking out their newfound community [ 32].

Not only can conspiracy beliefs lead to social exclusion, but they can change how perceived conspirators are viewed. A rich evidence base has demonstrated that conspiracy theories about Jewish domination of the world are associated with anti-Semitic attitudes (e.g., Refs. [ 33, 34, 35]). Recently, Jolley et al. [ 36] extended this work experimentally by showing that exposure to intergroup conspiracy theories directly increased prejudice towards the target group (i.e., immigrants). Importantly, they also uncovered how prejudice towards several secondary outgroups (e.g., Asians, Americans) who were not involved in the alleged conspiracy theories increased. Jolley et al. [ 36] proposed that this effect is due to an attitude generalisation mechanism, where prejudice towards one group generalises to other, uninvolved outgroups.

Violence and extremism

With such an intergroup dimension to conspiracy beliefs, it is not surprising that links between conspiracy beliefs and extremism exist. Early commentary by Barlett and Miller [ 37] argued that conspiracy theories play an important social and functional role for extremist groups, where they act as a "radicalizing multiplier" (p. 4). This point was underscored by a Federal Bureau of Investigation report in 2019 of fifty-two lone terrorists showing that twenty-four offenders (46%) discussed or consumed information about conspiracy theories [ 38]. Importantly, such links have also been uncovered in empirical data. In an experimental study, Imhoff and colleagues [ 24] found participants were more supportive of violent extremism (e.g., commit a violent attack on a person in power) when participants took the perspective that a few powerful groups control society and that politicians were controlled by these disguised powers (high conspiracy vs society experiencing little or no conspiracies).

Consistent with such experimental evidence [ 24], Rottweiler and Gill [ 39] showed that general conspiracy theorising is positively related to violent extremist intentions. However, they also provided evidence that the relationship is contingent on several individual difference variables-specifically, the relationship is more pronounced for individuals who reported lower self-control, hold weaker law-relevant morality and score higher in self-efficacy. In understanding the link between conspiracy beliefs and violent reactions, Jolley and Paterson [ 40] have uncovered that conspiracy theorising was associated with feelings of state anger, which was associated with justification and willingness for violence. Interestingly, they also found the relationship between anger and violent responses was stronger for those scoring higher on paranoia. In sum, by believing that a powerful group is acting in secret against one's interests, such a belief is likely to mobilise citizens in ways detrimental to a smooth-running society.

Conclusion and future directions

While there is a strong evidence base for the psychological underpinning of conspiracy beliefs, less is known about the consequences [ 9]. This article has illuminated a range of consequences of conspiracy theorising, from impacting global issues such as vaccine uptake to worsening intergroup relations. However, the literature is in short supply of experimental and longitudinal designs, limiting the causal claims that can be concluded. Whilst there is evidence that the cross-sectional findings are consistent with findings that can speak to causality, more longitudinal and experimental work is needed. Further, the available longitudinal work has mainly focused on a few measurements over a short (e.g., 4-time points over 6 weeks [ 8]; 5-time points over 5 weeks [ 17]) or longer (e.g., 4-time points over 12 months [ 8]; 2-time points over 8 months [ 41]) periods. Future research assessing the changes in and consequences of conspiracy belief using both more measurement occasions and over a longer time period would provide greater fidelity in modeling different trajectories for classes of individuals or groups who may be more (or less) susceptible to the effects of conspiracy theorising. In addition to methodological refinements, there are several other fruitful avenues for future investigation. For example, research understanding the impact of conspiracy beliefs on science scepticism [ 42] and the rejection of technologies is increasingly important. The refutation of knowledge generated by scientific inquiry because of a belief that it is being advanced as part of a conspiracy erodes support for scientific solutions to pressing and complex issues such as climate change and food security.

In examining the unique prediction of facets of general conspiracy belief on the rejection of scientific innovations, Marques et al. [ 43] found evidence for the association that individuals who believe that there are secret cabals that control global events and conspiracies related to the suppression of information by organisations are less comfortable with genetically modified food. Similarly, Wilks et al. [ 44] found that conspiracy beliefs were strongly associated with opposition to cultured meat. A recent experimental study [ 45] found that exposure to climate change conspiracy theory rhetoric reduced belief in anthropogenic climate change when the issue was framed around a novel technological solution (i.e., carbon capture), but was less impactful when framed as attacking a federal climate change report, suggesting the impact of climate change conspiracy theories may be greater when audiences are less familiar with a technology. Whether agricultural science, environmental issues, or another emerging technological domain (e.g., artificial intelligence in health monitoring), public support may rise and fall with the tide of conspiracy theories portraying the dangers and hidden agendas behind the development and implementation of advances in science and technology.

Moreover, conspiracy theories can have a prominent place in war, such as in the Russian-Georgian War [ 46]. Thus, the Russian-Ukrainian War has been a fertile ground for conspiracy beliefs to bloom. Popular conspiracy theories in 2022 included the idea that many high-level Ukrainian government officials are Nazis or that the Ukrainian government is releasing fake videos of bomb attacks and blaming the attacks on Russia (i.e., false flag attacks) [ 47]. As we have documented in this review, evidence consistently shows that conspiracy beliefs can foster prejudice, undermine support for adversaries, and increase support for violent actions. Conspiracy theories about the Russian-Ukrainian War will likely foster similar outcomes. This conflict underscores the ongoing relevance and importance of understanding the psychology of conspiracy theories as a weapon in the arsenal of future interventions to redress the consequences of conspiracy beliefs.

Conflict of interest statement

Nothing declared.

Notes

This review comes from a themed issue on Consumer Psychology (2022)

Edited by Bob Fennis and Derek Rucker

References

6. Butter M., editor. The nature of conspiracy theories. Polity Books; 2020. [ Google Scholar]

The authors ran two longitudinal studies (6-week and 1-year time frame) to explore whether conspiracy beliefs were not only appealing but psychologically satisfying. They found no evidence that conspiracy beliefs satisfy psychological needs (e.g., anxiety, uncertainty), and there was some evidence that it increased these negative feelings and reinforced conspiracy beliefs.

The authors provide a mammoth synthesis of COVID-19 conspiracy belief research from 85 international articles (published by March 2021). They identify a range of antecedents (such as lack of control, feelings of uncertainty and anxiety) and consequences (such as adherence to hygiene, physical distance and mask-wearing government guidelines) linked with COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs.

In an experimental design, findings demonstrated that exposure to anti-vaccine conspiracy theories reduced HPV vaccine intentions. Vaccine knowledge moderated the effect of exposure to vaccine intentions. That is, the results showcased that pre-existing knowledge about the HPV vaccine may offer a protective effect against exposure to conspiracy theories.

In three studies using two intergroup contexts (immigrants and people of the Jewish faith), the authors provided experimental evidence that exposure to intergroup conspiracy theories can directly increase prejudice and discrimination. They also provided evidence for an attitude generalisation effect, whereby Jewish conspiracy theories led to increased prejudice towards the implicated group and other uninvolved outgroups.

37. Bartlett J., Miller C. The power of unreason: conspiracy theories, extremism and counter-terrorism. Demos; 2020. [ Google Scholar]

38. Richards L., Molinaro P., Wyman J., Craun S. Federal Bureau of Investigation; 2019. Lone offender terrorism report. [[ CrossRef] Google Scholar]

Rottweiler B., Gill P. Conspiracy beliefs and violent extremist intentions: the contingent effects of self-efficacy, self-control and law-related morality. Terrorism Polit Violence. 2020 doi: 10.1080/09546553.2020.1803288. [[ CrossRef] Google Scholar] Using the first nationally representative survey to explore conspiracy inspired violence, this research uncovers that conspiracy theorising is linked to increased violent extremist intentions. Importantly, this relationship is conditional on several individual differences variables, such as lower self-control.

42. Rutjens B.T., Heine S.J., Sutton R.M., van Harreveld F. Advances in experimental social psychology. Elsevier; 2018. Attitudes towards science; pp. 125-216. [[ CrossRef] Google Scholar]

In two representative samples in Australia and New Zealand, the authors provide evidence for the unique associations between facets of general belief in conspiracy theories and anti-scientific attitudes. The results suggest that specific facets of conspiracy belief predict the rejection of heterogeneous scientific innovations such as childhood vaccination, GMOs for food, and 5G networks.

Articles from Current Opinion in Psychology are provided here courtesy of Elsevier

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Shining a spotlight on the dangerous consequences of conspiracy theories

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The COVID-19 pandemic has illuminated how conspiracy beliefs-that explain important events as the secret actions of the powerful-can severely impact health choices (such as reduced infection-prevention behaviours). However, the consequences ...

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The false conspiracy theory that people believe

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The false conspiracy theory that people believe

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The lie that is told and believed by audience is that, in birds eyes, there are secret cameras and the birds themselves are drones to spy on us. My conspiracy theory is wether I believe birds are real or not, everyday, another conspiracy theory is made up to gather audience and some sort of entertainment. "Bird watching goes both ways!" as if not only are we watching birds fly by and write down they're colors, and unique patterns, but they are collecting that information from us, to give back to the unknown...I guess you really can put a camera in anything.... (104)

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You've likely seen the bumper stickers:

BIRDS AREN'T REAL.

IF IT FLIES, IT SPIES.

BIRD WATCHING GOES BOTH WAYS.

These slogans promote Birds Aren't Real, a satirical conspiracy group claiming the U.S. government wiped out all birds and replaced them with lookalike drones for surveillance purposes. If that sounds preposterous, it's because it is. Proponents of Birds Aren't Real know the conspiracy is a joke but continue to spread its gospel and build on its lore. Bird poop on your windshield? That's actually a liquid tracking apparatus. Roadkill? Don't assume all robots are made from chrome and wires. That pet parakeet in your living room? Better have sensitive conversations elsewhere.

Birds Aren't Real started in 2017, when then-college student Peter McIndoe was visiting a friend in Nashville. In the wake of President Donald Trump's election, women's marches exploded across the country, and McIndoe felt uneasy as he watched counter-protestors in MAGA hats attempt to disrupt the Nashville march. As an antidote to the chaos, McIndoe scrawled "birds aren't real" on a piece of cardboard-the most nonsensical thing he could think of-and joined the fray. When people asked questions, he improvised a history for the movement and inadvertently made history himself. Footage of him at the protest went viral, and what began as an exasperated joke spawned a collective of zoomers and millennials coping with misinformation through satirical roleplay. They hold rallies, erect billboards, and try to find humor and community in a world where truth is dangerously pliable. In turn, they've demonstrated just how easy it is to perpetuate conspiracies.

In 2022, McIndoe broke character, revealing the movement to be a farce. In doing so, he expressed a desire to use his profile to combat misinformation and rethink how we approach friends and relatives who have fallen for conspiracies.

As part of these efforts, McIndoe is the keynote speaker at the SNF Agora Institute's Elijah E. Cummings Democracy and Freedom Festival 2024, where he'll be giving a talk at 1:30 p.m. EST this Thursday, Feb. 8, at the Reginald F. Lewis Museum, 830 E. Pratt Street, Baltimore; registration required.

The Hub caught up with him beforehand to learn more about his novel approach to activism and how it relates to the theme of this year's festival: civic education.

How does the ethos of your movement fit into the festival's theme?

Birds Aren't Real asks us to shift our understanding of how to communicate with people who believe conspiracies by understanding those theories as being more about belonging than belief. It's less about the truth or what people believe in, but more so what draws them to their beliefs in the first place and what they're getting out of them.

The movement also asks us to consider how to educate people about media literacy. It seems right now that a lot of what we're doing in that realm is pretty ineffective, especially in middle America, where I'm from. With the rise of AI, it's even more important.

What do you think people get out of believing conspiracy theories?

I'm from Arkansas, so when I think about what draws people to conspiracies, I think about some of the people I grew up around. I wonder what they're actually getting out of [conspiracy theories] that draws them to be in their basement on internet forums all day, conversing about, say, Democrats eating babies. And I had a few thoughts, the main one being that believing in a conspiracy theory or joining a group like that is a shortcut to getting a sense of identity, a purpose in life, and a group to belong to. Everyone is telling themselves a story about how they're doing in their own life. Am I a victim? Am I a hero? What's my life's story? And I think through tweaking the probability meter in your brain, you can convince yourself of a reality where everything is dystopian and evil-if you're Q Anon, for example, you might decide baby-eating Democrats are trying to brainwash the public. Letting people know [your beliefs] moves you from a victim to a hero in the story you're telling yourself. So the main answer to that question would be [that people are looking for] community, purpose, and identity-three of the most fundamental and basic things people need to survive and be OK.

It's interesting that the people who have latched onto the Birds aren't Real movement, who are mostly Gen Z and millennials, have also found a sense of community and purpose, but it's much healthier and less toxic.

Which is cool. It shows there are better ways to find a sense of purpose and community.

I also think that the largest demographic that believes in conspiracy theories are older men, who may have a hard time finding connection and friendship and are lonely. A shortcut to being on the same team as another older man is sharing the same politics or belief system, something that doesn't require a lot of emotional nuance-and it's an easy thing to find on the internet. And then instantly, almost like a religion, you have a large community that supports you, that you share a mission with.

People now have access to more tribes than they've ever had in their hometown. There are suddenly more communities available to you than those you share close proximity with. The core of it is people looking just to feel like they belong-which, hey, I'm looking for the exact same thing, but I think there are healthy and unhealthy ways to do that.

But also, a large part of [conspiracy susceptibility] is just internet-era media literacy. Every day, we're probably seeing something online that's not true. There's a shift happening: People used to say, "Don't trust everything you see on the internet," but now I feel like it's a rule of thumb to not trust anything you see.

Growing up in a predominantly conservative town in Arkansas, were there any conspiracy theories that you were exposed to and, because you were a kid and didn't know better, believed in?

The main conspiracy theory was that the public school system and Common Core school curriculum were designed to brainwash kids into believing in evolution or that homosexuality is OK. There were hundreds of parents in Little Rock that were keeping their kids out of school. I was educated in a homeschool community, a kind of co-op situation in Arkansas-very cult-ish, honestly. Some other parents didn't want their kids to get vaccinated, and that would need to happen to get into a public school. I was always vaccinated-my family wasn't part of that. But there were a bunch of conspiracy theories, and with a lot of them, I found that there was no direct malicious intent. People genuinely thought they were doing the right thing and protecting their children, and, as a result, believed these lies. Growing up, I got to see how if enough people believe something is true, then it warps the whole meaning of truth.

But to answer your question, I didn't really believe conspiracy theories myself. I had access to the internet, and it did the opposite thing for me than it does for some conspiracy theorists-I just found the truth on the internet. But if I didn't have the internet, who knows? Would I still be in Arkansas right now?

Did being a part of the Birds Aren't Real movement give you any ideas for combating misinformation, and do you feel like it's even possible at this point to delegitimize some of the larger conspiracy movements in the U.S.?

The short answer is I don't know how to solve misinformation or how to combat it at a large scale. I was just at the hearing in D.C. a couple days ago with all the CEOs talking about child safety, and even the government can't really get these companies to protect people, and I don't think [the government] even knows what to do. So where does that leave the average person? We have to ask ourselves, "What can I control?" And one thing we can control is how we treat people in our own lives. And I think that's why I'm passionate about reframing our approach to conspiracy theories, centering it more on belonging than belief. Because at the end of the day, if you're debating the truth, it's never going to work. If you go up to someone and say, "Hey, that's not true. You need to educate yourself and do better research," they're not going to leave their entire community and sense of self, but that's how a lot of people approach those conversations. Instead, we need to encourage people to go into different spaces. This is something I think I said in a talk once, but a metaphor I find helpful is that it's really hard to convince someone they're in a dark room after their eyes have already adjusted. The best thing to do is turn on a light. Seeing that contrast is what's actually going to convince someone.

I also think satire is important. Laughing at something can draw a certain light to it to combat it in a different way. Sometimes you need to combat lunacy with lunacy.

What are you planning to do next? Are you going to continue with this movement and continue to build on the lore of it, or do you see your career pivoting in another direction?

Our book, which is written totally in-character and very goofy, comes out with McMillan in June, and we're working on the Birds Aren't Real movie, but I am going to be moving on from Birds Aren't Real. After last year, there was kind of just a finality with the project. I held my last rally and then did a TED Talk and was like, OK, that feels like [the end]. But the movement and the people online are still very passionate about it, and we get new followers and people interacting every day, so I'm handing it off to another person who's going to take the mantle of public information officer. His name is Dan Henshaw. I have total faith in him, and I'm excited to see what he does with it.

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How a nonsensical protest sign sparked a movement that shed light on how conspiracies grow and spread

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For my conspiracy theory, i researched "Birds are not real", This particular conspiracy theory intrigued me because growing up, hearing about the government spying on us through cameras and drones, planes even, has always intrigued me cause it is completely possible. I researched this conspiracy theory and what came up was not shocking at all to me, birds can be seen as cameras that are watching us and our every move, "robot birds". Birds are said to sit on power lines to "recharge" themselves which makes sense but i mean.. cmon, birds just like to sit on power lines anyways. (103)

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What is the popularity of my Conspiracy theory?

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What is the popularity of my Conspiracy theory?

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MANY people believe this conspiracy about birds not being real, but a particular group of many include Gen Z, now, Gen Z is a very opinionated yet laid back generation, we are very gullible though, and will make anything into a "what if?..." situation. On a well known app called tik tok, many are saying that the birds in our sky, are actually drones, spying on us through their eyes, and collecting information from us to report back to the Government or even... China. This conspiracy started back in 2017, just a couple, few years before COVID-19 happened. Ever since the start of this talk, it has spiked up even more believing of it and being gaslighted into believing it. (111)

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Birds aren’t real – or are they? Here’s what you need to know about the viral conspiracy theory.

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Have you heard the latest viral conspiracy theory? Birds aren’t real, and the animals are actually drones sent from the government to spy on you.

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Evidence to support the belief of birds being fake

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Evidence to support the belief of birds being fake

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As said by millions of people, "birds you think you see flying in the sky, are actually government surveillance drones". Millions of people have come to believe that birds are 100% not real, there has been numerous reports of the government using cameras and secretive devices to spy on us.

"Wake up America! Birds are not real, they're a myth, they're an illusion. Thank you for your time". Says Peter McIndoe, the 24 year old high school dropout.

"The vision was creating something that reflected the absurdity through the eyes of the most confused archetype".

Without reading too deep into this article, McIndoe states that he dropped out of college to make a conspiracy theory famous, and he is 100% positive this conspiracy theory is satire. (128)

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/ CBS News

It's spread to billboards, bumper stickers and popped up at halftime during the NCAA men's basketball national championship game. More than a million people have become followers of Birds Aren't Real, a movement that claims the birds you think you see flying in the sky are actually government surveillance drones.

Thankfully, it's all pure satire.

The "conspiracy theory" is intended to mirror some of the absurdity that's taken flight across the country.

Peter McIndoe, the 24-year-old college dropout behind Birds Aren't Real, is, fortunately, nothing like the megaphone-carrying, cowboy hat-wearing character he portrays.

He told 60 Minutes this week about the parody.

"So it's taking this concept of misinformation and almost building a little safe space to come together within it and laugh at it, rather than be scared by it," McIndoe said. "And accept the lunacy of it all and be a bird truther for a moment in time when everything's so crazy."

"The vision was creating something that reflected the absurdity through the eyes of the most confused archetype," McIndoe said.

McIndoe's been rebelling since his days growing up in a small town in Arkansas. He said it was a hyper-conservative, fundamentalist community where conspiracy theories were "embedded in the community."

"I'd spent most of my time in those communities arguing with people," McIndoe said. "There was homecoming and I got voted most likely to go to jail. Not even kidding. 'Most likely to go to jail: Peter McIndoe.'"

McIndoe stayed out of jail and enrolled at the University of Arkansas with no intent to hatch Birds Aren't Real. The idea was an accident. A day after President Trump's inauguration in 2017, McIndoe was hanging out with friends in Memphis on the roof of a building when they heard demonstrators in the streets below.

"I remember thinking it would be very interesting if someone was in this situation with a sign that had nothing to do with anything that's going on here," McIndoe told Alfosni.

"And so how did you get to Birds Aren't Real as the thing that's on the sign?" Alfonsi asked.

"I don't even know," McIndoe said. "It was just the most absurd thing I could think of."

Sign in hand, he took to the streets of Memphis, adlibbing a stream of absurdities.

"I'm angry, and I'm here to protest," McIndoe yelled at the time. "Wake up America! Birds are not real, they're a myth, they're an illusion. Thank you for your time."

Peter's friend, Ally Perkins, innocently posted a video of that day online and then everything changed.

"So I'm getting pictures sent to me of Birds Aren't Real graffiti and Birds Aren't Real chalkboards and seeing you know chants," McIndoe said. "In cafeterias and, you know, stadiums like 'Birds Aren't Real' at high schools."

"Did you think at that point, like, 'This is awesome' or 'What have I done?'" Alfonsi asked.

"I remember being fascinated by it," McIndoe said. "I remember thinking, 'Okay, why do people identify with this so much?' And just thinking, like, there was this energy in Memphis for this idea, and that I would always regret it if I didn't lean into that."

"What did your parents think," Alfonsi asked, "when you said, 'I'm dropping out of college, I'm moving to Memphis to start a fake conspiracy theory?'"

"Yeah, I mean, it was really interesting, I was trying to describe to them it could be a very interesting art project, sort of like a mirror to, you now, just the seemingly exponentially growing absurdity of the world and America," McIndoe said. "And, like, if we can match that with a character in a living world, blah, blah, blah. And they're just lookin' at me, like, 'Please stick with the psychology degree' you know."

McIndoe enlisted his friend Connor Gaydos, a history buff, to write a backstory for the birds movement.

"The CIA was so sick and tired of the birds pooping on their windshields. So they're like, we're sick of this, we're fed up with this. Let's hire, you know, engineers to, to get rid of these stupid birds." Gaydos said. "And while we're at it, let's replace em with robots and spy on people. So, it's, it's, it's a joke."

But then, they took the story a step further. Every conspiracy needs a "deep state" whistleblower.

McIndoe invented, and interviewed, a character called Eugene Price. Price is supposed to be a former CIA officer who buried evidence of the bird genocide and the rise of the drones.

"When you were hiring an actor to play Eugene Price," Alfonsi asked McIndoe, "what were you looking for in that actor?"

"The oldest man I could find," McIndoe said. "I was looking for someone who looked like they had just had some guilt weighing down on them for years. Like, I really wanted bags under the eyes, sleepless nights. We released a video titled The Confession Of Eugene Price, where he, for the first time ever on record, an ex-CIA agent came out and said everything the government had done."

That video got over ten million views on TikTok.

"Are there people who believe that birds aren't real?" Alfonsi asked.

"I've ironically met people who go, oh, I know, and they'll act like they've already known," Gaydos said.

"That birds aren't real?" Alfonsi asked.

"Yeah," Gaydos said. "They'll be like, oh, I know, I know what's goin on. The CIA, you know, they've been doing that."

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Peter McIndoe, the creator of the conspiracy parody, told 60 Minutes this week how the movement came to be.