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Genocide.live is archiving live streamed genocide with multiple databases.

Genocide map

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The soldiers film themselves so you don’t have to.

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Watch free live TV that is streaming in Palestine from TV Garden.

Source: https://tv.garden/

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Watch Global & Local Live TV Online for Free – tv.garden

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Watch Free Live TV from Around the World on tv.garden! Stream live news, sports, and entertainment—no subscription needed. Start watching now!

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Support the birdwatchers of Gaza. Prints and postcards taken by Palestinian birders.

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Global Sumud Flotilla Tracker and livestream. 

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Global Sumud Flotilla Tracker and livestream. 

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Track the Global Sumud Flotilla on its journey for safety, accountability and solidarity.

24/7 livestream of the Global Sumud Flotilla

Source: GlobalSumudFlotilla.org

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Flotilla Tracker - Global Movement to Gaza

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Cartographic Resistance - IDF Forced Displacement Maps

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Cartographic Resistance - IDF Forced Displacement Maps

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Israel uses maps as weapons. We study those maps.

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Stop Murdering Journalists - Databases for Palestine

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Stop Murdering Journalists - Databases for Palestine

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Israel is on a journalist mass-murdering spree.

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This film made by a Palestinian-Israeli collective shows the destruction of the occupied West Bank's Masafer Yatta by Israeli soldiers and the alliance which develops between the Palestinian activist Basel and Israeli journalist Yuval (Source: IMDb)

*currently in the theater

Find a theater near you for a showing.

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Gaza Fights For Freedom (2019) | Full Documentary | Directed by Abby Martin

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Gaza Fights For Freedom (2019) | Full Documentary | Directed by Abby Martin

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This film tells the story of Palestinian resistance past and present.

1 hr 23 min

Directed, Written & Narrated by Abby Martin

Written & Produced by Mike Prysner

Source: Empire Files

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Gaza Fights For Freedom (2019) | Full Documentary | Directed by Abby Martin

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Teaching Resources for "Ida in the Middle," by Nora Lester Murad. Includes other helpful links and resources for teaching about Palestine!

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Ida in the Middle - YA Novel About Palestinian-American Girl In Search of Belonging

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Many educators find it difficult to teach about Palestine, so the team behind Ida in the Middle have compiled the best teaching resources to help them out.

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Lessons and resources for teaching about Palestine, as well as interconnected history and social justice topics.

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Teaching Palestine - materials by SDB.pdf

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Resource Collection by Islamic School League of America

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Resource Collection by Islamic School League of America

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Vision Statement from ISLA, "Teaching Palestine"

VISION STATEMENT

To empower educators and students with the knowledge, resources, and critical perspectives rooted in Islamic principles needed to understand and advocate for justice, human rights, and connection to the global Ummah through the lens of Palestine’s history and current realities.

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CALL FOR CONTRIBUTIONS DATA INFORMED TOOLKIT DATA INFORMED TOOLKIT CALL FOR CONTRIBUTIONS DATA INFORMED TOOLKIT VISION STATEMENT To empower educators and students with the knowledge, resources, and critical perspectives rooted in Islamic principles needed to understand and advocate for justice, human rights, and connection to the global Ummah through the lens of Palestine's history and current realities.

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Learn about the culture, the resilience, the resistance, the beauty, and the history of the people of Palestine in this all-ages, art- and critical-thinking based lesson set, as well as the events of the last five months.

Resource: https://mintandbloomlear

ning.com/

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Palestine All-Ages Art-Based Lesson Set - Free — mint and bloom

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Learners of all ages will find compelling lessons about the culture, history, and future of Palestine in this 44-page free lesson set. Featuring own-voices literature, videos, discussion prompts, print-and-go art activity pages, and history resources (a timeline, map worksheet, war overview, negoti

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In this free course of 6 lessons, we investigate the history and culture of Palestine. Using primary sources and historical evidence, learners will explore Palestine from the pre-occupation period through its current day from an accurate and decolonized perspective. The course is standards aligned and includes an educator guide as well as writing/discussion prompts.

This course was developed by ESTE and rooted in the resources on this padlet. This course can be used in conjunction with the resources shared here or on its own. Please reach out to ESTE for more information.

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In this free Investigation, we investigate the history and culture of Palestine. Using primary sources and historical evidence, learners will explore Palestine from the pre-occupation period through its current day from an accurate and decolonized perspective.

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The Museum of the Palestinian People is the first museum in Washington D.C. devoted to preserving and celebrating Palestinian history, arts, and culture. For decades, the story of the Palestinian people has been told by others; until now. The Museum of the Palestinian People is here to tell our stories; stories that encompass the rich history, vibrant arts and culture, of a people who thrive even in the face of adversity.

#museum #artifacts

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We share the rich history, vibrant arts & culture & spirit of the Palestinian people. Discover what unites us. Our stories are many, our hearts are one.

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Interviews are grouped and sorted at the district and town levels; 1,347 interviews (over 3,734 hours of recordings) - all can be viewed online

Source: Palestine Remembered

#oralhistory #interviews #recordings #Nakba #History

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All interviews have been grouped and sorted at the district and town levels; in all there are 1,347 interviews (over 3,734 hours of recordings) which all can be viewed online:

Please note that recently we've linked this list to interviews conducted by other organizations (i.e. AUB's collection marked with asterisks *). To learn more about PalestineRemembered.com's Nakba Oral History Project & how you can help, please click here for further details. If you wish to add interviews to this collection, please contact us with the relevent details.

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palestine remembered (فلسطين في الذاكرة)

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pictures of palestine before nakba -1948

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Nakba's Oral History Interviews Listing - Palestine Remembered

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Nakba's Oral History Interviews Listing - .

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Connections between Zionism and Nazism. Facts about the Haavara (Transfer) Agreement between Ben-Gurion & Hitler

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Connections between Zionism and Nazism. Facts about the Haavara (Transfer) Agreement between Ben-Gurion & Hitler

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Connections between Zionism and Nazism. Take a deep dive into David Ben-Gurion and his negotiations with Hitler - 1933- late 1939.

Source: Palestine Remembered

#nazis #Zionism #Ben-Gurion #Hitler

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Facts about the Haavara (Transfer) Agreement between Ben-Gurion & Hitler (1933 - late 39) - Palestine Remembered

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All you need to know about Haavara from Zionist & Israeli sources: Was Haavara Motivated By Saving German Jews’ Lives? Haavara FAQs & much much more.

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Palestine Pictures Before and After Nakba Grouped By District & Subject

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Palestine Pictures Before and After Nakba Grouped By District & Subject

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Extensive resource for pictures before and after the Nakba.

Source: Palestine Remembered

#pictures #Nakba #photos #history #beforeafter

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palestine remembered (فلسطين في الذاكرة)

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pictures of palestine before nakba -1948

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Palestine Pictures Before and After Nakba Grouped By District & Subject - Palestine Remembered

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Over 70,000 pictures about Palestine fully categorized by town & subject (especially before Nakba) : Looting Palestinian properties, Ethnic Cleaning (Expulsion), Home Destruction & Rubble, Aerial Views & Village Maps, Land Deeds, Videos of Destroyed Towns, plus a lot more..

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Zionists Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) - Palestine Remembered

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Excellent resource for debunking and countering Israeli propaganda.

Source: Palestine Remembered

#Zionist #Zionism #myths #propaganda #debunk #Israel

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Zionists Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) - Palestine Remembered

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Zionists Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) - .

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Palestine Remembered: Satellite View of Jerusalem - القدس الشريف City, Jerusalem-القدس

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Detailed map of Palestine - Google Maps/Earth

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Detailed map of Palestine - Google Maps/Earth

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Explore all of Palestine with this extensive interactive Google maps/Google Earth map.

Source: Palestine Remembered
#map #Palestine #interactive #explore

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Palestine Remembered: Satellite View of Jerusalem - القدس الشريف City, Jerusalem-القدس

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Jerusalem - القدس الشريف City, Jerusalem-القدس - Satellite View (Palestine Remembered)

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This map compiles where every factory is located in the United States that manufacturers bombs and munitions for Israel to commit genocide. (Substack)

Link to this map from Google Maps

See this post on Instagram that explains the map.

Where are these corporations located? What do they produce?

This map summarizes what each facility currently works on and suggests peaceful, beneficial fields toward which production could immediately pivot.

#munitions #UnitedStates #weaponsmanufacturing

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Corporations consume over half of the U.S. military budget. And six corporations-Lockheed Martin, RTX, Northrop Grumman, Boeing, General Dynamics, and L3Harris-dominate that half. Their 2022 revenue from military contracting topped $210.5 billion.

Where are these corporations located? What do they produce?

This map summarizes what each facility currently works on and suggests peaceful, beneficial fields toward which production could immediately pivot.

Economic conversion involves changing the output of existing industrial capacity.

A federal job guarantee can protect workers during economic conversion. Workers know their facilities best, so they-not corporate executives-should be in charge of conversion.

Numerous fields stand to benefit from these workers (e.g., engineer, physicist, computer programmer, machinist, electrician) who are currently in military industry. Fields include but are not limited to public infrastructure, international scientific cooperation, transportation, disaster relief, and energy generation and storage.

As seen in the map, many facilities already produce goods and services-including satellites, rockets, telemetry, avionics, aircraft, information technology, propulsion, cameras and imaging systems, ships, land vehicles, logistics programs, and communications equipment-that could be used for peaceful civilian purposes.

Federal spending on non-military fields such as infrastructure and sustainable energy creates more jobs than military spending. Other benefits come from economic conversion:

A united working class can generate the political will to take on big business interests and initiate economic conversion-war to peace.
Christian Sorensen is a researcher focused on the business of war. He is the foremost authority on the bundling of military and big business. A U.S. Air Force veteran, he is the author of the book Understanding the War Industry (Clarity Press, 2020). His research is available at warindustrymuster.com. Sorensen is a senior fellow at the Eisenhower Media Network ( EMN), an organization of independent veteran military and national security experts who understand that U.S. foreign policy is not making them, or the world, safer.

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Corporations consume over half of the U.S. military budget. And six corporations-Lockheed Martin, RTX, Northrop Grumman, Boeing, General Dynamics, and L3Harris-dominate that half. Their 2022 revenue from military contracting topped $210.5 billion. Where are these corporations located? What do they produce?

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Ramadan at School | Guide for Teachers and Administrators | Dr. Safiyyah Ally

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How do I support my students during Ramadan?

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How do I support my students during Ramadan?

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9 ways to support Muslim students during Ramadan.

Sources: video: Dr. Safiyyah Ally on YouTube
Website: We Are Teachers

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Ramadan at School | Guide for Teachers and Administrators | Dr. Safiyyah Ally

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Israel's military checkpoints: 'We live a life of injustice'

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A photo essay about Israel's military checkpoints that approximately 70,000 Palestinians travel daily.

#checkpoints #IOF #interactive

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Israel's military checkpoints: 'We live a life of injustice'

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The daily reality for over 70,000 Palestinians crossing through Israeli checkpoints on their way to work.

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A visual timeline of the history between Black Palestinian, African American, African, Non-Black Palestinian, and Black Arab solidarity for Palestinian liberation. This timeline is part of the West End 2 West Bank project.

#BlackPalestinianfeminisms #BlackPalestinianfeministhistory #BlackPalestinianfeministsolidarities #solidaritytimeline

#WestEnd2WestBank

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Public timelines. Explore community-curated timelines on Timepath. Uncover diverse stories crafted by users, showcasing the richness of shared experiences.

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On Love, the Palestinian Way: Kinship, Care and Abolition in Palestinian Feminist Praxis

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On Love, the Palestinian Way: Kinship, Care and Abolition in Palestinian Feminist Praxis

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An open-access article by Sarah Ihmoud on Palestinian Feminist Praxis; what abolitionist love in action looks like, feels like, is.

#Palestinianfeminists #abolition #kinshipandcare

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This article centres the forms of kinship and care work that Palestinian women perform within and beyond the institution of the colonial prison in occupied territory through an analysis of letters expressing grief, care and radical hope as material expressions of an abolitionist feminist praxis of decolonial love. Women's letter-writing practices offer a material expression of the sentient life forms that suture the social fabric of the Palestinian collective, regenerating our connections to each other and to our homeland. This analysis invites consideration of decolonial love as a liberatory method through which Palestinians call each other into intimate relation. It argues that attending to this underexplored feminist praxis enacted from within the space of genocidal duress holds the capacity to amplify a Palestinian sensorium that sharpens our capacity to enact revolutionary struggle against Israeli state violence and settler colonial criminality.

This article centres on the forms of diasporic kinship and care work that Palestinian women perform within and beyond the institution of the colonial prison in occupied territory through letter writing as an abolitionist feminist praxis of decolonial love. I begin by offering an overview of Zionist colonialism as a genocidal project that attempts to hold Palestinian bodies, socialities, intimacies and subjectivities captive for eliminatory violence and removal. Here, I am analyzing the relations between Palestinian captivity and the colonial project, underscoring that Israel is a colonial formation requiring Indigenous and other forms of captivity in a state of ongoing war. I argue that the rupturing of Palestinian intimacies and kinship relations should be understood as a strategic aim of settler colonial power and a condition of genocidal elimination. This rupturing is based on a white supremacist logic that seeks to purify the white Jewish national polis and its expanding boundaries from the contaminant of Indigenous Palestinian presence.

In what follows, I explore three texts as a window onto what I conceptualize as an abolitionist Palestinian feminist praxis of decolonial love: 1) The letters of Khalida Jarrar to her daughter Suha, written in the aftermath of her death; 2) A letter from Tal'at, a decolonial feminist movement in Palestine, to Muna Al-Kurd and the women of Sheikh Jarrah defending Palestinian homes and land, at the outset of what has since been called by some the "Unity Intifada"; and 3) the "Love Letter to Our People" from the US-based Palestinian Feminist Collective, a diasporic decolonial feminist movement organization, released at the height of the uprising in the Spring of 2021. Interpreted ethnographically, these epistolary texts move us across different forms of kinship relations: from the relationship between mother and daughter, to relations between Palestinian women differentially positioned across fragmented spaces in occupied territory, to kinship relations between shataat Palestinians and those in the homeland.

Letters expressing grief, care and radical hope written from the space of genocidal duress are material expressions of an abolitionist praxis of decolonial love that transcend colonial borders, boundaries and fragmentation of territories and people imposed by the Zionist regime. Letter-writing practices offer a material expression of the sentient life forms that suture the social fabric of the Palestinian collective, regenerating our connections to each other and to our homeland. Further, their messages evoke affective registers that mobilize what, following Ali Musleh, I will call a Palestinian sensorium (2022), an assemblage of affective and sensory methods of revolutionary praxis that assert a Palestinian nafs ( Sheehi and Sheehi 2022) or psychic and ontological presence against "sensory genocide," ( Musleh 2022: 146) the production of sensory enclosure that is central to ongoing colonial war. The letters themselves as material archives, and the Palestinian sensorium they evoke, labour in service of transforming grief into radical hope, a key catalyst for emancipatory struggle against colonial violence, marking possibilities for ecologies of life, and giving shape to an ethical transnational community of anti-imperialist abolitionist feminist praxis. In doing so, letters as the expression of Palestinian care and love trace the limits of settler colonial state criminality and map its constant unravelling. This intimate abolitionist praxis, what I name as Love the Palestinian Way, performs the fracturing and collapse of the structural violence of the Israeli state, its legitimacy as a settler colonial genocidal force, and an insurgent imaginary of Palestinian futurity (e.g. Rodriguez 2019). In other words, Love the Palestinian Way is a life-affirming method that embodies and performs sovereign and communal freedom, even as it exists as a "deregulated gathering. . .that pulsates against enclosure." ( Cervenak 2021: 9)

Whether authored from the space of the actual prison cell or from the prison as an embodied social condition of captivity for Palestinians in occupied territory, the poetic force of the letter has a unique capacity to cultivate an abolitionist imaginary that refuses the legitimacy of Zionist colonialism in Palestine, and ruptures investment in the idea that it will always exist. Rather, these letters reveal that fugitive practices of kinship and connection are happening all the time across geographies of colonialism and captivity that both survive the conditions of genocidal elimination and delegitimize and unsettle the Zionist regime. Hence, Love the Palestinian Way emerges as a psychic and sensory method and praxis of communal healing and liberation that displaces the "raciontology" of settler colonial state criminality.

I focus on the ethnographic form of the letter for three primary reasons. First, in the intimacy of its address, the letter is a decidedly feminist method of writing that brings the reader into an intimate, private space, defining the reader's place and hence bringing them into relation with the subject, beckoning them to bear critical witness. It evokes a feminist call and response. Second, the letter is a form that enables speech to subvert and cross the carceral boundaries of the colony, whether it be the actual physical confines of the colonizer's prison cell, or the carceral geographies of occupied territory and the conditions of native captivity more broadly. Finally, as a Chicana-Palestinian anthropologist born in the space of the shataat or ghurba (exile), my own access to and mobility across the physical territory of Palestine is not easily incurred, due to the surveillance and violence of colonial authorities that control my entrance to the "field." These conditions, in addition to the severe censorship currently faced by Palestinian scholars in the US academy (Palestine Legal 2015), require a shift in the way we conceptualize anthropological fieldwork in Palestine, creating an imperative to write, think and engage ethnographic praxis in Palestine in alternative ways.

And why, dear reader, do I choose to write about love? I am choosing to write about love because I am exhausted by the quiet terror my people endure each day in occupied territory. I am writing about love because I cannot forget the face of a 5-year-old girl who wouldn't speak or eat for days, and who, soon after perished in a Jerusalem hospital after losing her home and family in a Gaza air strike in 2014. I choose to write about love because some nights I still awaken, heart racing, palms sweating, hearing the hum of helicopters overhead, as if it were only yesterday the soldiers invaded my building in the old city, dragging my neighbour away into the darkness of night. I am writing about love because I am tired of writing about death. I am exasperated, as a Palestinian woman, that the violence we must face is not only in the hands of my colonizer, but also in the hands of patriarchal authorities in my community. I want to write about my sisters and their will and their struggle to survive. I am writing about love because I want to write about how we get free.

Kinship and Care Work Against Captivity

Indigenous and queer feminists have long argued that the imposition of heteropatriarchy through settler colonialism as a form of sexual colonization attempts to "isolate, disperse and eliminate Indigenous modes of kinship and relationship to land." ( Morgensen 2012: 170) In Palestine, this critique of power not only shapes the lives of queer Palestinians but is intertwined with the sexualized racialization of all Palestinians living under Israeli rule ( Alqaisiya 2018). As Dakota scholar Kim Tallbear suggests, growing a white population through "biologically reproductive heterosexual marriage-in addition to encouraging immigration from some places and not others" has been a critical aspect of settler colonial nation-building since the post-World War II era, as heteronormative marriage and kinship practices forged through particular intersections of race, class and gender have worked to increase certain populations and not others (2018: 146). White families anchored imagined notions of safety while Otherized communities were "made available for sacrifice." (ibid.) In short, "white bodies and white families in spaces of safety have been propagated in intimate co-constitution with the culling of Black, red and brown bodies and the wastelanding of their spaces. Who gets to have babies, and who does not? Whose babies get to live? Whose do not? Whose relatives, including other-than-humans, will thrive and whose will be laid to waste?" (ibid.: 147)

In Palestine, the fragmentation of Indigenous kinship networks and social relations more broadly has been a key and strategic component of Zionist colonialism since its inception, as part of what Fayez Sayegh names as the "racial exclusiveness" and "self-segregation" inherent to its ideology ( 1965: 213). Zionism, as a state and colonial project, absorbed the foundational racial logics of white racial and cultural hegemony ( Erakat 2015; Ihmoud 2021), in attempts to transform what its intellectual architects understood as "uselessly occupied territories into a useful extension of Europe." ( Seikaly 2020: 113) The racial imperative of the Zionist project is forcefully expressed through a simultaneous attempt at Jewish pronatalism and Palestinian antinatalism; that is, between the enabling of the biological reproduction of a particular aggregate of Jewish bodies on the land pinned against the restriction, containment and elimination of Indigenous Palestinian reproduction ( Ihmoud 2021). It is important to note that this politics deploys anti-blackness through the racial and reproductive violence necessary to become part of the enlightened, European West ( Ihmoud 2021; Abusneineh 2021). The carceral management of Palestinian and Israeli Jewish bodies across occupied territory (and beyond) is linked to this central imperative of Indigenous erasure and Zionist reproduction.

Policies that surveil, police and violate Palestinian birth and marriage, energized by biopolitical imperatives that seek to limit and control Indigenous presence on the land stand out as exemplary of such practices, though to confine an exploration of social fragmentation through the lens of the Palestinian birthing body and family as such would be limiting. Broader policies, such as the ID card and permit regimes, work to fragment and police Palestinian populations into separate and unequal territories (Gaza, 1948, the Occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the shataat), limiting geographic movement, economic mobility, and intimacies through militarized surveillance, control and the erection of checkpoints, walls and boundaries ( Hammami 2019; Shalhoub-Kevorkian 2015; Tawil Souri 2011, 2012; Zureik 2001; Zureik et al. 2011; Shalhoub-Kevorkian and Ihmoud 2014). This fragmentation is energized by a broader logic of carceral power, which gives shape to the various modes, methods and strategies of colonial violence. I take up Dylan Rodriguez's definition of carceral power here as a "totality of state-sanctioned and extrastate relations of gendered racial-colonial dominance," (2019: 1576) a project inseparable from its roots in Western modernity and the "life-deforming algorithms of a Civilization project" wrested in the intersecting logics of enslavement and racial-colonial genocide (ibid.: 1610) and hence, global white supremacy.

The Israeli state prison system is exemplary of this racial and gendered carceral project, which has devastated Palestinian society across fragmented territories ( Abdo 2014). The creation of Palestinian policing and security institutions along with the Palestinian Authority as part of the 1993 Oslo Accords has further extended this gendered carceral project, as they operate through the framework of "securitized peace," meaning in full cooperation with the Israeli regime, including in the suppression of political dissent ( Hawari 2021: 2-3). Still, the institution of the prison must be understood as but one aspect of a machinery of carceral power that holds Palestinian life and kinships captive in service of eliminatory violence. In other words, the Israeli prison system is merely one in a host of strategies for holding "native surplus"; one expression of a broader geography of carceral power. Historian Rashid Khalidi notes that the entire machinery of settler colonial power and the occupation regime established after 1967, which in essence resembles policies and practices implemented in earlier stages of the colonial project from 1948, "can be seen as a carceral enterprise which is designed to control, confine, and dominate the Palestinians living in these areas." ( 2014: 7)

The most extreme and most perfected example of this strategy is the treatment of the Gaza Strip, which has become the world's largest open-air prison, where 1.8 million people are penned into 360 sq km, a ghetto in which most of them are confined for years. But even in the apparently more "open" circumstances of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the same principles of control, confine, and dominate apply, as in any prison system. (ibid.)

Palestine, then, stands as a space from which we can expand theorization of the relationships between captivity and colonialism. In particular, what comes into focus is the relationship between Indigeneity and captivity, also offering possibilities for expanding analysis of anti-colonialism and abolition (e.g. Rojas and Naber 2022).

Building on the voices of women and children in occupied territory, Palestinian feminist scholars have theorized gendered experiences navigating militarized geographies and the everyday violence of social exclusion in terms of "confinement," suffocation and entrapment. A 2012 study by Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian describes how Jerusalemite youths used the terms " khan'aa" (suffocation) and " masyadeh " (trap) to "describe their lives in Jerusalem and the effects of Israeli policies of exclusion and discrimination." (2012: 7) I want to build on these key insights in theorizing colonial captivity in Palestine as an embodied and lived social condition. At the same time, attention to the intimate geographies of colonial violence as they are lived and experienced in everyday life also brings the intimate, everyday, embodied and sensory worlds of the colonized to the fore as spaces of gendered resistance to captivity and erasure (ibid.)

Despite the imposition of colonial captivity on our bodies, sexualities and kinship relations, we are in a constant practice of persisting, reconstituting and re-membering the Palestinian body politic in response to and against the colonial regime. While feminist scholars of Palestine have situated everyday practices of marriage and "kin work" as "sites where Israeli colonialism is contested and Palestinian identity is constituted." ( Johnson 2006: 53) I want to push this analysis beyond the biological family structure to explore social relations and decolonial political possibilities more broadly. If kinship matters in the way that, paraphrasing Elizabeth Freeman, "bodies matter" for Judith Butler ( 2007), the repetition of particular practices of building social relations or modes of belonging to each other matter in terms of what we come to imagine as thinkable for the organization and future of Palestinian social life. To extend this insight, if queerness is a "relation between rather than a sedimented end," ( Shomali 2023: 5) might a queer Palestinian archive of belonging to each other, of belonging to Palestine, be loved into existence through the disparate, yet interconnected, constellations of letters that speak out against the genocidal conditions of colonial captivity?

The three letters under examination in this article express a Palestinian feminist praxis of decolonial love that enable expressions of care and affect to travel beyond the prison itself and the carceral power of Zionist colonialism, examining in particular the intimate sites of rebellion that are brought to light as a method for weaving together kinship relations and the Palestinian social body. Following Orisanmi Burton, I theorize Palestinian women's letter writing as "an ethnographic and political modality" (2021: 2) that is part of a broader repertoire of Palestinian feminist praxis and the living archive of Palestinian rebellion deployed to survive within and struggle against racial gendered colonial violence and erasure. Amidst the ongoing oppression Palestinian women face as a result of the intersections of settler colonial and patriarchal violence ( Ihmoud 2022), relations of kinship and care constitute an underexplored and undertheorized aspect of Palestinian feminist world-making.

Three Letters: on Decolonial Love

Letter from Damon Prison: on Grief and Mourning

Khalida Jarrar is writing from her cell in Damon prison, a site established by the British Mandate government in the forests of Carmel in Haifa. It reopened in 1953 as a camp for detaining Palestinian prisoners, where she is now held captive with 40 other Palestinian women prisoners. She addresses the first letter to her daughter, Suha, on the day of her death. She yearns to be reunited with her daughter, but the occupation forces will not allow an early release. They will not even allow a temporary release to attend her daughter's funeral on 13 July 2021. "I am in so much pain, only because I miss you," she writes:

Jarrar's words analyze this separation, viscerally experienced as a stripping away of the power to kiss her daughter a final goodbye, as another aspect of the Zionist regime's machinery of violence. This regime attempts to sear its racialized power into the bodies and psyches of Palestinians through legalized carceral technologies of forced separation, in this case through detention in the colonial prison. Lamenting her painful separation from her daughter, even in death, Jarrar provides a critique of Israel's fragmentation of Palestinian intimacies and social relations, and at the same time mobilizes a decolonial praxis of sumud ( Meari 2014).

What do we do when we are faced with being forcibly separated from and losing the people we love in ongoing conditions of genocide? Jarrar's love letters to Suha bear intimate, yet public insights into a revolutionary Palestinian feminist politics waged from the space of captivity in the colonizer's prison: how we fight with love to maintain our humanity, in the most inhumane conditions; how this fierce commitment to loving each other is what keeps us connected to Palestine, too. Jarrar's recounting of her will to "remain steadfast and strong, like the mountains of beloved Palestine" both recognize and contest the violence of carceral separation as the dynamics of the colonial encounter. As Lena Meari theorizes, the practice of sumud, or steadfastness, constitutes a Palestinian "relational political-psycho-affective subjectivity" that takes place outside the normalized space of formal politics (2014: 549). Under conditions of colonial violence and oppression, sumud is a "constant revolutionary becoming, opening up a possibility for an alternative regime of being, for an ethical-political relational selfhoot" (ibid.) Jarrar's own emphasis on her steadfastness in this moment of intimate encounter with the colonial regime is thus an assertion of her revolutionary subjectivity that refuses to submit to the dehumanizing conditions of Zionist colonialism.

It is important to underscore that this subjectivity is also one of a revolutionary Palestinian mothering that refuses the ungrievability of Palestinian life. "Death and mourning breathe new life into revolutionary mothering toward an alternative future" ( Brown and Puri 2022: 315) in which Palestinian women are not burdened with mothering in a world predicated on Palestinian death and erasure. You may confine me to the prison cell and refuse me the right to bid my child farewell, Jarrar's letter underscores. You may try to break the bonds between a mother and her child, but you will never break us apart. You will never take away my capacity to love, either my child or Palestine. In this moment, they become transposed onto one another: love for Palestine and love for her child, as a part of oneself, a part of one's body that cannot be torn away. These letters to Suha crystalize a Palestinian feminist praxis that mobilize possibilities for love as an affective force that opens space for an alternative ethical-political regime of being and revolutionary becoming. In other words, this love is not a passive "politics of the heart," ( Bouteldja 2016: 140) but intimately tied to the struggle to reclaim the Palestinian homeland. Revolutionary Love the Palestinian Way is about reclaiming the intimate, psycho-social and spiritual praxes of belonging to each other that sharpen our collective vision and form the groundwork for life-affirming communal struggle.

Letter to the Women of Sheikh Jarrah

On the eve of the Palestinian uprising in the Spring of 2021, where the struggles of Palestinian families to protect their homes from theft by Zionist settlers in the Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood of occupied Jerusalem became a catalyst for mass organizing, Palestinians with the ability to be mobile (those with Jerusalem ID, or with citizenship from the state), cross colonial borders to join collective efforts to protect the homes and families of Sheikh Jarrah with their own bodies. Many are assaulted by military forces, who enclose the neighbourhood with arms and concrete blocks in an attempt to quell the resistance. Under these conditions, the Tal'at movement ("rising up" in Arabic), a decolonial feminist movement established in 2019 following the murder of Israa Ghraib and organizing under the call of "no liberated homeland without the liberation of women," delivers a private letter addressed to Muna Al-Kurd, one of the youths defending her home, and leading organizing efforts, and to the women of Sheikh Jarrah more broadly.

"We write this letter because we cannot go to Al-Quds [Jerusalem] and be with you, your family, and our family in Al-Quds," it begins. In asserting the relation between a collective "we" as Palestinian women in one fragmented space of occupied territory and "our family in Al-Quds," the letter asserts a social relation of kinship, a belongingness. You are our family. The words of the letter work as a mechanism of presence that defies the colonial orders of borders, boundaries and captivity that fragment Palestinian life and relations across occupied territory. The letter continues,

This radical discourse is energized by a revolutionary love for the Palestinian homeland and an assertion of its embodiedness. This is a feminist ethos that claims communal care for and protection of home and homeland as the centrepiece through which we "develop the communal structures, political will, and emotional intelligence to sustain longevity in struggle." ( James 2023: 7)

Here again, the concept of sumud is evoked as a form of anti-colonial praxis. In addressing the letter to women, and centring Palestinian women's sumud as being on the front lines in the defence of home and land in Jerusalem, Tal'at's letter uplifts Jerusalemite women's critical role in the material struggle to protect Sheikh Jarrah within the history of the Palestinian freedom struggle. There is also, in this letter, an implicit critique of hegemonic androcentric and patriarchal notions of Palestinian national liberation, which has elevated men as primary revolutionary actors and peripheralized women's leadership, including revolutionary praxis in the intimate space of the home. Like their Arab sisters and other Indigenous communities who have resisted colonialism, Palestinian women have always resisted oppression and dehumanization, being primary agents of change and revolution ( Ihmoud 2022).

"We thank you," the letter concludes, "because we are learning from your sumud and the sumud of the neighbourhood. We are with you, although getting there is very difficult." The Tal'at movement's letter to the women of Sheikh Jarrah works as an expression of care and love extended across colonial borders in a moment of Palestinian rebellion and resurgence to assert a feminist ethos of kinship. It is important to highlight here that "borders are also social constructions of the territory, which establish that the dominant power can impose with varying degrees of 'institutional right' on the lands and territories of these people." ( Gruner 2018: 270) Hence, the letter speaks against the carceral fragmentation of Palestinian communities imposed by Zionist colonialism to assert an intimacy and unity of Palestinians as one people. Further, in its intimate address to and centring on Palestinian women's critical role in the struggle to defend home and land in Sheikh Jarrah, the letter works against the impositions of colonial patriarchal violence, remapping how we can think about resistance outside of hegemonic Western imperialist feminist and internal patriarchal visions of national liberation.

Revolutionary Love the Palestinian Way here is about crossing borders of coloniality and claiming relations of kinship and care, while asserting women's presence and leadership in material struggles over home and homeland. This is a legacy, learned from our ancestors and practised by women on the frontlines, that love and protection of home, homeland and each other form the foundation of our culture of resistance and sumud, as expressions of Palestinian life and liveability in Sheikh Jarrah and across Palestine, in the face of global impunity of the criminal settler state.

A Love Letter to our People Struggling in Palestine

In the midst of mass demonstrations of Palestinian unity against Israel's occupation and settler colonial regime, in what has since been referred to by many as the "Unity Intifada," the Palestinian Feminist Collective (PFC), a recently established and intergenerational "US based network of Palestinian and Arab women/feminists committed to Palestinian social and political liberation" considered how best to intervene. The feeling of separation, of not being able to "be there," of watching the violence against land defenders in Palestine from afar, and of the renewed military assault on the captive Gaza strip, alongside the epistemic erasure of our voices and experiences in mainstream media coverage and the silence of international actors felt devastating. At the same time, watching the renewed wave of mass resistance unfold was awe-inspiring. As we discussed, demonstrated, mourned and organized in conversation with our relatives, friends and others in Palestine and across various global spaces, we considered: What might a Palestinian feminist intervention from the space of the shataat look like in this context? What vision did we want to put out into the world at this moment? When we learned that Tal'at had shared a private letter with the women of Sheikh Jarrah, we were inspired by this act of love. We decided to write our own version of a love letter to our people with the hopes of helping reignite feminist organizing for Palestinian liberation in the US and beyond.

"Your relentless will to remain on the land is a source of inspiration, perseverance, and fortitude," the letter begins.

The letter offers a feminist analysis of Palestinian resistance to Zionist colonialism in Sheikh Jarrah, historicizing this particular struggle as part of a longer trajectory of struggle against colonial violence since the 1948 Nakba. Like the letter from Tal'at, the PFC's love letter centres on Palestinian women as revolutionary social actors. It offers a feminist analysis that understands gendered violence as central to Zionist colonialism, and affirms and uplifts Palestinian women's experiences and labour as key to understanding life and decolonial visions of futurity.

In reactivating the call to recognize Palestine as a feminist issue, a call issued by a long tradition of Palestinian feminist movements and a citation of a transnational archive of Palestinian feminist rebellion ( Ihmoud 2022), the PFC both highlights the disproportionate violence and oppression that Palestinian women face in the context of Zionist colonialism, and calls for open feminist solidarity with the Palestinian freedom struggle. This is a vision guided by the PFC's love for the Palestinian homeland, and its values of love as a methodology for anti-colonial resistance and liberation.

Indeed, the call from the PFC's love letter was amplified and answered by feminist scholars and activists in gender studies departments across the nation, who signed onto a public statement condemning the ongoing assaults on Palestinian land and life, and committing themselves to solidarity with the people of Palestine, as "proud benefactors of decades of feminist anti-racist, and anti-colonial activism that informs the foundation of our interdiscipline." While the public visibility of such acts would in time, fade, along with the more visible aspects of political struggle on the ground, and while many of the signatories would soon come under surveillance and attack by the US-based Israel lobby, I want to hold on to this moment in time, and think with it as an expression of a resurgence of an ethical community of anti-imperialist abolitionist praxis through an emergent Palestinian feminist politics of decolonial love.

In its assertion of a shared but radically re-envisioned humanity, "decolonial love promotes loving as an active, intersubjective process, and in so doing articulates an anti-hegemonic, anti-imperialist affect and attitude that can guide the actions that work to dismantle oppressive regimes." ( Urena 2017) Thinking with the force of the love letter as a decolonial method and praxis asks us to consider how love can be a radical and infrastructural modality of social change inspiring the reemergence of feminist solidarities between Palestinians and other Indigenous communities, but also in opening space for transforming the landscape of discourse about Palestine. Centring love as a method also uplifts the value of reciprocity, as the wide response to the love letter was not just about the love that we as Palestinians received, but also a continuation of the relational forms of love we have given historically in situating our liberation as interconnected with Black, Indigenous, Third World and queer liberation movements across the globe more broadly. Finally, what is offered here is a broader abolitionist vision for a radically different global future based on life-affirming interconnectedness between communities marginalized by the devastating intersecting structures of global white supremacy, heteropatriarchy, racial capitalism and colonialism. Decolonial Love the Palestinian Way, then, which I analyze as a method that forms part of a constellation of Palestinian feminist practices of which letter writing is a part, also brings to the fore the possibility for deepening fields of intimacy and affective relations needed to create shared horizons of liberation, recognizing Palestinian liberation as part of a broader abolitionist feminist vision geared towards undoing gendered racial-colonial dominance and transforming global relations of power.

Conclusion: On Love the Palestinian Way

What is the space between collective grief and love? How do we transform one into the other? And what does it mean to engage decolonial love as a method for Palestinian liberation? What is the work that love does in the space of genocidal duress? In revolutionary struggle? What does beginning from a space of decolonial love do to unmoor us from the political imaginaries that hold us captive to the predatory structures of settler colonialism, heteropatriarchy, anti-blackness, and imperial power? What unnamable and ungovernable desires, what spaces of belonging-with and for each other, for the Palestinian nation-does a revolutionary love inspire us to reclaim and to imagine?

While decolonial or revolutionary love is difficult to define, traces of its alchemy can be witnessed in the letters of Palestinian women writing against colonial captivity, as letters labour towards naming and narrating the ephemeral, affective and sensory worlds that are beyond representation. The letters that I uplift here form part of a constellation of resistance practices giving life to the enduring Palestinian freedom struggle, highlighting decolonial love as a transnational Palestinian feminist praxis of abolition. While critical feminist abolitionist movement leaders and scholars have highlighted the urgency of understanding state and intimate violence as deeply intertwined, Black, Indigenous and women of colour feminists and their conjoined movement histories have pushed abolition feminisms to examine the relationships between carcerality and empire. In the words of Nadine Naber and Clarissa Rojas,

engaging in the work of undoing carcerality necessarily beckons the work of undoing a social landscape productive of empire, for carcerality is derivative of and co-constituted by empire. This analysis has the potential to grow possibilities of coalitional abolition feminisms that defy the disarticulation of abolition feminisms/struggles for anti-colonial feminisms/struggles, and lead us toward methods, movements, and visionary practices that build a present and future where prisons/policing and militarism are incomprehensible. (2022: 18)

This article builds on this "transnational feminist anti-imperialist abolitionist," vision (ibid.) both by broadening the scope of our understanding of carcerality in Palestine through attention to the lived and embodied aspects of its unfolding, while uplifting Palestinian feminist methods of disrupting the policing and militarized technologies of settler colonial state criminality, as an inherently abolitionist praxis. The abolition of Israeli state violence and the dismantling of settler colonial criminality is made possible through deepening Indigenous practices of lifemaking that hold alternative social relations, practices of love, care and healing relations with each other and with the homeland, at its core.

Drawing on the intimacies of letter writing, or the epistolary method, and the love letter in particular, brings to the fore a shared horizon of "affective, intellectual, and political possibility" and "world-making praxis," ( Burton 2021: 5) despite the prison bars, fences and militarized geographies that separate us as Palestinian women from each other and from Palestine. I have chosen to focus on Palestinian women's letters because they provide insights into a central aspect of liberation politics that has long been made invisible in patriarchal conceptions of what it means to "do" politics in the struggle to achieve national liberation: that of reclaiming intimate geographies of the bodily, psychic and affective, of reconnecting the social fabric of Indigenous Palestinian relations, or kinship, that Zionist colonialism has strategically fragmented and violated through carceral politics as a precondition of genocidal elimination; and of elevating the "ephemeral and gestural archive, producing legibility in its specific moment of enactment, but with the realization that legibility is neither the end goal nor a stable, infinite state." ( Shomali 2023: 5)

As Devin Atallah writes, "decolonial love can be a passageway towards knowing and towards finding a community of resistance." ( 2022: 81) Women's love letters invite a collective witnessing of Palestinian grief-invite the collective into the space of mourning that potentiates collective healing. The love letter also uplifts communal spaces, material struggles over home and homeland, and sumud that sustains longevity in this ongoing struggle. Further, the love letter invites renewed possibilities for the regeneration and strengthening of transnational constellations of feminist solidarity with the Palestinian liberation struggle, what I have referred to here as an ethical community. These letters reflect a long history and practice of letter writing amongst captive activist intellectuals throughout various traditions of resistance and resistance literature (e.g. Harlow 1992; James 2005; Nashif 2008).

Drawing on these insights, the letters I am thinking with here illustrate a method through which Palestinians call each other into intimate relation, gathering our disparate, yet interconnected experiments in decolonial love and, in doing so, amplify a Palestinian sensorium that sharpens our capacity to enact revolutionary struggle, to build communities as sanctuaries that enable survival and transformation. Whether between a mother held captive and separated from her daughter, between groups of women fragmented by the carceral geographies of colonial violence, or women based in the homeland and in the shataat, the love letter sends fugitive messages in the cracks of settler colonial state criminality, writing against its domination, dehumanization and extraction. In doing so, women invent new routes and pathways towards re-membering the Palestinian social body, reimagining kinship relations with community and the homeland, and liberating our intimacies and senses from colonial captivity.

Author's note

At the time of writing, Khalida Jarrar was still held captive by Israeli authorities. She was released after nearly two years of imprisonment in September 2021.

I thank my sisters in the Tal'at movement for trusting me with their expression of love, alongside those of the Palestinian Feminist Collective. The Palestinian Women's Writing group, which includes Ashjan Ajour, Amanda Batarseh, Nayrouz Abu Hatoum, Eman Ghanayem, Jennifer Mogannem, Loubna Qutami and Randa Wahbe provided a nourishing space that grounded an early stage of this article's development. The community of scholars and activists who welcomed me to the University of Hawaii-Manoa as part of "Decolonial November" 2022, especially Cynthia Franklin and Ali Musleh, further enriched my thinking about the possibilities for love as a relational praxis with the potential to transform the terms of the colonial encounter. Orisanmi Burton's friendship and our conversations over the years have been an inspiration for this piece. I am deeply grateful to Stephen Sheehi and Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian for their careful engagement and support in refining its interventions. Any errors are my own.

1. D. G. Atallah ( 2022) "Reflections on radical love and rebellion: Towards decolonial solidarity in community psychology praxis" in S. Kessi S. Suffla M. Seedat eds. Decolonial enactments in community psychology. Switzerland: Springer Nature.

2. K. J. Brown J. Puri ( 2022) "The Uses of Mourning: An Introduction," Meridians, 21( 2): 307- 316.

3. N. Elia ( 2021) "How Palestine is a critical feminist issue," Middle East Eye, 25 March. Available online at: https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/how-palestine-critical-feminist-issue (accessed September 2021).

4. Y. Hawari ( 2021) "Community Accountability in Palestine: An Alternative to Policing," Policy Brief Alshabaka: The Palestinian Policy Network. Available online at: https://al-shabaka.org/briefs/community-accountability-in-palestine-an-alternative-to-policing/ (accessed December 2021).

5. K. Jarrar ( 2021) "'Imprisoned But Free': Letter from jailed Palestinian leader Khalida Jarrar to her late daughter, Suha," Mondoweiss, 13 July. Available online at: https://mondoweiss.net/2021/07/imprisoned-but-free-letter-from-jailed-palestinian-leader-khalida-jarrar-to-her-late-daughter-suha/ (accessed September 2021).

6. P. Johnson ( 2006) "Living Together in a Nation in Fragments: Dynamics of Kin, Place, and Nation" in L. Taraki eds. Living Palestine: Family Survival, Resistance, and Mobility under Occupation. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press.

7. A. Kutmeh ( 2023) "'Prisoner' and 'Captive': Defining Positionality and Conceptualizing Carceral Regimes in the Arab World," Mena Prisoner Forum. Available online at: https://www.menaprisonforum.org/blog_detail/61/ (accessed March 2023).

8. National Women's Studies Association ( 2021) Palestine Solidarity is a Feminist Issue. Available online at: https://www.femst.ucsb.edu/news/announcement/770 (accessed December 2021).

9. Palestine Legal and Center for Constitutional Rights ( 2015) The Palestine Exception to Free Speech: A Movement Under Attack. Available online at: https://palestinelegal.org/the-palestine-exception (accessed December 2021).

10. Palestinian Feminist Collective ( 2021) "A Love Letter to Our People Struggling in Palestine," Jadaliyya, 14 May. Available online at: https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/42739 (accessed September 2021).

11. C. Rojas N. Naber ( 2022) "Genocide and 'US'* Domination ≠ Liberation, Only We Can Liberate Ourselves: Toward an Anti-Imperialist Abolition Feminism" in A. Bierria J. Caruthers B. Lober eds. Abolition Feminisms Vol. 1: Organizing, Survival, and Transformative Practice. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books.

12. S. Seikaly ( 2020) "The History of Israel/Palestine" in O. El Shakry ed. Understanding and Teaching the Modern Middle East. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press.

13. N. Shalhoub-Kevorkian S. Ihmoud ( 2014) "Exiled at Home: Writing Return and the Palestinian Home," Biography, 37( 2): 377- 397.

14. L. Sheehi S. Sheehi ( 2022) Psychoanalysis Under Occupation: Practicing Resistance in Palestine. London/New York: Routledge.

15. Tal'at ( 2021) Private Letter to Muna Al Kurd and the Women of Sheikh Jarrah. Permission to analyze and think with shared with the author by the collective in November 2021. Translated from original Arabic by the author.

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On Love, the Palestinian Way: Kinship, Care and Abolition in Palestinian Feminist Praxis

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This article centres the forms of kinship and care work that Palestinian women perform within and beyond the institution of the colonial prison in occupied territory through an analysis of letters expressing grief, care and radical hope as material expressions of an abolitionist feminist praxis of decolonial love.

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This is Palestinian American musician and artist Sharif Z's EP, "From Stolen Land to Stolen land, featuring 11 hip-hop tracks and a bonus track all spinning themes of resistance, in Palestine and globally at-large.

#SharifZ #Palestinianhiphop #Palestinianmusician

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We will win our liberation. #FreePalestine #FreeTheLand #BayArea

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An ongoing, updating resource guide of knowledge and action-based toolkits, videos, social media content, and more

#resourcehubforPalestine #educationandresistance #digitalorganizing

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This is a living, updating resource guide

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Main Post: Marwan Barghouti (Source: Mapping Palestinian Politics)

Read: Articles about Marwan Barghouti (Source: The New Arab)

Watch: Who is Marwan Barghouti? (source: Middle East Eye)

#Resistance #Leader #Marwan #Barghouti

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European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)

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Marwan Barghouti, born in the West Bank village of Kobar in 1962, is a prominent and popular political figure associated with Fatah, currently serving five life sentences in an Israeli prison.

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Main Post: ‘Fashioning Hope out of Despair’: Who is Khalida Jarrar, Iconic Palestinian Leader Detained by Israel

Khalida Jarrar is a member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). She was held in administrative detention by Israel between July 2017-February 2019; and arrested again in October 2019 based on “secret information”. In March 2021 she was sentenced to two years in prison. Jarrar ran in the May 2021 legislative elections on the PFLP’s ‘People’s Pulse‘ list. She was previously elected to the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) in 2006. (source: Mapping Palestinian Politics)

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‘Fashioning Hope out of Despair’: Who is Khalida Jarrar, Iconic Palestinian Leader Detained by Israel

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Hope in prison is like a flower that grows out of a stone. For us, education is our greatest weapon. With it, we will always be victorious.

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Link to Leila Khaled Biography -Source: The Encyclopedia of the Palestinian Question

Watch: First Woman to Hijack a Plane here - A 2006 documentary about Leila Khaled, an icon of Palestinian liberation, by Swedish-Palestinian filmmaker Lina Makbou. Source: Real Stories. The film webpage can be found here

Read more about Leila Khaled In Her Own Words

#Resistance #Leaders #liberation #LeilaKhaled #Palestinianvoices #Palestinianicon #Palestinianliberation

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Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question - palquest

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Leila Khaled was born in Haifa. Her father, Ali Khaled, and her mother, Jamila Lattuf, had seven girls and five boys. She and her husband, Fayiz Rashid, had two sons, Bader and Bashar.

Her family was forced to leave Haifa after the city fell to Zionist forces in April 1948, when she was barely four years old. The family settled in the Lebanese city of Tyre.

She studied at the Evangelical Union Schools in Tyre and completed her secondary education at the Sidon Girls School.

In 1959 she joined the Arab Nationalist Movement and in 1963 she enrolled at the American University of Beirut and was elected a member of the administrative committee of the General Union of Palestinian Students in Beirut. She had to leave the university after one year because her family could not afford to pay her university fees.

Between 1963 and 1969, she worked as an English teacher in government schools in Kuwait. She had joined the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) as soon as it was founded in December 1967.

From 1969 to 1972, Khaled took part in foreign military operations of the PFLP, which were organized by Dr. Wadi Haddad.

On 29 August 1969 she and her comrade Salim Isawi hijacked a TWA airliner; they were imprisoned in Syria for a month and a half and then released. On 6 September 1970, she was one of the hijackers of an Israeli El Al airliner and was detained for a month in Britain when the pilot landed in London. A Nicaraguan-American comrade, Patrick Argüello, was killed aboard the plane by Israeli security guards.

Between 1973 and 1977, Leila Khaled joined the Palestinian resistance in Lebanon, working either as an official of the PFLP or as a member of the Secretariat of the General Union of Palestinian Women. She was also actively involved in the assistance to the displaced and the wounded following Israeli attacks on the Palestinian refugee camps.

She had been elected a member of the Secretariat of the Women's Union at the second conference of that union in 1974. As a union activist, she took part in several international, regional, and local conferences and in many workshops devoted to women's affairs; she also helped to establish (in 1978) the House of the Children of Resilience to care for children of the martyrs of Tal al-Za'atar refugee camp north of Beirut when it fell to right-wing forces during the Lebanese civil war. This facility exists to the present day.

Between 1978 and 1980, Leila Khaled studied at the universities of Moscow and Rostov but cut short her studies when the PLO summoned all university students studying abroad to help defend the Palestinian revolution. During the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in the summer of 1982, she worked (through the General Union of Palestinian Women) to find shelter for the displaced and tend to the wounded in hospitals.

In 1979, she became a member of the Palestine National Council at its fourteenth session held in Damascus; she continues to be a member of the council. In that capacity, she has been part of many Palestinian parliamentary delegations and was a member of the Arab Women Committee of the Arab Parliamentary Union.

After the exodus from Lebanon in 1982, the PFLP was reorganized, and Khaled occupied various administrative and leadership positions.

In 1986 the Palestine Women Organization was established to serve as a general framework for the PFLP, and Leila Khaled was elected first secretary. The organization worked to mobilize women to defend their rights and the rights of the Palestinian people through specially prepared programs and plans, and came to have branches in a number of Arab countries and abroad. The organization published a magazine, The Woman's Voice, which she edited.

In 1993, she was elected a member of the Central Committee of the PFLP during its fifth national conference. In 2005 she was elected a member of the PFLP's Political Bureau, a post she retains to the present day.

In 1992, she and her family moved to Amman, where she currently resides.

Inspired by her personal experiences of forced exile from her hometown and the suffering of her kin and nation, Leila Khaled took the struggle of Palestinian women into new and unprecedented directions. She has made notable contributions in social, humanitarian, and political areas, in the service of her cause, and in defense of basic human rights.
Sources
Abdul Hadi, Mahdi, ed. Palestinian Personalities: A Biographic Dictionary. 2nd ed., revised and updated. Jerusalem: Passia Publication, 2006.

Dietl, Gulshan. "Portrait of a Revolutionary: Leila Khaled, 20 Years on." The Middle East, no. 171 (January 1989): 59-60.

Irving, Sarah. Leila Khaled: Icon of Palestinian Liberation. London: Pluto Press, 2012 (translated into Arabic).

Khaled, Leila. Women's Liberation. Beirut: Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Information Department, 1971.

Khaled, Leila and George Hajjar. My People Shall Live: Autobiography of a Revolutionary. Toronto: NC Press, 1975.

Khaled, Leila and Rogério Ferrari. Palestine: existences-résistances. Paris: Passager Clandestin, 2008.

Snow, Peter, and David Phillips. Leilaʽs Hijack War: The True Story of 25 Days in September, 1970. London: Pan Books, 1970.

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Leila Khaled - Revolutionaries and Activists (1944 - )

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Biography - Leila Khaled was born in Haifa. Her father, Ali Khaled, and her mother, Jamila Lattuf, had seven girls and five boys. She and her husband, Fayiz...

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*these resources are for educational use only.

See these resources below for more information on the Islamic Resistance Movement that isn't twisted by Western Media:

Blowback: How Israel Went From Helping Create The Hamas To Bombing I t (The Intercept)

FAQ Gaza by Slow Factory

Hamas - Al Jazeera - Live updates, explainers and news

History Illustrated: The story of Hamas and its fight for Palestine - Al Jazeera

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Graphing U.S. Aid to Israel in Four Charts

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Graphing U.S. Aid to Israel in Four Charts

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Israel has long been the leading recipient of U.S. foreign aid, including military support. That aid has come under heightened scrutiny amid Israel’s war to eliminate Hamas.

Lesson idea: Students analyze the U.S. Aid to Israel with graphs via a consensus board in groups.

Source: The Council on Foreign Relations

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The United States was the first country to recognize the provisional government of the state of Israel upon its founding in 1948, and it has for many decades been a strong and steady supporter of the Jewish state. Israel has received hundreds of billions of dollars in U.S. foreign aid in the post-World War II era, a level of support that reflects many factors, including a U.S. commitment to Israel's security and the countries' shared foreign policy interests in a volatile and strategically important part of the world.

The two countries do not have a mutual defense pact, as the United States has with allies such as Japan and fellow members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). However, Israel is among a short list of "major non-NATO allies" and has privileged access to the most advanced U.S. military platforms and technologies.

About half of Americans hold favorable views of Israel, according to recent polls. But ongoing U.S. military aid to Israel has come under greater scrutiny amid Israel's war with Hamas, now entering its seventh month. Israel is responding to the Palestinian militant group's October 7 terrorist attack that killed more than 1,200 Israelis, the deadliest such attack in the country's history. Some U.S. lawmakers and foreign leaders, the United Nations, human rights and activist groups, and other parties have voiced growing concern about the scale of Israel's war to eliminate Hamas. They have been especially critical of its heavy bombing of the Gaza Strip, which has reportedly killed more than thirty-three thousand Palestinians-mostly civilians.

How much U.S. aid does Israel receive?

Israel has been the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign aid since its founding, receiving about $300 billion (adjusted for inflation) in total economic and military assistance. The United States has also provided large foreign aid packages to other Middle Eastern countries, particularly Egypt and Iraq, but Israel stands apart.

The United States provided Israel considerable economic assistance from 1971 to 2007, but nearly all U.S. aid today goes to support Israel's military, the most advanced in the region. The United States has provisionally agreed (via a memorandum of understanding) to provide Israel with nearly $4 billion a year through 2028, and U.S. lawmakers are considering billions of dollars in supplementary funding for Israel amid its war with Hamas.

How does Israel use the aid?

Most of the aid-approximately $3.3 billion a year-is provided as grants under the Foreign Military Financing (FMF) program, funds that Israel must use to purchase U.S. military equipment and services. Israel has also historically been permitted to use a portion of its FMF aid to buy equipment from Israeli defense firms-a benefit not granted to other recipients of U.S. military aid-but this domestic procurement is to be phased out in the next few years. U.S. aid reportedly accounts for some 15 percent of Israel's defense budget. Israel, like many other countries, also buys U.S. military products outside of the FMF program.

Additionally, $500 million a year is slated for Israeli and joint U.S.-Israeli missile defense programs, in which the two countries collaborate on the research, development, and production of these systems used by Israel, including the Iron Dome, David's Sling, and Arrow II. Iron Dome was solely developed by Israel, but the United States has been a production partner since 2014. For instance, the U.S. military contractor Raytheon manufactures Tamir interceptor missiles for Israel's Iron Dome at its facilities in Arizona.

Are there any conditions or restrictions attached to the aid?

Transfers of U.S. military equipment to Israel, as to other foreign governments, are subject to relevant U.S. law. The president must notify Congress [PDF] before selling foreign powers major weapon systems or services valued above a certain dollar threshold, and lawmakers are allowed a period to review the sale. For transactions with Israel (and other close U.S. allies), the threshold that triggers a fifteen-day congressional review ranges from $25 million to $300 million, depending on the defense articles or services.

Congress can block a sale through a joint resolution, although this has never happened. In special cases, the president can bypass the congressional review if they deem that a national security emergency exists. President Joe Biden has used this expedited waiver process for both Israel and Ukraine. For smaller transactions that don't meet the dollar threshold, no congressional review is required.

The United States cannot provide security assistance to foreign governments or groups that commit gross human rights violations, a red line enshrined in the so-called Leahy Law. Moreover, the Biden administration announced in February 2023 that it would not provide arms to recipients deemed likely to commit serious human rights violations. Some legal scholars and other critics have alleged that the United States has not applied the Leahy Law with regard to Israel as it has with other Middle Eastern countries.

Any military aid that the United States provides to recipients must only be used according to agreed-upon terms and conditions, and it is incumbent on the U.S. government to monitor the end use of the equipment it provides. For instance, the Ronald Reagan administration banned transfers of cluster munitions to Israel for several years in the 1980s after it determined that Israel had used them on civilian targets during its invasion of Lebanon. In a recent example, the Biden administration withheld a planned shipment of U.S.-made assault rifles to Israel in December 2023 due to concerns that the weapons would end up in the hands of extremist Israeli settlers in the West Bank.

Israel has agreed to use U.S. weapons only in self-defense. Outside of this, Biden administration officials have said they have not placed further limitations or constraints on how Israel uses U.S. weapons, although they say that Israel should observe international law. In February 2024, four months into the Israel-Hamas war, Biden issued a national security memo requiring recipients of U.S. military aid to give written assurances that they would observe international law in their use of the aid, and that they would facilitate the delivery of U.S. humanitarian assistance in the area of armed conflict where the U.S. military aid is being used.

What military aid has the United States provided Israel since the October 7 attacks?

Israel has been using American-made weapons against its foes, including Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran, for decades. Since October 7, the Biden administration has reportedly made more than one hundred military aid transfers to Israel, although only two-totalling about $250 million-have met the aforementioned congressional review threshold and been made public. The Israeli military has reportedly received expedited deliveries of weapons from a strategic stockpile that the United States has maintained in Israel since the 1980s. Shortly after Hamas's attack, the United States also agreed to lease Israel two Iron Dome missile defense batteries that Washington had previously purchased from the country.

The extraordinary flow of aid has included tank and artillery ammunition, bombs, rockets, and small arms. In April 2024, news reports said the Biden administration was considering new military sales to Israel that are valued at more than $18 billion and would include fifty F-15 fighter aircraft.

What is Israel's qualitative military edge (QME)?

QME has been a conceptual backbone of U.S. military aid to Israel for decades, and it was formally enshrined in U.S. law in 2008 [PDF]. It requires the U.S. government to maintain Israel's ability "to defeat any credible conventional military threat from any individual state or possible coalition of states or from non-state actors, while sustaining minimal damage and casualties." QME is based on NATO military planning vis-a-vis a potential conflict with the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact countries during the Cold War.

Under the 2008 law, the United States must ensure that any weapons it provides to other countries in the Middle East do not compromise Israel's QME. In several cases, this has required the United States to provide Israel with offsetting weaponry as part of larger regional arms sales. QME has also ensured that Israel is the first in the region to receive access to the most sophisticated U.S. military weapons and platforms, such as the F-35 stealth fighter, of which Israel has fifty.

Why is there growing public scrutiny of U.S. aid to Israel?

Recent polls suggest that American adults are divided in their views of U.S. military aid to Israel, with a significant divergence among age groups. Support for military aid to Israel is strongest among older respondents (ages sixty-five and older) and weakest among younger adults (ages eighteen to twenty-nine). Israel enjoyed widespread support in the West immediately following Hamas's surprise terrorist attack on October 7, which included alleged war crimes and atrocities against civilians. However, pro-Israel sentiment in the United States and many other countries has weakened as Israel's campaign against Hamas also kills thousands of Palestinian civilians in Gaza and exacerbates a humanitarian crisis that aid groups say is spiraling toward famine.

Biden has been an ardent supporter of Israel's right to self-defense and continues to supply Israel with military aid, but he and some members of the U.S. Congress have become increasingly critical of the Benjamin Netanyahu government's prosecution of the war. In December 2023, as the U.S. Congress debated legislation that included $14 billion in emergency funding for Israel, Biden warned that Israel's "indiscriminate bombing" of Gaza risked costing Israel its international support. Meanwhile, some Democrat lawmakers sought to condition U.S. aid on commitments from Israel to limit civilian casualties. In recent weeks, the Biden administration signaled its growing frustration with Israeli policy by abstaining from a UN Security Council resolution calling for an immediate cease-fire in Gaza, and by warning Israel that U.S. policy will hinge on what it does to ameliorate the humanitarian crisis in the territory.

Prior to the war, the U.S.-Israel relationship had suffered some strains over the rhetoric and policies of Netanyahu's government, including its plans to curb the Israeli Supreme Court's powers and its approval of more Jewish settlements in the West Bank-critics say the settlements violate international law and undermine prospects for a future state for Palestinians. The so-called two-state solution has been a long-running U.S. foreign policy goal, including for the Biden administration. Some U.S. lawmakers have raised these criticisms in the debate over U.S. aid to Israel during the war in Gaza.

In recent years, some U.S. and Israeli analysts have said that U.S. aid to Israel should be reevaluated because Israel is now a wealthy country-the fourteenth richest per capita-with one of the most advanced militaries in the world. Unlike Cold War Israel in the 1970s, when large amounts of U.S. aid started to flow, modern Israel is more than capable of providing for its own security, and the U.S. aid unnecessarily distorts the bilateral relationship and the countries' respective foreign policies, these observers say. "It's time for an agreed-on path to phase out military aid," wrote CFR Senior Fellow Steven A. Cook in 2020. "This is not punishment but rather recognition that the United States has been successful in achieving its goal, assistance is not an entitlement, and the United States does not think that annexation [of the West Bank] is in Israel's interest."

Martin Indyk, former U.S. ambassador to Israel and current CFR Distinguished Fellow, has also called for reductions in U.S. aid. "The US-Israel relationship would be a lot healthier without this dependence. Time for Israel at 75 to stand on its own two feet," he wrote on Twitter in June 2023.

Other experts argue that U.S. aid actually weakens Israel's own defense industrial base while serving primarily as a guaranteed revenue stream for U.S. defense contractors.

On the other hand, supporters of continued aid say that it fosters ongoing, important collaboration between U.S. and Israeli defense industries and experts, and in the end helps the countries counter shared threats in the Middle East, particularly Iran. U.S. aid remains a " vital and cost-effective expenditure" that enhances U.S. national security, and it should not be reduced or conditioned, wrote more than three hundred Republican lawmakers in 2021. Ending U.S. military aid today "would send a message to all of Israel's enemies that Israel's greatest friend was stepping away, so they should double down on their plans for more, and more deadly, assaults on the Jewish state," wrote CFR Senior Fellow Elliott Abrams in September 2023.

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Israel has long been the leading recipient of U.S. foreign aid, including military support. That aid has come under heightened scrutiny amid Israel's monthslong war to eliminate Hamas.

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What is Terrorism Lesson - Whose "Terrorism"?

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What is Terrorism Lesson - Whose "Terrorism"?

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By Bill Bigelow

Defining Terrorism, Economic Terrorism, Terrorism’s Ghosts

Essential Questions:

1. Which, if any, of these activities should be considered “terrorism” according to your definition?

2. Who are the “terrorists”?

3. What more would you need to know to be more sure of your answer?

Handout: What is Terrorism? Who are the Terrorists?

Source: Published in Rethinking Schools magazine.

#Terrorism #LessonPlan #rethinkingterrorism #resistance #economy

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Songs for the Love of Palestine - Documentary

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Songs for the Love of Palestine - Documentary

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This film tells the stories of four songs that date back to early and mid-20th century Palestine and Jordan. They reflect Palestinian cultural heritage and the diaspora’s strong desire to return to a homeland they were forced out of in 1948. They all contain snapshots of the time and place in which they were written – from the British Mandate to 1950s Jordan to Palestinians living abroad today. Length 47:11

Source: Al Jazeera World Documentary Songs for the Love of Palestine

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Songs for the love of Palestine | Al Jazeera World Documentary

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Find a protest (Source: USCPR)

Free posters to download

Posters & Coloring Pages for Children Source: Flyers for Falastin

Just Seeds Downloadable Graphics

Bilingual Posters

Know your rights Meetings, Protests and Events (Source: Palestine Legal)

Tactics to secure your smartphone before joining a protest (Source: Amnesty International)

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All out for Palestine Toolkit

Source: Palestinian Feminist Collective

Action calls from US Campaign for Palestinian Rights

Source: Us Campaign for Palestinian Rights

A Resource Guide for Action

Source: Protect Palestine

Resources for Educators to Support a Free Palestine

Source: Abolitionist Teachers Network

Resource Library link & Toolkit

Source: @queenofpalestine on Instagram Tamara 🕊تمارا

101 Actions for Gaza

Source: Palestine Diaspora Movement

#toolkit #palestine #toolkit #resources #action #guide

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Librarians and Archivists with Palestine has compiled a listed of readings and resources, spanning news sources to suggested fiction, non-fiction, children’s books, and more. Select a genre below to begin exploring.

News Sources

Activism

Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions

Non-Fiction

Adult Fiction

Memoir

Poetry

Grades K-5

Grades 6-8

Grades 9-12

Films

Libraries & Archiv es

#book #lists #readings #books

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Readings and Resources – Librarians and Archivists with Palestine

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Librarians and Archivists with Palestine has compiled a listed of readings and resources, spanning news sources to suggested fiction, non-fiction, children’s books, and more. Select a genre below to begin exploring. Last updated: July 21, 2023.

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Palestine, Israel and the Arab-Israeli Conflict - A Primer

By Joel Beinin and Lisa Hajjar

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The Occupation Of The Senses: The Prosthetic and Aesthetic of State Terror by Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian

Colonial necrocapitalism, state secrecy and the Palestinian freedom tunnel

by Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Stéphanie Wahab

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Sliman Mansour is one of the most distinguished and renowned artists in Palestine. His style embodies steadfastness in the face of a relentless military occupation. His work — which has come to symbolize the Palestinian national identity — has inspired generations of Palestinians and international artists and activists alike. (Source: About Page)

Source: Sliman Mansour Website

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Palestinian art by Sliman Mansour - Palestinian art prints and posters by Sliman Mansour

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Sliman Mansour - Palestinian Art Posters and prints

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Bring Palestine art into your home or office. Check out our collection of colorful and symbolic Palestinian art posters and prints by Sliman Mansour.

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See original post from @letstalkPalestine

Link to document "How Israel Supports Opression Worldwide"

Israel's brutal occupation of Palestine is not an isolated case of oppression. It's linked to global struggles against

colonialism, authoritarianism, and racism. Israel has played a major role in enabling and deepening oppression beyond Occupied Palestine. It brings the same violent tactics it develops and uses to oppress Palestinians, like military aggression and mass surveillance, to the rest of the world by. (Source: How Israel Supports Opression Worldwide)

Source: @letstalkPalestine on Instagram

#Israel #supports #Opression #letstalkPalestine #military #surveillance

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Every year, the U.S. government writes Israel a blank check for at least $3.8 billion to fund Israel’s violence against the Palestinian people. The Israeli military then uses your tax dollars to kill Palestinian people, destroy their homes, and steal their native land, in violation of U.S. laws. Find out with this interactive map.

Imagine what your community could look like if the U.S. government funded healthcare, education, and housing instead of systems of violence.(source)

Questions:

How much of this annual $3.8 billion in military funding do people in your city pay through federal tax dollars?

What community needs could be funded instead?

Also see - Who Profits: Who Profits is an independent research center dedicated to exposing the role of the private sector in the Israeli occupation economy

#Funding #Israel #MoneytoIsrael #Military #Community #interactive

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Every year, the U.S. government writes Israel a blank check for at least $3.8 billion to fund Israel's violence against the Palestinian people. The Israeli military then uses your tax dollars to kill Palestinian people, destroy their homes, and steal their native land, in violation of U.S. laws.

How much of this annual $3.8 billion in military funding do people in your city pay through federal tax dollars? What community needs could be funded instead? Find out below on our interactive map.

How to Use the U.S. Military Funding to Israel Map

First, type in your city or state. When you do, you'll see the total estimated funds the U.S. government sends to the Israeli military from taxpayers in your area, through federal tax dollars. The graphic will also update, showing what needs could be funded for the future of your local community instead. Imagine what your community could look like if the U.S. government funded healthcare, education, and housing instead of systems of violence.

To share on social media, click "Take Action" and then "Share Now." A copy of this graphic will be downloaded as an image on your computer, which you can then post on social media. Share the graphic for your city or state with the hashtag #StopArmingIsrael.

For example, here's what the graphic for Washington DC looks like:

Learn more about USCPR's long-term campaign to end U.S. military funding to Israel.

Check out this map on our new Not My Tax Dollars website

Not another nickel, not another dime, no more money for Israel's crimes! Now you can easily share this interactive map on our new website at NotMyTaxDollars.org.

Take Action to #StopArmingIsrael

A special thanks to former Government Affairs Fellow Casey Paskus and BDSList.org for their invaluable assistance in creating this resource. Interested in how we get these numbers? See our methodology.

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Every year, the U.S. government sends $3.8 billion in military funding to Israel. Find out how much people in your city pay on this map.

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This visual reel was created in October, 2023

See the infographic here

Source: Visualizing Palestine

#Pregnancy #WomenofGaza #health #infographic

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From Black Atlanta to Palestine: A statement of connection, solidarity, and survival

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From Black Atlanta to Palestine: A statement of connection, solidarity, and survival

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The deadly connections between Atlanta’s police department, Israel’s occupation of Palestine, and the global struggle for liberation.

Also see: Atlanta Stop Cop City activists continue push to abolish GILEE program amid the Palestinian genocide

Source: Scalawag Magazine

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This is a statement of solidarity between our two peoples, Palestinians and Black people, as we resist Israeli and American genocide.

Over the span of mere days in June of 2020, Atlantans bore witness to yet another murder of a Black person at the hands of police, the resignation of police chief Erika Shields, and uprisings against state violence. Following the former police chief's resignation, over eight other Atlanta police officers resigned from their posts, citing "low morale" as their reasoning. In Shields's absence, it was reported that Deputy Chief Rodney Bryant, who has since retired after 34 years with the department, would step in as the interim police chief.

In 2014, the Atlanta Police Department (APD) published a press release noting that Bryant had "completed a two-week public safety program and exchange focused on new public safety techniques and technologies." This training took place in apartheid israel through the Georgia International Law Enforcement Exchange (GILEE)-a program that APD has supported since it was founded in 1992. GILEE's sole purpose is to serve as a cross-national service for Georgia officers to learn "best practices on counterterrorism measures" from the Zionist Entity.

Instead of aligning herself with the impoverished and otherwise marginalized Black Atlantans who suffer the violence of the american empire, our mayor, Keisha Lance Bottoms, and her underlings fully stepped into their roles as members of The Establishment and the Black Elite, using their position as Black (mis)leaders to aid in the perpetuation of global antiblackness by appointing Bryant to this position. This was not new for her. In fact, both through her tenure as mayor and previously as a member of city council, Keisha Lance Bottoms made it her business to undermine progress towards liberation-even going so far as to use her authoritative position to expand the powers of the police state.

For upwards of a decade, organizers and community members in Atlanta have called for APD to withdraw its participation in GILEE, all to no avail. In tandem with other police departments in the Atlanta Metro area, these officers return to our city equipped, prepared, and enthusiastic to reproduce terroristic violence on Black people like Kathryn Johnston, Alexia Christian, Anthony Hill, Nicholas Thomas, Jamarion Robinson, Caine Rogers, Oscar Cain, Jimmy Atchison, D'ettrick Griffin, and Rayshard Brooks. As we witnessed in the weeks of protests that followed, they have the state-backing and the resources to tear gas us, shoot us with their rubber bullets, and even threaten the use of a Long Range Acoustic Device (LRAD). This is only made possible by this city's (mis)leaders' commitment to our deaths through state-sanctioned murder-in all of its varying forms.

In Palestine, the Zionist Entity's colonial system ensures the continued subjugation of the Palestinian people through mass movement restrictions, home demolitions, theft of water and land, mass incarceration, and the denial of Palestinian refugees from returning to their land. The Zionist Entity's commitment to Palestinian death is epitomized by its overwhelming military assaults on Gaza which have killed thousands. In spite of the Zionist Entity's crimes committed against the Palestinian people, the Palestinian Authority operates only to secure its political hegemony and capital. In parallel with the Black (mis)leadership, these Palestinian compradors claim that partnership with the Zionists is necessary for the sake of peace and state-development. These claims ring hollow for the Palestinian masses, who continue their just struggle against Zionist settler-colonialism.

The most critical connection between these two bodies of people is that we will forever resist the powers of white supremacy that have tried and failed to kill us.

To this point, the Zionist Entity's police execution of Eyad Hallaq in 2020 mirrors that of Rayshard Brooks's; their deaths exist harmoniously in that both america and the Zionist Entity are made "legitimate" only through the continued murders of Black and Palestinian people. The priorities of the Atlanta government and the Zionist Entity are in contradiction to the safety of our peoples.

We will not accept empty gestures of TLGBQ+ support by our so-called leaders under the guise of being "progressive." In an orientalist effort to justify its existence and pander to neoliberal sentiments, the Zionist Entity carries out "pinkwashing," presenting itself to the world as "the only democratic state in the Middle East" which allows the free expression of TLGBQ+ individuals in its society. In reality, the IDF has been known to entrap queer Palestinians and threaten outing them to their families, humiliating them if they do not agree to collaborate with the oppressive israeli regime. Zionist missiles do not change direction when a queer Palestinian is in range. Furthermore, to paint itself as queer-friendly, the Zionist Entity hosts yearly pride parades and festivals and asserts that it "adamantly protects the rights of its gay citizens," much like how "rainbow capitalism" pervades Atlanta in its effort to live up to "the city too busy to hate."

Atlanta paints the crosswalks of white, affluent parts of this city with colors of the rainbow while its leadership actively proposes legislation that would further criminalize sex work-an occupation disproportionately engaged by Black trans people in this city. Atlanta's leadership hired a white lesbian woman to be APD's police chief while at least a third of this city's homeless youth remain TLGBQ+. Annually, there are Pride events for the entire month of June and for a week in September, yet APD remains the greatest threat to Black trans women in this city. Overwhelmingly, rainbow capitalism and pinkwashing are used as propagandizing tools by america and apartheid israel to discard of queer and trans Black and Palestinian people, and to project a faux image of progressivism by co-opting our movements.

All of these things considered, this is a statement-written in its entirety by Black and Palestinian radical organizers-intended to condemn Bryant, GILEE, and all other Black Atlanta and Zionist cops and politicians who give their bodies and platforms to the maintenance of this white supremacist imperialist capitalist patriarchy by way of borders, policing, and the occupation of stolen land.

Bottoms's failure to halt APD's participation in GILEE, as well as her failure to end operation WHIPLASH, scale back Atlanta's astronomical surveillance, or make any notable contributions to the fight to stop the displacement of legacy Black residents, brought her commitment to misleadership and the ultimate "black on black crime" to a global scale.

In 2017, Da'Shaun Harrison wrote of Atlanta's former mayor, Kasim Reed, and other Black politicians:

"While the harm Black individuals encounter during daily survival are frequently used to justify the flawed concept of 'black-on-black crime', the audacious nature of white supremacy to use Black [folks'] bodies to further an agenda for systemic eradication [of people and total movements] is the true 'black-on-black crime', in that Black [folks'] bodies become agents of the machine - white supremacy.

If white supremacy can recruit and weaponize Black American people to advocate for and push its policies, it can undermine the importance of the Black Liberation Movement and create what is ultimately the only and real black-on-black crime."

As this is the case, for the crimes committed against the people of our city and for its collusion with the israeli ethnostate, we will disband the Atlanta Police Department. As part of the abolition of APD, we intend to ensure that no officer ever participates in an international law enforcement exchange again. The points of alignment between Black people in Atlanta and the Palestinian people are many, and have been named time and time again by countless Black and non-Black Palestinian thought leaders, scholars, and organizers. The most critical connection between these two bodies of people is that we will forever resist the powers of white supremacy that have tried and failed to kill us.

We write this in full solidarity with all oppressed peoples across the globe who struggle under the thumb of imperialism. And more specifically, this is a statement of solidarity between our two peoples, Palestinians and Black people, as we resist against israeli and american genocide. It is also a statement which seeks to name that the material collaboration of our enemies demonstrates to us how connected we are as siblings in struggle.

As we occupy the streets of Atlanta yet again, we do so with a global analysis of imperialism, capitalism, Zionism, and antiblackness. The only way we win is together, and we will win.

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From Atlanta to Palestine: A Statement of Solidarity

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The deadly connections between Atlanta's police department, Israel's occupation of Palestine, and the global struggle for liberation.

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The Second Preliminary Report on The Cultural Sector Damage 

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The Second Preliminary Report on The Cultural Sector Damage 

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War on the Gaza Strip Oct 7th-December 6th, 2023

The cultural scene in the region has been subjected to multi-layered attacks. We have lost many creative individuals in various fields, including children and adults... (page 3)

Martyred creatives pages 6 -32

Cultural Institutions 33-47

Museums and buildings 48-55

Targeting of Scientific Institutions 56

Targeting of “Eye of Truth” Media 57

Source: Arablit & Arablit Quarterly

#Martyrs #cultural #Damage #Creative #Individuals #Museums #buildings

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How war destroyed Gaza’s neighborhoods – visual investigation

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How war destroyed Gaza’s neighborhoods – visual investigation

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Satellite imagery and open-source evidence lay bare the destruction to civilian infrastructure by Israel in its war on Hamas. Website is interactive. Article from Jan 30, 2024.

The Guardian has documented the destruction of hundreds of examples of civilian infrastructure critical to the lives of future returnees in the three areas of Gaza it analyzed. These are not comprehensive analyses of the entire Gaza Strip, where more damage exists.

See map of Palestine Damage

Source: The Guardian

#Before #After #Gaza #Satellite #Images #Interactive

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How war destroyed Gaza’s neighbourhoods – visual investigation

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Satellite imagery and open-source evidence lay bare the destruction to civilian infrastructure by Israel in its war on Hamas

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Gaza before and after: satellite images show destruction following Israeli airstrikes

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Gaza before and after: satellite images show destruction following Israeli airstrikes

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Newly released images show entire neighborhoods reduced to rubble after strikes from Israel in the war against Hamas (Article from October 26th). Website is interactive.

Source: The Guardian

#Before #After #Gaza #Satellite #Images

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Gaza before and after: satellite images show destruction following Israeli airstrikes

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Newly released images show entire neighbourhoods reduced to rubble after strikes from Israel in the war against Hamas

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By Vittorio Arrigoni

Download Gaza Stay Human PDF

Source: Kube Publishing - Free Islamic Books

#GazaStayHuman #Free #book

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A collection of work by Dr. Refaat Alareer, selected by students and faculty of the English program at CUNY Graduate Center. It is not intended to be exhaustive or representative of his work: it is a collection of what spoke to us in the current moment. (Page 2 of this zine)

Source: CUNY Graduate Center Program in English

Also see our post on Refaat Alareer

#Zine #RefaatAlareer #Poet #Poetry #Poems

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Honoring Dr. Refaat Alareer | CUNY Graduate Center Program in English

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In the face of such atrocities and genocide, we often remember statistics and numbers, but behind every number lies a human being with dreams, hopes, and stories. In a heart-breaking speech of Ramsey Naser at BNNVARA television he asked the Dutch audience: Do we know the name of every Palestinian victim?. Dr Moueen Al Borsch from Gaza reached out to us with the idea of creating a funeral to honor the lives of those killed, because they are not only numbers. They have names, they had dreams… (About Page)

Source: They Have Names They Had Dreams

#Names #Dreams #Martyrs #Remembering

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Remember the victims of the genocide in Palestine

About the project

This project aims to commemorate the victims of the genocide in Palestine. Because the people that are killed are not numbers. They have a name and a face. And they had a life and they had dreams. In order to do so, a 'mobile funeral' was created. The mobile funeral consists of:

Banners

Physical banners, printed on strong, waterproof material and with a size of 230×100 cm. There are at the moment 14 different banners, with almost 7000 names in total and 28 pictures and stories of people killed. Later added:

Special banners about journalist, healthcare workers, children, etc.

Postcards

Posters

Website & social media

A website with the list of names, stories and pictures. And with downloadable pdf files to print the banners, posters and postcards. It also gives background information, contact information and suggestions how to take action.

They Have Names is also active on Instagram with a lot of engagement.

Events

Anyone can organise an event using the banners, as long as the aim of the event is to commemorate the victims and to call for justice and human rights and a free Palestine!

Many events took place already and some of them were (co)organised by us.

Article about They Have Names published on NOS website (Dutch national media) on November 25, 2023: read.

Interview about They Have Names on Radio 1 (Dutch national radio) on November 25, 2023.

Since end of October a daily protest takes place at Amsterdam Central Station with all the banners & screen projection. In addition stories are read and victims remembered.

South Africa had a long fight against apartheid and struggle against injustice still continues. We are honoured to receive several updates of protests with banners in South Africa.

The initative became a slogan...
They Have Names, They Had Dreams!

On the screen in front of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) where the genocide case of South Africa against Israel took place.

Visualization

It is impossible to grasp the enormity of the atrocities. Note that not only bombings and collapsing buildings are now the causes of the killing but also the deliberate blockade of medical aid and food and drinking water. People are now even dying of hunger.

In addition, not only people have been killed but whole neighbourhoods wiped off the map. This goes with the term domicide. Read more about the term domicide and its relevance in Gaza in the Guardian..

As we focus on the humans behind this disaster, we like to present three different visualizations of the human beings that have been killed. They can be screened during gatherings or projected on buidlings

Read the list of victims

Remember - every line in the list
was a person that lived and was loved. And was killed.

Aisha Khalil Al-Astal, 72
Wahba Abdullah Al-Astal, 65
Ibrahim Hamid Al-Astal, 62
Muhammad Suleiman Al-Astal, 61
Nadia Yassin Al-Astal, 60
Salwa Muhammad Al-Astal, 60
Hanaa Naeem Al-Astal, 59
Suleiman Muhammad Al-Astal, 58
Yousry Ahmed Al-Astal, 55
Shafiqa Bahri Al-Astal, 54
Anwar Muhammad Al-Astal, 54
Waela Ahmed Al-Astal, 51
Wael Ahmed Al-Astal, 49
Marwa Youssef Al-Astal, 48
Abdullah Musa Al-Astal, 48
Raafat Abdel Karim Al-Astal, 47
Wejdan Ahmed Al-Astal, 46
Ramzi Abdel Karim Al-Astal, 45
Suhair Ahmed Al-Astal, 44
Muhammad Kamal Al-Astal, 44
Nedaa Abdel Hamid Al-Astal, 43
Ola Tawfiq Al-Astal, 41
Sodfa Suleiman Al-Astal, 39
Hussein Ahmed Al-Astal, 38
Hisham Hussein Al-Astal, 37
Alaa Zakaria Al-Astal, 36
Abdullah Zakaria Al-Astal, 34
Muhammad Abdel Majeed Al-Astal, 34
Emamah Abdel Nasser Al-Astal, 34
Afnan Ibrahim Al-Astal, 33
Muhammad Amin Al-Astal, 33
Samar Muhammad Al-Astal, 32
Omar Zakaria Al-Astal, 31
Majed Ali Al-Astal, 28
Khalil Oman Al-Astal, 27
Hamza Nasser Al-Astal, 26
Amal Zakaria Al-Astal, 24
Osama Muhammad Al-Astal, 24
Ibtihal Ibriham Al-Astal, 24
Hafsa Nasser Al-Astal, 24
Sham Raafat Al-Astal, 24
Hisham Muhammad Al-Astal, 23
Magda Muhammad Al-Astal, 22
Muhammad Mahmoud Al-Astal, 22
Muhammad Nasser Suleiman Al-Astal, 22
Rakan Khaled Al-Astal, 20
Sarah Nasser Al-Astal, 19
Samah Muhammad Al-Astal, 19
Bilal Anwar Al-Astal, 19
Abd al-Rahman Muhammad Al-Astal, 17
Muhammad Ramzi Al-Astal, 17
Sarah Muhammad Al-Astal, 17
Dania Raafat Al-Astal, 17
Ahmed Khaled Al-Astal, 17
Ahmed Wael Al-Astal, 16
Abeer Mahmoud Al-Astal, 16
Muhammad Ali Al-Astal, 15
Fatima Nasser Al-Astal, 15
Jana Mummad Al-Astal, 14
Zakaria Ali Al-Astal, 14
Zain Wael Al-Astal, 14
Fadwa Hussein Al-Astal, 13
Ahmed Hussein Al-Astal, 12
Hiaa Wael Al-Astal, 12
Raghad Muhammad Al-Astal, 12
Rahaf Raafat Al-Astal, 11
Abdul Karim Rafat Al-Astal, 11
Sama Salim Al-Astal, 11
Weam Nasser Al-Astal, 11
Karim Ramzy Al-Astal, 11
Majd Ali Ali-Astal, 10
Lana Muhammad Al-Astal, 10
Muhammad Wael Al-Astal, 9
Ahmed Raafat Al-Astal, 9
Suleiman Hussein Al-Astal, 8
Yamen Abdullah Al-Astal, 7
Hazar Hussein Al-Astal, 6
Hayah Abdullah Al-Astal, 6
Joud Hamid Al-Astal, 4
Joan Yahya Al-Astal, 4
Hamza Wael Al-Astal, 3
Ali Muhammad Al-Astal, 3
Elaf Hussein Al-Astal, 2
Marwa Hamza Al-Astal, 1
Janan Hamed Nasser Al-Astal, 1
Rayan Abdullah Al-Astal, <1 yr
Mian Yahya Al-Astal, <1 yr
Salam Wael Al-Astal, <1 yr
Najia Abdel Hassouna, 86
Nima Ahmed Hassouna, 71
Subha Ibrahim Hassouna, 67
Sherif Atta Hassouna, 61
Hani Issa Hassouna, 59
Imad Atta Hassouna, 59
Ali Hassan Hassouna, 59
Nelly Hamdy Hassouna, 52
Saleh Ali Hassouna, 50
Samar Khalil Hassouna, 48
Navin Jamil Hassouna, 48
Samiha Naeem Hassouna, 44
Hossam Amin Hassouna, 44
Samah Naim Hassouna, 39
Rawa Riyad Hassouna, 38
Hassan Ali Hassouna, 37
Hala Yasser Hasssouna, 36
Raed Ali Hassouna, 36
Muhammad Jamal Hassouna, 35
Ayah Faraj Hassouna, 34
Elham Khalil Hassouna, 34
Israa Ali Hassouna, 34
Muhammad Ali Hassouna, 33
Hanin Muhammad Ibrahim Hassouna, 33
Alaa Ali Hassouna, 32
Nahil Nasser Hassouna, 32
Amira Khalil Hassouna, 32
Reem Nahed Hassouna, 30
Khaled Saleh Hassouna, 29
Moamen Ali Hassouna, 28
Muhammad Saleh Hassouna, 27
Abdul Rahman Muhammad Hassouna, 27
Shadi Suhail Hassouna, 27
Mustafa Mahmoud Hassouna, 26
Safa Nizar Hassouna, 26
Ahmed Magdy Hassouna, 26
Nesma Saleh Hassouna, 25
Ibrahim Ali Hassouna, 25
Aya Khamis Hassouna, 25
Muhammad Muhammad Hassouna, 22
Rose Ramez Hassouna, 21
Basma Saleh Hassouna, 21
Maha Ramez Hassouna, 18
Abdul Rahman Muhammad Hassouna, 17
Sarah Saleh Hassouna, 15
Abdullah Muhammad Hassouna, 13
Lamah Ahmed Hassouna, 13
Malak Bilal Hassouna, 12
Ashmed Hossam Hassouna, 12
Muhammad Bilal Hassouna, 11
Ahmed Hassan Hassouna, 11
Samer Ahmed Hassouna, 10
Muhammad Rami Hassouna, 10
Nour Wissam Amin Hassouna, 9
Baraa Hassan Hassouna, 9
Jana Ahmed Hassouna, 8
Aya Hossam Hassouna, 8
Yazan Rami Hassouna, 8
Hoda Muhammad Hassouna, 8
Nada Wissam Hassouna, 7
Ali Muhammad Hassouna, 7
Joud Hassan Hassouna, 7
Mona Ahmed Hassouna, 6
Samar Rami Hassouna, 6
Yazan Muhammad Hassouna, 5
Sherif Ashraf Hassouna, 5
Youssef Rami Hassouna, 5
Abdullah Muhammad, 4
Sarah Bilal Hassouna, 3
Adam Hossam Hassouna, 3
Sowar Rami Hassouna, 1
Sobhi Hamdan Hassouna, 1
Nevin Khaled Hassouna, 1
Fatima Khalil Al-Najjar, 74
Fahmy Muhammad Al-Najjar, 74
Hamdan Hamdan Al-Najjar, 56
Ayman Shaaban Al-Najjar, 55
Zahra Ibrahim Al-Najjar, 55
Zahra Ibrahim Al-Najjar, 52
Muhammad Salman Al-Najjar, 52
Amal Hamada Al-Najjar, 50
Suhaila Hussein Al-Najjar, 45
Ramadan Ibrahim Al-Najjar, 45
Fathia Abdel Hafez Al-Najjar, 44
Faten Fawzi Al-Najjar, 42
Muhammad Fahmy Al-Najjar, 41
Suzan Sobhi Al-Najjar, 41
Firas Fahmy Al-Najjar, 36
Haneen Saad Al-Najjar, 34
Kholoud Atta Al-Najjar, 34
Mazen Fawzi Al-Najjar, 34
Ihtram Hamdan Al-Najjar, 34
Doaa Bashir Al-Najjar, 32
Salman Amin Al-Najjar, 32
Samah Khader Al-Najjar, 30
Mahmoud Talal Al-Najjar, 28
Muhammad Shaldan Al-Najjar, 26
Ghada Nabil Al-Najjar, 26
Afnan Zaki Al-Najjar, 25
Mahmoud Shaldan Al-Najjar, 25
Farah Suleiman Al-Najjar, 24
Abdullah Moin Al-Najjar, 23
Rana Ahmed Al-Najjar, 23
Rawan Shaldan Al-Najjar, 22
Nadeem Suleiman Al-Najjar, 20
Ruba Shaldan Al-Najjar, 17
Muhammad Hamdan Al-Najjar, 17
Muhammad Ahmed Al-Najjar, 16
Sama Fahd Al-Najjar, 16
Shahid Muhammad Al-Najjar, 14
Omar Muhammad Al-Najjar, 14
Yazan Suleiman Al-Najjar, 14
repeated-same name same ID number, 14
Hikmat Fahd Al-Najjar, 13
Abdul Rahman Muhammad Al-Najjar, 13
Waaed Muhammad Al-Najjar, 12
Mahmoud Ahmed Al-Najjar, 12
Farah Nabil Al-Najjar, 10
Fatima Firas Al-Najjar, 10
Muhammad Fahd Al-Najjar, 9
Obaida Firas Al-Najjar, 7
Salma Muhammad Al-Najjar, 6
Obaida Muhammad Al-Najjar, 6
Moin Suleiman Al-Najjar, 6
Aleman Firas Al-Najjar, 5
Fatima Muhammad Al-Najjar, 5
Toulin Muhammad Al-Najjar, 4
Jude Suleiman Al-Najjar, 4
Aya Salah Al-Din Al-Najjar, 4
Youssef Muhammad Al-Najjar, 4
Sarah Firas Al-Najjar, 3
Anas Muhammad Al-Najjar, 3
Omar Ahmed Al-Najjar, 3
Sanad Salah Al-Din Al Najjar, 3
Safa Suleiman, 1
Juri Ayed Al-Najjar, 1
Mihraman Suleiman Al-Najjar, 1
Aya Ahmed Al-Najjar, 1
Zein Al-Din Suleiman Al-Najjar, <1 yr
Jamil Hafez Al-Masry, 74
Abdel Razzaq Hamed Al-Masry, 72
Malak Mahmoud Al-Masry, 71
Ramadan Suleiman Al-Masry, 63
Entesar Jaber Al-Masry, 63
Maysoon Ali Al-Masry, 61
Mahmoud Suleiman Al-Masry, 58
Yousry Ayesh Al-Masry, 58
Maysarah Mahmoud Al-Masry, 57
Sabah Muhammad Al-Masry, 55
Walid Jihad Al-Masry, 49
Jahan Jasser Al-Masry, 49
Muhammad Jamil Al-Masry, 44
Ramzi Abdel Razzaq Al-Masry, 41
Ahmed Jamil Al-Masry, 40
Manal Nazir Al-Masry, 39
Amani Jamil Al-Masry, 39
Ramadan Kamal Al-Masry, 37
Mohaim Maher Al-Masry, 34
Yasser Kamal Al-Masry, 33
Zainab Maher Al-Masry, 33
Mahmoud Maysara Al-Masry, 31
Wafaa Nabil Al-Masry, 30
A Mahmoud Al-Masry, 30
Assma Jihad Al-Masry, 30
Mahmoud Hani Al-Masry, 29
Muhammad Mahmoud Al-Masry, 29
Mosher Marshal Al-Masry, 28
Saleh Asaad Al-Masry, 28
Ahmed Mahmoud Al-Masry, 27
Rida Walid Al-Masry, 27
Subhia Walid Al-Masry, 26
Lubna Muhammad Al-Masry, 26
Samar Imad Al-Masry, 26
Ahmed Ramadan Al-Masry, 25
Muhammad Walid Al-Masry, 24
Rawan Anwar Al-Masry, 24
Mahmoud Walid Al-Masry, 22
Aya Kamal Al-Masry, 21
Othman Hassan Al-Masry, 20
Baraa Mahmoud Al-Masry, 20
Ahmed Walid Al-Masry, 19
Nidal Walid Al-Masry, 17
Azzam Azzam Al-Masry, 17
Weam Mahfouz Al-Masry, 14
Abeer Muhammad Al-Masry, 13
Jinan Walid Al-Masry, 13
Jamil Fayez Al-Masry, 12
Fatima Al-Zahraa Al-Masry, 11
Feryal Muhammad Al-Masry, 9
Abdel Razzaq Ramez Al-Masry, 9
Sama Ramez Al-Masry, 7
Hadi Muhammad Al-Masry, 7
Saba Gamal Al-Masry, 5
Dana Shadi Al-Masry, 5
Amir Hammam Al-Masry, 5
Hanzada Ahmed Al-Masry, 3
Sham Muhammad Al-Masry, 2
Ayman Ahmed Al-Masry, 1
Yasmine Ramez Al-Masry, <1 yr
Maria Yasser Al-Masry, <1 yr
Ahmed Ismail Al-Kurd, 73
Fatima Ahmed Al-Kurd, 63
Samir Rajab Al-Kurd, 60
Zuhair Abdul Qadir Al-Kurd, 58
Abdullah Abdul Karim Al-Kurd, 56
Rabaa Mahmoud Al-Kurd, 51
Sami Ahmed Al-Kurd, 47
Osama Ahmed Al-Kurd, 45
Muhammad Ahmed Al-Kurd, 43
Tamer Samir Al-Kurd, 40
Manal Jadallah Al-Kurd, 40
Muhammad Atef Al-Kurd, 38
Suzan Saeed Al-Kurd, 37
Mahmoud Atef Al-Kurd, 37
Ammar Muhammad Al-Kurd, 34
Sami Samir Al-Kurd , 33
Hisham Samir Al-Kurd, 32
Bushra Refaat Al-Kurd, 31
Abdel Fattah Zuhair Al-Kurd, 29
Hossam Samir Rajab Al-Kurd, 27
Somaia Jamal Al-Kurd, 27
Imad Jamal Al-Kurd, 24
Manar Atef Al-Kurd, 22
Muhammad Zuhair Al-Kurd, 20
Amr Adnan Al-Kurd, 20
Bisan Ahmed Al-Kurd, 18
Nada Zuhair Al-Kurd, 18
Anas Osama Al-Kurd, 17
Sarah Hassan Al-Kurd, 17
Ahmed Al-Qasim Al-Kurd, 16
Ahmed Yassin Al-Kurd, 16
Asaad Osama Al-Kurd, 15
Fatima Al-Zahraa Al-Kurd, 15
Rawan Hassan Al-Kurd, 15
Abdul Rahman Sami Al-Kurd, 14
Samaa Adnan Al-Kurd, 14
Toqa Osama Al-Kurd, 13
Abdul Rahman Yasser Al-Kurd, 13
Mujahid Muhammad Al-Kurd, 12
Roaa Osama Al-Kurd, 11
Youssef Muhammad Al-Kurd, 11
Muslim Sami Al-Kurd, 10
Habiba Abdul Qader Al-Kurd, 6
Mira Mahmoud Al-Kurd, 5
Saeed Sami Al-Kurd, 5
Janna Osama Al-Kurd, 5
Lynn Abdel Fattah Al-Kurd, 4
Yazid Ahmed Al-Kurd, 2
Zuhair Abdel Fattah Al-Kurd, 2
Julia Fawzi Al-Kurd, 1
Khalil Al-Abd Shaheen, 78
Walid Omar Shaheen, 73
Gamal Youssef Shaheen, 70
Abdullah Shaheen Shaheen, 68
Naima Ahmed Shaheed, 65
Ibrahim Nimr Shaheen, 65
Sami Youssef Shaheen, 53
Mahmoud Ayesh Shaheen, 52
Wafa Saeed Shaheen, 52
Mahmoud Abdel Halim Shaheen, 51
Muhammad Abdullah Shaheen, 48
Mostaganem Abdel Halim Shaheen, 47
Bushra Abdel Fattah Shaheen, 44
Heba Hindi Shaheen, 41
Murad Walid Shaheen, 35
Youssef Sami Shaheen, 33
Haitham Muhammad Ali Shaheen, 31
Mustafa Sami Shaheen, 30
Abdul Rahman Salman Shaheen, 29
Inshirah Mahmoud Shaheen, 29
Ismail Sami Shaheen, 28
Rahima Saadi Shaheen, 26
Warda Ibrahim Shaheen, 25
Yasmine Ibrahim Shaheen, 24
Abdul Rahman Muhammad Shaheen, 24
Hadeel Sami Shaheen, 23
Azhar Ibrahim Shaheen, 22
Farah Muhammad Shaheen, 21
Anas Muhammad Shaheen, 19
Lama Sami Shaheen, 17
Ahmed Muhammad Shaheen, 16
Nesma Mahmoud Shaheen, 15
Yahya Sultan Shaheen, 11
Tariq Mahmoud Shaheen, 11
Abdullah Mahmoud Shaheen, 10
Muhammad Baraa Shaheen, 10
Mahmoud Muhammad Shaheen, 9
Ali Mahmoud Shaheen, 9
Roaa Murad Shaheen , 7
Rahaf Rami Shaheen, 7
Shaheen Murad Shaheen, 6
Aisha Jihad Shaheen, <1 yr
"son of" Rahima Saadi Shaheen, <1 yr
Marzouqa Freej Abu Jazar, 92
Jomah Sarhan Abu Jazar, 68
Musa Hamdan Abu Jazar, 60
Farid Muhammad Abu Jazar, 58
Taqreed Ismail Abu Jazar, 48
Sherine Kamal Abu Jazar, 42
Ahmed Jumah Abu Jazar, 38
Yasmine Salem Abu Jazar, 37
Salwa Samih Abu Jazar, 36
Nariman Ismail Abu Jazar, 32
Mahmoud Jumah Abu Jazar, 32
Doaa Ibrahim Abu Jazar, 32
Rabie Jumah Abu Jazar, 30
Bilal Saeed Abu Jazar, 30
Abdul Rahman Samih Abu Jazar, 28
Afnan Naji Suleiman Abu Jazar, 26
Yousry Samir Abu Jazar, 25
Yahya Mahmoud Abu Jazar, 25
Ahmed Ibrahim Abu Jazar, 24
Islam Mahmoud Abu Jazar, 23
Ahmed Anis Abu Jazar, 21
Islam Mahmoud Abu Jazar, 21
Juma Anis Abu Jazar, 18
Farah Ibrahim Abu Jazar, 17
Dana Walid Abu Jazar, 17
Walid Ismail Abu Jazar, 16
Sama Omar Abu Jazar, 15
Noura Ibrahim Abu Jazar, 14
Muhammad Walid Abu Jazar, 12
Salah Muhammad Abu Jazar, 11
Yamen Muhammad Abu Jazar, 10
Roaa Mahmoud Abu Jazar, 10
Saba Omar Abu Jazar, 9
Ghalia Mahmoud Abu Jazar, 8
Yamen Rabie Abu Jazar, 6
Nidal Thaer Abu Jazar, 5
Ahmed Omar Abu Jazar, 4
Abdel Salam Mahmoud Abu Jazar, 4
Sham Rabie Abu Jazar, 3
Omar Hassan Abu Jazar, 2
Muhammad Mamdouh Abu Jazar, <1 yr
Tia Mamdouh Abu Jazar, <1 yr
Amin Saeed Musa, 81
Hiyam Mahmoud Musa, 65
Samir Salamah Musa, 64
Fetnah Muhammad Musa, 55
Raghda Nayef Musa, 49
Nasser Hosni Musa, 39
Asma Ahmed Musa, 37
Shehab Sabry Musa, 36
Islam Khader Musa, 35
Asma Mahmoud Musa, 34
Ayman Samir Musa, 34
Ahmed Gamal Musa, 34
Muhammad Ahmed Musa, 31
Abeer Hosni Musa, 29
Nahil Khader Musa, 28
Safaa Jamil Musa, 28
Muhammad Yasser Musa, 27
Adham Samir Moussa, 26
Amal Khader Musa, 24
Nada Khader Musa, 18
Maryam Muhammad Musa, 17
Muhammad Nasser Musa, 12
Youssef Nasser Musa, 10
Naama Jawad Musa, 8
Abdul Rahman Nasser Musa, 8
Jamal Mustafa Musa, 6
Muhammad Ahmed Musa, 6
Raghda Adel Musa, 6
Muhammad Jawad Musa, 5
Maria Ayman Musa, 5
Sila Hassan Jamal Musa, 4
Alma Ahmed Musa, 4
Youssef Hossam Musa, 4
Milana Ayman Musa, 3
Muhammad Fadi Musa, 3
Muhammad Adel Muhammad Musa, 3
Faryal Muhammad Musa, 2
Jahara Ayman Musa, 1
Youssef Ahmed Musa, 1
Bahaa Mustafa Musa, <1 yr
Rakan Hossam Musa, <1 yr
Jihad Muhammad Al-Kahlot, 73
Suhail Hassan Al-Kahlot, 65
Ghada Abdel Rahman Al-Kahlot, 55
Shaker Marzouk Al-Kahlot, 48
Wael Hassan Mahmoud Al-Kahlot, 46
Hind Abdel Karim Al Kahlot, 42
Fatima Khamis Al-Kahlot, 42
Khawla Jihad Al-Kahlot, 41
Effat Zein Al-Kahlot, 39
Muhammad Maher Al-Kahlot, 39
Wafaa Youssef Al-Kahlot, 38
Essam Mahmoud Al-Kahlot, 38
Hassan Suhail Al-Kahlot, 34
Abdel Fattah Ezzo Al-Kahlot, 33
Haya Suhail Al-Kahlot, 31
Ahmed Maher Abdel Rahman Al-Kahlot, 29
Rawan Sami Al-Kahlot, 29
Ahmed Suhail Al-Kahlot, 28
Mahmoud Suhail Al-Kahlot, 26
Hadi Suhail Al-Kahlot, 25
Abdul Rahman Suhail Al-Kahlot, 19
Nour Essam Al-Kahlot, 11
Youssef Rami Al-Kahlot, 11
Sarah Hassan Al-Kahlot, 11
Raghad Shaker Al-Kahlot, 10
Malak Shaker Al-Kahlot, 9
Hazem Hassan Al-Kahlot, 8
Abdullah Shaker Al-Kahlot, 8
Omar Bilal Al-Kahlot, 6
Youssef Nael Al-Kahlot, 6
Muhammad Essam Al-Kahlot, 5
Muhammad Bahaa Al-Kahlot, 4
Adam Shaker Al-Kahlot, 4
Sally Hassan Al-Kahlot, 2
Siham Ibrahim Al-Kahlot, 2
Muhammad Ahmed Al-Kahlot, 2

Started in Netherlands, but now international

The mobile funeral project started in The Netherlands, but within days the team that worked on it became international, with members from Canada to West Bank. On the same day the first banners were printed and used in The Netherlands, there was also one printed and used in Ireland. Also in South Africa the banners are used. Feel free to use the content and create your own events!

Here are groups that took over the initiative:
Funeral Project Ireland

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Home - They have names. They had dreams.

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Remember the victims of the genocide in Palestine About the project This project aims to commemorate the victims of the genocide in Palestine. Because the people that are killed are not numbers. They have a name and a face. And they had a life and they had dreams. In order to do so, a 'mobile funeral' was created.

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These are the poets and writers who have been killed in Gaza.

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These are the poets and writers who have been killed in Gaza.

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Here are some of the poets and writers who have been murdered by the IOF. In this article you will find information about the many lost poets and writers and links to their work.

Heba Abu Nada

Her 2 final poems: here and here.

Omar Abu Shaweesh

Poem Final Tears

Refaat Alareer

See our post on Refaat Alareer

Twitter account, “Refaat in Gaza,”

He was the co-editor of Gaza Unsilenced (2015) and the editor of Gaza Writes Back: Short Stories from Young Writers in Gaza, Palestine (2014).

Alareer was also one of the founders of We Are Not Numbers

Abdul Karim Hashash

Learn more about Abdul Karim Hashash

In this post here

The Second Preliminary Report on the Cultural Sector Damage (Page 14)

Inas al-Saqa

Israel-Palestine war: Friends remember Inas al-Saqa, one of Gaza’s celebrated playwrights

A Tragic Curtain Call: Remembering Palestinian Actress Inas Al-Saqa

Dr. Jihad Suleiman Al-Masri

The Second Preliminary Report on the Cultural Sector Damage (Page 15)

Yousef Maher Dawas

Tributes to Yousef Maher Dawas, killed Oct. 14, 2023

We Are Not Numbers mourns the death of a beloved friend, colleague, and family member.

Who will pay for the 20 years we lost? My family will replace the trees destroyed by Israeli missiles, but we cannot reclaim the years spent nurturing them. by Yousef Maher Dawas

Shahadah Al-Buhbahan

The Second Preliminary Report on the Cultural Sector Damage (Page 31)

Nour Al-Din Hajjaj

see Nour al-Din Hajjaj's final message here

The Second Preliminary Report on the Cultural Sector Damage (Page 32)

Mustafa Al-Sawwaf

Palestinian journalist Mustafa Al-Sawaf was killed by Israeli bombing in Gaza

Abdullah Al-Aqad

See his last post on social media here

Dr. Sa'id Al-Dahshan

Academic Paper: Comparative Study on Israeli Attacks on Gaza Strip Before and After Palestine’s Accession to the International Criminal Court

How do we Sue Israel? (Arabic)

Saleem Al-Naffar

Palestinian Poet Gives Heart To His People

‘Drawing Class,’ by the Late Gazan Poet Salim Al-Nafar

Source for main post: Lit Hub

#Poets #Poetry #Writers #poems

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One of my dreams is for my books and my writings to travel the world, for my pen to have wings so that no unstamped passport or visa rejection can hold it back. Another dream of mine is to have a small family, to have a little son who looks like me and to tell him a bedtime story as I rock him in my arms.
Since October 7, Israel has killed at least thirteen Palestinian poets and writers in Gaza.

If we think of ourselves as a global literary community, then these people were our fellow travelers, our peers.

They-just like the more than 66 Palestinian journalists killed in Gaza in the line of duty; just like every one of the more than 21,000 innocent people massacred in Gaza, the West Bank, and Israel over the past 75 days-deserve to be remembered.

Here is who they were:

Novelist, poet, and educator Heba Abu Nada, a beloved figure in the Palestinian literary community and the author of the novel Oxygen is Not for the Dead, was killed by an Israeli airstrike in southern Gaza on October 20.

In her final Facebook post, published on October 8, the author wrote:

Gaza's night is dark apart from the glow of rockets, quiet apart from the sound of the bombs, terrifying apart from the comfort of prayer, black apart from the light of the martyrs. Good night, Gaza.

Abu Nada was educated at Islamic University, Gaza, where she was awarded a bachelor's degree of biochemistry. She went on to receive a master's degree in clinical nutrition from Al-Azhar University, Gaza. In 2017, Abu Nada won the Sharjah Award for Arab Creativity for Oxygen is Not for the Dead.

You can read two of her final poems, translated from the original Arabic by Huda Fakhreddine, here and here.
Omar Abu Shaweesh
The poet, novelist, and community activist Omar Faris Abu Shaweesh was killed on October 7th during the shelling of the Nuseirat refugee camp in Gaza.

Abu Shaweesh co-founded several youth associations and won multiple local and international awards, including the "Best National Song of the Year 2007" award at the International Festival of National Song and Heritage in Jordan, and the "Distinguished Volunteer and Ideal Young" award in 2010 at the Sharek Youth Forum in Palestine. He was also given the "Distinguished Arab Youth in the Field of Media, Journalism and Culture" award by the Arab Youth Council for Integrated Development of the Arab League in 2013.

He published a number of collections of poetry, as well as a novel, Alā qayd al-mawt (2016).

On December 6, the poet, writer, literature professor, and activist Dr. Refaat Alareer was killed in a targeted Israeli airstrike that also killed his brother, his sister, and four of her children. He is survived by his wife, Nusayba, and their children.

Alareer was a professor of literature and creative writing at the Islamic University of Gaza, where he taught since 2007.

He was the co-editor of Gaza Unsilenced (2015) and the editor of Gaza Writes Back: Short Stories from Young Writers in Gaza, Palestine (2014). In his contribution to the 2022 collection Light in Gaza: Writings Born of Fire, titled "Gaza Asks: When Shall this Pass?", Refaat writes:

It shall pass, I keep hoping. It shall pass, I keep saying. Sometimes I mean it. Sometimes I don't. And as Gaza keeps gasping for life, we struggle for it to pass, we have no choice but to fight back and to tell her stories. For Palestine.

Alareer was also one of the founders of We Are Not Numbers, a nonprofit organization launched in Gaza after Israel's 2014 attack and dedicated to creating "a new generation of Palestinian writers and thinkers who can bring together a profound change to the Palestinian cause."

Through his popular Twitter account, " Refaat in Gaza," Alareer vehemently condemned the ongoing atrocities committed against his people by Israeli forces, as well as the successive U.S. administrations that enabled them.

In the wake of his death, Alareer's heartbreakingly prophetic farewell poem, " If I Must Die," has been translated into more than 40 languages; it has been read aloud from stages and written on the subway walls; it has been printed onto banners and placards and flags and kites held aloft in ceasefire demonstrations around the world.
Abdul Karim Hashash
The writer and Palestinian heritage advocate Abdul Karim Al-Hashash, along with many of his family members, was killed on October 23 in the city of Rafah. Al-Hashash was known for his writings on Palestinian folk heritage and his research on Bedouin heritage, customs, and Arab proverbs. He also collected dozens of rare books about Palestine, its history, and its heritage.
Inas al-Saqa
Inas al-Saqa, a celebrated playwright, actor, and educator who worked extensively in children's theater, was killed by an Israeli airstrike late October alongside three of her children-Sara, Leen, and Ibrahim. Saqa and her five children were sheltering in a building in Gaza City when it was hit by an Israeli air strike. Two of her children, Farah and Ritta, survived the attack but are critically injured and in intensive care.

Saqa appeared in the 2014 Palestinian film Sara, which was directed by Khalil al-Muzayen and dealt with the issue of honour killings in the Arab world.

She also appeared in the film The Homeland's Sparrow, which was produced in Gaza and directed by Mustafa al-Nabih. The movie covered the Palestinian struggle from the Nakba in 1948 through to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. Saqa is also remembered for her cultural work, including her association with theatre groups within Gaza.

The Palestinian poet Khaled Juma wrote of Saqa's death: "Today, my friend, the curtain has fallen...and the theatre's stage has darkened."

Saqa's last Facebook post was on 27 August and in it she spoke of her experience of surviving Gaza's past horrors, not knowing the fate that was to befall her in October: "Sometimes you look back and take a glimpse of your past... only to discover that you've come out alive from a massacre."
Jihad Al-Masri
Dr. Jihad Suleiman Al-Masri died on October 17, succumbing to injuries sustained in the Israeli shelling of Khan Yunis. He had been on his way to join his wife and daughter at the time of the attack. Al-Masri was a historian and university professor whose contributions spanned generations. He served as the director of Al-Quds Open University's Khan Yunis branch. He published numerous research papers on Islamic history and Palestinian oral traditions in both Arab and international journals.
Yusuf Dawas Shahadah Al-Buhbahan
The Palestinian poet and educational researcher Shahdah Al-Buhbahan was killed, alongside his granddaughter, by an Israeli airstrike in Gaza on November 6.
Nour al-Din Hajjaj
The poet and writer Nour al-Din Hajjaj was killed by an Israeli airstrike on his home in Al-Shujaiyya on December 2. He was the author of the play The Gray Ones (2022) and the novel Wings That Do Not Fly (2021). Hajjaj actively participated in the "Cultural Passion" initiative, the Cordoba Association, and the Days of Theater Foundation.

This was his final message to the outside world:

This is why I am writing now; it might be my last message that makes it out to the free world, flying with the doves of peace to tell them that we love life, or at least what life we have managed to live; in Gaza all paths before us are blocked, and instead we're just one tweet or breaking news story away from death.

Anyway, I'll begin.

My name is Nour al-Din Hajjaj, I am a Palestinian writer, I am twenty-seven years old and I have many dreams.

I am not a number and I do not consent to my death being passing news. Say, too, that I love life, happiness, freedom, children's laughter, the sea, coffee, writing, Fairouz, everything that is joyful-though these things will all disappear in the space of a moment.

One of my dreams is for my books and my writings to travel the world, for my pen to have wings so that no unstamped passport or visa rejection can hold it back.

Another dream of mine is to have a small family, to have a little son who looks like me and to tell him a bedtime story as I rock him in my arms.
Mustafa Al-Sawwaf
Writer and journalist Mustafa Hassan Mahmoud Al-Sawwaf was killed, alongside several members of his family, when an Israeli shell struck his home on November 18. Al-Sawwaf, one of Palestine's most prominent journalists and analysts, wrote hundreds of pieces on Palestinian political affairs. He served as the editor-in-chief of several newspapers and was founder and editor-in-chief of the first daily newspaper published in the Gaza Strip.

Al-Sawwaf also published a number of books, including a six-part series of articles, Days of Rage (2005), and a collection of political short stories, There Was a Householder (2017).
Abdullah Al-Aqad
On October 16, writer Abdullah Al-Aqad was killed, alongside his wife and children, when an Israeli shell struck his house in Khan Younis. His latest post on social media was: "after today there won't be any immigration, all respect to the people of Al-Shate' Refugee camp and Al-Jala' neighborhood who demonstrated stressing they are staying at their homes to the end."
Said Al-Dahshan
The writer Dr. Said Talal Al-Dahshan and his family were killed by an Israeli airstrike on October 11. Al-Dahshan, who specialized in Palestinian affairs, was an expert in international law. His book, How to Sue Israel, outlined a legal strategy for holding Israel accountable for its violations of international law.

Saleem Al-Naffar was a renowned poet who advocated for peaceful resistance and whose poetry expressed the struggle of Palestinians to survive and to be remembered in history.

On Dec. 7, Al-Naffar and his family were killed in an Israeli airstrike on their home in Gaza City. Born in a refugee camp in Gaza, Al-Naffar fled with his family during the 1967 war to Syria. Despite the death of his father when he was 10, Al-Naffar found solace in poetry and later studied Arab literature at Tishreen University in Syria.

In 1994, his family returned to Gaza, where he published poetry collections, novels, and an autobiography in Arabic.

His poem Life reads, "Knives might eat / what remains of my ribs, / machines might smash / what remains of stones, / but life is coming, / for that is its way, / creating life even for us."

Al-Naffar once said: "I sometimes sing of our despair. But maybe people like my work because, even so, it never gives in to hatred or calls for violence."
With thanks to ArabLit and the Gaza Ministry of Culture's "Second Preliminary Report on the Cultural Sector Damage War on Gaza Strip" for providing much of this information.
*
Correction: An earlier version of this post incorrectly reported that Heba Abu Nada was killed alongside her son. Heba Abu Nada did not have any children.
Post updated 12/25/2023

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These are the poets and writers who have been killed in Gaza.

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One of my dreams is for my books and my writings to travel the world, for my pen to have wings so that no unstamped passport or visa rejection can hold it back. Another dream of mine is to have a ...

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Problematic Language

Advocating for Palestine

Reclaiming the Narrative

How do our words dehumanize?

Bad News Game

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About the Institute for Palestine Studies

News Explorer

Blog - The Palestine Square features news, analysis, narrative, perspectives, and arts and culture pieces on Palestinian affairs.(IPS)

Source: The Institute for Palestine Studies

#news #database #journals #InstituteforPalestinianStudies #resources #Analysis

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The most reliable source of information and analysis on the Question of Palestine.

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Let's Talk Palestine has a large amount of resources (google drive) and slide decks (social media). ALL resources available on social media are available in the text form in Spanish, French, German & English here.

Let's Talk Palestine Linktr.ee

Google drive FULL of resources

Podcast

Telegram and WhatsApp - Get up-to-date news out of Palestine

Social Media

Lets Talk Palestine on Social media:

Instagram: @letstalkpalestine

TikTok: @letstokpalestine

Podcast Let's Talk Palestine

Source: Let's Talk Palestine linktr.ee

#letstalkPalestine #letstokPalestine #resources #socialmedia

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Let's Talk Palestine | Instagram | Linktree

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View letstalkpalestine's Linktree. Listen to their music on Spotify here.

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The Electronic Intifada project is an online publication produced by a network of pro-Palestinian activists with a history of Internet and media activism, focused on one aspect of the struggle – the media struggle for a fair representation of the Palestinian point of view. Excellent articles, including historical background, myths, and media critiques. (Source)

Source: Electronic Intifada

#News #PalestinianPerspective #Myths #History #articles #media #Publication #ElectronicIntifada #Activists #Activism

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Elbit UK has already lost two government contracts even as the political environment grows more hostile to pro-Palestine activism.

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Israel/Palestine

Featured content:

Gaza: Suspending UNRWA Aid Risks Hastening Famine

Building the Evidence for Crimes Committed in Israel on October 7

Gaza: Two Rights of Return

Source: Human Rights Watch - Israel/Palestine

#Interviews #News #media #trustednews #UNRWA

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Audio analysis, witness testimony and satellite images reviewed by Human Rights Watch suggests that at least one munition was fired from Israeli territory, approximately 1.5 kilometers to the southeast. Analysis of the video taken in the minutes before the attack further suggests that the group was targeted by the Israeli military.

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Israel-Palestine war - Latest news, videos and opinion | Middle East Eye

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Quick Links:

Live Updates

Israel-Palestine war

Israel ICJ case

Source: Middle East Eye

#News #Media #Trusted #Source #Updates #ICJ #MiddleEastEye

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Israel's war on Gaza - Latest news, videos and opinion | Middle East Eye

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Get the latest Israel's war on Gaza news, updates, breaking stories, videos, opinion and analysis from Middle East Eye

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To combat the extensive amount of misinformation circulating in the media, Teachers for Palestine have compiled a list of trusted media outlets and resources for media literacy. 

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To combat the extensive amount of misinformation circulating in the media, Teachers for Palestine have compiled a list of trusted media outlets and resources for media literacy. 

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Institute for Middle East Understanding (IMEU)

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Institute for Middle East Understanding (IMEU)

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For timely updates on the unfolding devastation in Gaza, follow IMEU’s social media accounts:

Twitter
Instagram
Facebook

NEWS & ANALYSIS

OTHER

STORIES

TOPICS

CULTURE

RESOURCES

Source: Institute for Middle East Understanding

#News #IMEU #Analysis #resources #podcast #Updates #Gaza

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IMEU Institute for Middle East Understanding

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The Institute for Middle East Understanding (IMEU) is a non-profit organization that offers journalists facts, analysis, experts, and digital resources about Palestine and Palestinians.

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Israel War on Gaza

Navigation menu

Live updates

Live tracker

Gaza's destroyed graves

Biden's support for Israel examined

UNRWA funding cuts explained

The children killed in Gaza

The 9-year-old reporting the war

The ICJ ruling explained

Gaza's destroyed heritage sites

How Gaza's doctors persevere

Source: Al Jazeera

#News #Live #updates #Gaza #News #AlJazeera #UNRWA #facts

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Israel War on Gaza | Today's latest from Al Jazeera

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Stay on top of Israel War on Gaza latest developments on the ground with Al Jazeera's fact-based news, exclusive video footage, photos and updated maps.

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Main Post: Nemahsis, Nemah Hasan, is a Palestinian- Canadian musician who has recently been dropped by her label after refusing to "cool-down" her pro-palestine posts. Nemahsis  responded with posts include a rendition of Team (by Lorde) with images from Gaza.

Website: nemahsis.com

Follow @nehmahsis on Instagram

Elyanna اليانا

Elyanna is a Palestinian Chilian singer who is bringing Arabic music to the pop scene. Elyanna was the first artist to perform a full set in Arabic at Coachella.

Elyanna - Youtube Channel

Follow @elyanna

#Nehmasis #Elyanna #music #Palestinian #musician #popmusic #Singer

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nemah nemahsis nemesis "hijabi song" "hijabi pop" muslim "muslim music" "islamic music" "muslim woman" canadian "canadian muslim" feminist feminism "sad pop"...

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Reputable Nonprofit Organizations to Support - Protect Palestine

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Reputable Nonprofit Organizations to Support - Protect Palestine

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US Campaign for Palestinian Rights (USCPR)

The U.S. Campaign for Palestinian Rights (USPCR) is dedicated to advocating for the rights of Palestinians. Their mission involves organizing and empowering the Palestinian-American community, fostering solidarity, and advocating for justice and equality for Palestinians, both in the U.S. and abroad. Donate to USCPR

Institute for Middle East Understanding (IMEU)

The Institute for Middle East Understanding (IMEU) is dedicated to promoting a better understanding of the Middle East, particularly the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Their mission involves providing accurate information, analysis, and perspectives to foster informed discussions and public awareness, ultimately seeking to advance justice, peace, and human rights in the region. Donate to IMEU

Palestine Children's Relief Fund (PCRF)

The Palestine Children's Relief Fund (PCRF) is dedicated to improving the health and well-being of Palestinian children in need. Their mission involves providing medical care, humanitarian assistance, and educational support, regardless of political or religious affiliations. PCRF aims to alleviate suffering and improve the lives of children affected by conflict and hardship. Donate to PCRF

United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA)

The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) is dedicated to assisting and protecting Palestinian refugees. Its mission is to provide essential services, including education, healthcare, and humanitarian aid, while advocating for the rights and well-being of Palestinian refugees in the Middle East. Donate to UNRWA

American Muslims for Palestine (AMP)

American Muslims for Palestine (AMP) advocates for Palestinian rights in the United States. Their mission is to raise awareness, build grassroots support, and lobby for a just and equitable resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. AMP seeks to engage and educate the American Muslim community and the broader public on this issue. Donate to AMP

Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP)

Jewish Voice for Peace is an advocacy group committed to promoting peace, justice, and human rights in Israel and Palestine. They advocate for an end to the Israeli occupation, equality for all, and a just resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, while highlighting the voices of Jewish Americans who support these goals. Donate to JVP

Islamic Relief USA

Islamic Relief is committed to alleviating poverty and suffering worldwide, irrespective of faith or ethnicity. Their mission centers on humanitarian assistance, disaster relief, and development projects. They aim to empower communities by providing emergency aid, healthcare, education, and sustainable solutions to help people in need achieve long-term self-sufficiency and well-being. Donate to Islamic Relief USA

Zakat Foundation of America

Zakat Foundation of America is dedicated to humanitarian and development work, providing assistance to marginalized communities globally. Their mission is to alleviate suffering, empower individuals, and foster self-reliance through programs in healthcare, education, emergency relief, and sustainable development, all guided by the principles of Islamic charity (Zakat). Donate to Zakat

Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)

The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) aims to protect and promote the civil rights and liberties of American Muslims. Its mission involves challenging discrimination, advocating for justice, and enhancing understanding and tolerance. CAIR works to ensure that Muslims in the United States can practice their faith freely and without prejudice. Donate to CAIR

Save the Children

Save the Children's mission is to improve the lives of children worldwide by providing healthcare, education, protection, and opportunities for growth. In Palestine, they work to address the unique challenges faced by children in conflict-affected areas, offering support, education, and essential services to ensure a better future for Palestinian children amidst ongoing adversity. Donate to Save the Children

Source for the above organization list and summaries: Palestine Resource Guide - A Project by Altruisa

Follow @altruisa_org on Instagram

Emergency relief for Gaza - Pious Projects

These emergency funds will be used for medical support, food baskets, hot meals, water, family relief, and any other pressing matters seen fit by our on-ground teams. Your generosity can make all the difference to a family facing immeasurable hardship. Please click below to make your donation now.

Watch: Emergency Relief Distribution - Gaza

#Donations #PalestineDonations #Vetted #Nonprofits #support

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Featured Contributor Art - Shosh Hirz Art

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Featured Contributor Art - Shosh Hirz Art

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Art by Shatha Hirzallah

Follow and support @shosh.hirz.art on Instagram!

Shatha Hirzallah is a Palestinian artist living in America. Not only is Shatha a contributor, she is a member of the Banned Knowledge Barrio Community. You can find more of her artwork here: shosh.hirz.art

Featured work:

Palestine in my heart ❤️

Dome of the Rock

Watermelon & Palestine

Palestinian Flag

Shatha's artwork is featured on the cover of On Palestine-Israel - A Compendium of Resources in Understanding Palestine-Israel

and the about the Teach for Palestine team post.

Shatha believes it is important to include a donation for Gaza on this post and encourages you to consider donating:

Donate for Gaza relief

#artwork #Contributor #ShoshHirzArt #Art #PalestinianArtist

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Live Tracker - Israel Gaza war in maps and charts

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Live Tracker - Israel Gaza war in maps and charts

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Israel-Gaza war in maps and charts: Live tracker

latest casualty figures

List of martyred journalist names

Source: Al Jazeera

#Martyrs #figures #numbers #Journalists #Names

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Israel is carrying out attacks across the Gaza Strip, including near hospitals and in the south of the besieged enclave, where ground operations are intensifying.

Here are the latest casualty figures as of April 29 at 4:00pm in Gaza (13:00 GMT):

Gaza

Killed: at least 34,488 people, including more than:

More than 14,500 children killed

8,400 women

Injured: more than 77,643 people

Missing: more than 8,000

The latest figures from the Palestinian Ministry of Health in the occupied West Bank are as follows:

Occupied West Bank

Killed: at least 491 people, including more than:

Injured: more than 4,800

In Israel, officials revised the death toll from the October 7 attacks down from 1,405 to 1,139.

Israel

Killed: 1,139 people

Injured: at least 8,730

Devastation across Gaza

According to the latest data from the UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the World Health Organization and the Palestinian government as of April 28, Israeli attacks have damaged:

More than half of Gaza's homes have been destroyed or damaged

80% of commercial facilities

73% of school buildings

11 out of 35 hospitals are partially functioning

83% of groundwater wells not operational

267 places of worship

Nowhere safe to go

The Israeli army published an online map of the Gaza Strip on December 1, dividing the enclave into more than 600 numbered blocks. It asked Gaza's civilians to identify the block corresponding with their area of residence and evacuate when ordered.

However, leaflets ordering evacuations have been inconsistent with online warnings, which has confused residents.

Furthermore, many Gaza residents have no reliable way to access the map with little access to electricity or the internet since the blockade of the 365sq-km (141sq-mile) strip has resulted in a collapse of telecommunications infrastructure.

Every hour in Gaza:

15 people are killed - six are children

35 people are injured

42 bombs are dropped*

12 buildings are destroyed

*Based on the first six days of the war, according to the Israeli army
Journalists killed

As of April 5, more than 100 journalists, mostly Palestinians, have been killed since the Israel-Gaza war began on October 7. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists and the International Federation of Journalists, 96 Palestinian, three Lebanese and four Israeli journalists have been killed.

Sixteen years of Israeli blockade

The Gaza Strip has a population of about 2.3 million people living in one of the most densely populated areas in the world. It is located between Israel and Egypt on the Mediterranean coast.

Since 2007, Israel has maintained strict control over Gaza's airspace and territorial waters and restricted the movement of goods and people in and out of Gaza.

Since Hamas's October 7 attacks in southern Israel, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has threatened to turn Gaza into a "deserted island" and warned its residents to "leave now".

How the Hamas attack unfolded

On the morning of October 7 about 6:30am (03:30 GMT), Hamas fired a huge barrage of rockets into southern Israel with sirens heard as far away as Tel Aviv and Beersheba.

The group said it launched 5,000 rockets in the initial barrage. Israel's military said 2,500 rockets were fired.

About an hour later, fighters crossed into Israel in an unprecedented multipronged operation by land, air and sea. Most fighters entered through breaches in security barriers separating Gaza and Israel.

Hamas's surprise attack came after Israeli settlers had stormed the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound and after a record number of Palestinians had been killed by Israel at that point in 2023.

At 9:45am (06:45 GMT), blasts were heard in Gaza and at 10am (07:00 GMT), Israel's military spokesperson said the air force was carrying out attacks in Gaza.

Gun battles continued between Israeli forces and Palestinian fighters in several areas of southern Israel.

Israeli air attacks continued late into the night as did rocket fire into southern Israel.

Gaza's densely populated neighbourhoods

The Gaza Strip comprises five governorates: North Gaza, Gaza City, Deir el-Balah, Khan Younis and Rafah.

North Gaza extends for 10km (6 miles) and shares the only crossing into Israel through Beit Hanoon, also known as the Erez crossing.

North Gaza is home to the Jabalia refugee camp, the largest in the Gaza Strip.

Gaza City is the largest and most populous city with more than 750,000 residents. Remal, Shujayea and Tal al-Hawa are among its most well-known neighbourhoods.

At the heart of the Remal neighbourhood is al-Shifa Hospital, the largest medical facility in the Gaza Strip.

Deir el-Balah is one of Gaza's largest agricultural producers. It is also home to four refugee camps: Nuseirat, Bureij, Maghazi and Deir el-Balah.

Gaza's only operating power plant is located along the district's boundary with Gaza City.

Khan Younis is home to about 430,000 people. At its centre is the Khan Younis refugee camp, where about 90,000 people live.

Rafah is the southernmost district of Gaza with a population of about 275,000. Rafah is also the name of the crossing with Egypt that is located there.

Both Israel and Egypt have kept their borders largely shut and are responsible for further deteriorating the already weakened economic and humanitarian situation in Gaza.

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Israel-Gaza war in maps and charts: Live tracker

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The latest death toll stands at 34,979 Palestinians and 1,139 people killed in Israel since October 7.

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Know Their Names - Palestinians Killed in Israeli Attacks on Gaza

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Know Their Names - Palestinians Killed in Israeli Attacks on Gaza

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Interactive site exploring the thousands of Palestinians killed in Israeli attacks on Gaza.

Source: Al Jazeera - Know Their Names

#Martyrs #Names #KnowTheirNames #Gaza

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Know their names: Palestinians killed in Israeli attacks on Gaza

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A Palestinian child in Gaza is killed in an Israeli attack every 10 minutes.

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Football Palestine connects fans of the Palestine National Team and Palestinian football to the latest news on the ground.

Football Palestine Substack

Source: Football Palestine

#soccer #football #sports #FootballPalestine #sportsteam #PalestineNationalTeam

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Palestinian Football News & Analysis. The latest on Al-Fida'i, Palestinian players abroad, and the local Palestinian leagues.

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Source: Palestine Remembered

Palestine Pictures Before and After Nakba Grouped By District & Subject

Nakba's Oral History Interviews Listing

A complete listing of all Palestinian (inclusive of the destroyed & ethnically cleansed) towns grouped by district

#History #Nakba #Palestine #FreePalestine

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palestine remembered (فلسطين في الذاكرة)

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pictures of palestine before nakba -1948

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Palestine Pictures Before and After Nakba Grouped By District & Subject - Palestine Remembered

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Over 70,000 pictures about Palestine fully categorized by town & subject (especially before Nakba) : Looting Palestinian properties, Ethnic Cleaning (Expulsion), Home Destruction & Rubble, Aerial Views & Village Maps, Land Deeds, Videos of Destroyed Towns, plus a lot more..

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Source: Al Jazeera

Includes infographics

Includes personal accounts

Includes a 338 page list of the names and ages of more than 6,700 Palestinians that Israel has killed in Gaza from October 7-25, 2023.

#GazaGenocide #Genocide #GazaUnderAttack #Palestine #FreePalestine

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Know their names: Palestinians killed in Israeli attacks on Gaza

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A Palestinian child in Gaza is killed in an Israeli attack every 10 minutes.

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Health Ministry of Gaza Names of 7,000 Palestinians Killed in Gaza, October 7-25th Only

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Health Ministry of Gaza Names of 7,000 Palestinians Killed in Gaza, October 7-25th Only

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The Health Ministry of Gaza releases names of 7,000 persons killed by the genocide of Gaza perpetrated by Israel, October 7- present.

English report

Arabic report

Source: Health Ministry of Gaza, Institute of Palestine Studies

#Gaza #GazaGenocide #Martyrs #Palestine #FreePalestine

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Report prepared by the Health Information Centre | Palestinian Ministry of Health (MOH) - Gaza
The Palestinian Ministry of Health in Gaza published its detailed report on the victims of Israel's aggression against the Gaza Strip for the period between 7 to 26 October. The report, prepared by the Health Information Centre, includes the number of martyrs classified into males, females, adults and children, as well as a diagram monitoring the death toll at a daily basis.

The report contains a full record of martyrs, including the name, identity number, age and sex (up to page 150), and a special record of the names of children who died as a result of the Israeli shelling during the period of aggression referred to (pages following page 150). The latter is only available in Arabic.

During the period documented in the report, there were 7,028 martyrs, of whom 2,913 were children and 4,115 were adults. The total number of martyrs, according to gender, was 3,129 females and 3,899 males, and 281 of the martyrs referred to in the report were unidentified.

The Palestinian Ministry of Health indicated in its report that the actual number of martyrs is significantly higher than the number observed in the present report, since the report does not include those who are still missing under the rubble, and those who were directly buried without showing to hospitals, or those who couldn't be registered by the hospitals.

The English version can be found here, obtained via MOH.

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A Detailed Report of the Victims of Israel's War on the Gaza Strip 7-26 October 2023

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فلسطين الميدان

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Provides deeper context for 2023-present genocide on Gaza.

Amidst persisting narratives and disinformation, this booklet serves as a dedicated guide to dismantling Israeli propaganda. As we feel committed to providing facts and

advocating for justice, this document aims to equip readers with the knowledge and tools necessary to challenge misconceptions.

This booklet outlines effective communication strategies, encouraging advocates to remain calm, factual, and persistent in pursuing justice. By dissecting key

terminologies and addressing prominent claims with clear counterarguments, we aim to provide a comprehensive resource on historical events, propaganda tactics, and

misconceptions for those dedicated to dismantling false narratives and fostering accurate understanding.

Available Languages: English, Arabic, German, French, Mandarin Chinese

See original post here

Source: @salamkatanani Advocating for Palestine Booklet

#Palestine #History #Facts #Decolonization #DebunkingMyths #ZionistPropoganda

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Written by Itzel Calvo Medina

Author's Statement:

"I wrote this guide as a collection of anecdotes and lessons I have learned from being an undocumented, working-class woman of color who is also an organizer and a student. I want this guide to inspire people to organize in their communities and develop the tools they need in the ongoing fight for liberation and freedom.

This guide is not a step by step manual for you to join a movement and be successful, but rather a testimony to the many things you can and will face when you’re starting to organize."   - Itzel Calvo Medina

Source: UC Berkeley The American Cultures Center

#StudentGuide #StudentAction #Action #Liberation #StudentClub #Orgnanizing #Community #Organizing

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Strategizing for Palestinian Solidarity - From Demands to Direct Action

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Strategizing for Palestinian Solidarity - From Demands to Direct Action

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PDF here

You can read the contents of this zine online in full here.

In Atlanta, Georgia, abolitionists and environmentalists have fought for three and a half years to stop the construction of a police militarization facility known as Cop City. The same police that are attempting to crush that movement have trained for decades with Israeli police, exchanging lethal counterinsurgency strategies. In this zine, a Jewish collective that has participated in the struggle to Stop Cop City explains why they are committed to solidarity with Palestinians and what it will take to halt the assault of the Israeli military on Gaza. (CrimeThinc)

#zine #DirectAction #Action #copcity #IOF #PalestinianSolidarity

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In Atlanta, Georgia, abolitionists and environmentalists have fought for three and a half years to stop the construction of a police militarization facility known as Cop City. The same police that are attempting to crush that movement have trained for decades with Israeli police, exchanging lethal counterinsurgency strategies. In this zine, a Jewish collective that has participated in the struggle to Stop Cop City explains why they are committed to solidarity with Palestinians and what it will take to halt the assault of the Israeli military on Gaza.

You can read the contents of this zine online in full here.

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You can read the contents of this zine online in full here.

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Amazingly talented 15 year old rapper from Palestine 🎤 Spreading peace, love & unity through music.

MC Abdul - Shouting At The Wall (Official Video)

MC Abdul - Palestine [FREEVERSE]

MC Abdul - The Pen & The Sword (Official Video)

MC Abdul - Let It Rain

Source: @MCAbdulOfficial on YouTube

#McAbdul #Rapper #PalestinianYouth #PalestinianRapper #ShoutingAtTheWall #PalestineSong #ThePenandTheSword #LetItRain #Music #PalestinianCreator

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🇵🇸 15 y/o rapper from Palestine
🎤 Spreading peace, love & unity through music.

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Ghassan Kanafani was a prominent Palestinian author, intellectual, politician and icon of Arab culture and art. He is considered to be a leading Palestinian writer and a revolutionary inspiration of his time and still to this day.

Featured article: The revolutionary intellectual who wrote Palestine: Remembering Source: The New Arab

On Ghassan Kanafani Day: 5 Online Reads

Free Ghassan Kanafani E-Books

All That’s Left To You A Novella And Short Stories ( PDF)

Palestine’s Children Returning To Haifa & Other Stories ( PDF)

Analysis of Ghassan Kanafani’s Men in the Sun

Teaching Note - Ghassan Kanafani’s “Men in the Sun” by Linda Dittmar

#GhassanKanafani #Writer #politician #freeEbooks #Author #ArabCulture #revolutionary #books

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In Akka, the northern Palestinian coastal city whose walls defeated Napoleon in 1799, Ghassan Kanafani was born. And in 1972 in Beirut, then an icon of Arab culture and art, fifty years ago today Kanafani's body, along with his 17-year-old niece's, was pulverised in a car bomb planted by the Mossad.

"Ghassan Kanafani's martyrdom secured his place in the arc of suffering that envelops the Palestinian collective, yet, again through martyrdom, he was born anew to become part of the collective history of his people"

Shortly after his family became refugees in Lebanon in the wake of Israel' s 1948 inception, 12-year-old Ghassan moved to Damascus to finish his secondary school and university, then to Kuwait to work as a teacher, only to return to Beirut a few years later.

Kanafani's revolutionary journey began with the Arab Nationalist Movement but was cut short due to his disillusionment with its Pan-Arab agendas, which blurred and scattered the Palestinian identity in the process of creating a unified Arab geographical and political continuum.

It is by becoming a member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) in 1967 and especially helped by being the founder/editor of the widely circulated weekly Al-Hadaf, that GhassanKanafani transcended Arabism to Palestinianism.

And yet, this is not a biography about Kanafani's 36 years of life; but about his much longer and rather continuous post-life. It is about how his multiple struggles with diabetes, smoking, identity, romances, loss, and narration have cast a long shadow on his novellas and short stories and paved the path for the next generations of Palestinian writers.

It is with the same incisive yet less known spirit that Kanafani, once a student of literature at Damascus University, analysed and critiqued multiple literary works, of which a book he authored on Zionist literature was translated into English only recently.

"My grandmother purposely left all her fabric exactly where it was at home because she thought she'd come back and finish her sewing": Remembering #Naksa https://t.co/J5s5lrzJ3G
- The New Arab (@The_NewArab) June 6, 2022

What is of great importance is how this young revolutionary intellectual breathed into the realm of literature an unorthodox chronology of the dare-not-to-say Palestinian journey: from exile to self-lamentation and disorientation, to revolution and resistance, and eventually to self-discovery and internationalism.

"The most dominant theme in his work, one that continues to unify almost all Palestinians, is exile. Each Palestinian has their version of it, whether as refugees abroad or within the borders of historical Palestine or as legally alienated subjects on their land, as is the case for Palestinians inside Israel"

Renowned Lebanese novelist, Elias Khouri, spoke profusely about the timelessness and precognition of Kanafani's work.

Ghassan Kanafani's martyrdom, says Khouri, secured his place in the arc of suffering that envelops the Palestinian collective, yet, again through martyrdom, he was born anew to become part of the collective history of his people.

As if to say, death liberated his text and allowed it to continue a journey toward becoming a collective work, first for all Palestinians, then for revolutionaries and humanists around the world.

The most dominant theme in his work, one that continues to unify almost all Palestinians, is exile. Each Palestinian has their version of it, whether as refugees abroad or within the borders of historical Palestine or as legally alienated subjects on their land, as is the case for Palestinians inside Israel.

Precisely because of that, Kanafani set a literary trajectory where the exile was stripped of its physical form - from being an actual uprooting and denial of return to the homeland - to also an ethereal and deeply psychological existence of exclusion, marginalisation, and memoricide.

In All That's Left to You (1966), Kanafani projects his own experience and struggles, highlighting the exile through the broken family ties and scatteredness.

The protagonists Hamid and his sister Maryam get separated from their mother as they could not all get on the same boat during the 1948 exodus. The siblings are then taken to Gaza and the mother to Jordan.

Throughout the novella, by focusing on the emotional void and the search for the missing mother Kanafani illustrates the sense of collective disorientation that fell upon most Palestinians following the Nakba. More critical yet, the author explores the overwhelming but rather muted sense of shame and guilt among the refugees.

Against enormous odds, Palestinians have successfully preserved their pre-Nakba culture and, through that, kept their right of return and national consciousness alive. My latest on @the_newarab https://t.co/LrA29TYwB6
- Emad Moussa (@emadmoussa) May 17, 2022

Hamid continuously grapples with guilt for failing to get on the other boat with his mother. Meanwhile, his sister, Maryam - inundated with desperation and searching for meaning on a seemingly purposeless journey - becomes an easy victim to the temptations of her lover Zakariya.

This affair, and later unholy pregnancy, drives a wedge between her and her brother; another metaphor for the even more shameful internal Palestinian fragmentation, which has become an archetypical attribute of Palestinian realpolitik.

The exilic shame is as pronounced in Returning to Haifa (1969), albeit this time represented through the idea of abandonment and betrayal.

"In the Palestinian exilic experience, many refugees went through a process of 'refugee authentication,' where they sought to maintain the perception of a refugee as a helpless, vulnerable, and speechless victim"

The protagonist Said returns with his wife to Haifa after twenty years to look for their missing child, Khaldoun. The parents repeatedly try to avoid mentioning the child's name, taking comfort in the deluded idea that he must be well and happy now.

But, much like many refugees who chose to ignore the reality of exile and focus on the almost unrealisable return to Palestine, the parents are crushed to find that their son is now adopted by a Jewish family and serving in the IDF.

Yet, because the shame and guilt are too much to bear, the parents soon resort to the "comfort zone of denial," to routinise and normalise the dire consequences of exile, as if what happened was meant to be.

In her book, Purity and Exile (1995), Liisa Malkki maintains that in the Palestinian exilic experience, many refugees went through a process of "refugee authentication," where they sought to maintain the perception of a refugee as a helpless, vulnerable, and speechless victim.

Even by highlighting the hush-hush feelings of shame and guilt, Kanafani rejects the stereotypical notion that the refugees were helpless or willing to accept the exilic reality as irreversible, even if it appeared as such.

In Men in the Sun (1963), Kanafani tells the story of three Palestinian refugees who are smuggled from Iraq to Kuwait hiding in a tank.

On the Iraqi-Kuwait border, the men inside the tank die from heat and lack of oxygen. Kanafani tells us that they did not even knock on the tank wall for help.

The "tank" does not only represent the muted death of the refugees inside the camp, but also the ghettoisation of their lives as refugees. And, as such, Kanafani resists the notion of passiveness, rather aggressively calling upon Palestinians to rise and fight, "to knock to the tank wall" and break free from the debilitating ailments of victimhood.

Kanafani broke ties with the traditional writing of the era, ushering in a new style more representative of the various, albeit not all, planes of existence of the Palestinian experience.

To Khouri, Kanafani's novellas are characterised by short, clipped sentences, economy and austerity of expressions, providing a sense of immediacy - as if the author had started at the end of the story because he was pressed for time and lacked the patience for elaboration. And, as if unless he did so, Palestine would slip away like water through his fingers.

But this hastiness and apparent incompleteness are what liberated Palestine literarily, and precisely that is what lent Kanafani's work a peculiar, timeless charm and malleability, and made it an inspiration for the next generations of writers.
Dr Emad Moussa is a researcher and writer who specialises in the politics and political psychology of Palestine/Israel. Follow him on Twitter: @emadmoussa

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Ghassan Kanafani: A revolutionary inspiration

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From exile to self-lamentation and disorientation, to revolution and resistance, Ghassan Kanafani's revolutionary work continues to inspire new writers and put Palestine at the forefront of literary debate.

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Fatima Bernawi's life (1939-2022) and political perspectives were transformed by the Nakba, which she experienced as a young child. She was a historic fighter for Palestinian solidarity and made history by being the first woman to be arrested by the IOF.

Article: On Fatima Bernawi, Women's Struggle, and Black-Palestinian Solidarity

Also see this post on Facebook on Fatima Bernawi

Source: Institute of Palestine Studies

#FatimaBernawi #PalestinianSolidarity #HistoricWomen #Palestinian #Resistance

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On Fatima Bernawi, Women’s Struggle, and Black-Palestinian Solidarity

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Provides deeper context for 2023-present genocide on Gaza.

Amidst persisting narratives and disinformation, this booklet serves as a dedicated guide to dismantling Israeli propaganda. As we feel committed to providing facts and

advocating for justice, this document aims to equip readers with the knowledge and tools necessary to challenge misconceptions.

This booklet outlines effective communication strategies, encouraging advocates to remain calm, factual, and persistent in pursuing justice. By dissecting key

terminologies and addressing prominent claims with clear counterarguments, we aim to provide a comprehensive resource on historical events, propaganda tactics, and

misconceptions for those dedicated to dismantling false narratives and fostering accurate understanding.

Available Languages: English, Arabic, German, French, Mandarin Chinese

See original post here

Source: @salamkatanani Advocating for Palestine Booklet

#Palestine #History #Facts #Decolonization #DebunkingMyths #ZionistPropoganda

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Hosted by Sabrina Tavernise

Featuring Amanda Taub

Source: New York Times

In the International Court of Justice, South Africa is accusing Israel of committing genocide in Gaza.

Amanda Taub, a human rights lawyer-turned-journalist at The Times, walks through the arguments of the case, and the power that the rules of war have beyond any verdict in court.

#ICJ #SouthAfrica #genocide #rulesofwar #war #gaza

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What does international law say about Israel’s attack on Gaza?

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Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question

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Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question

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Conceived by the Institute for Palestine Studies as part of a joint project with the Palestinian Museum, The Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question traces the history of modern Palestine, from the end of the Ottoman era to the present.

Source: Palquest

#History #Colonization #OttomonEmpire #BritishMandate #IsraeliOccupation #OccupiedPalestine #Palestine

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Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question - palquest

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The Naqib al-Ashraf Rebellion (1703 - 1705)

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Event - A revolt protesting excessive taxes and repressive local policies succeeds in expelling the new Ottoman governor and his troops from Jerusalem for...

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See this post from @fathom_the_road

Al-Thawabit al-Wataniyya (Arabic: الثوابت الوطنية), shortened as Thawabit ('fundamental principles') and sometimes referred to as Palestinian red-lines, are a set of supra-constitutional principles that were formulated by the Palestinian National Council of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1977, representing the core issues of national consensus on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and "to which all Palestinian factions must pledge fealty":

the right to resistance,

the right to self-determination (statehood),

Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine, and

the right of Palestinian refugees to return (in accordance with UNGA 194).

The Thawabit, declared as Palestinians' inviolable national rights, became the cornerstones of the ethos of conflict of the Palestinian society, featuring prominently in all cultural products, in the media, in the speeches of leaders, in official documents, in textbooks and in the daily life of the Palestinian society. (source: Wikipedia)<- Yes, Wikipedia is not the best source, but Teachers for Palestine found it difficult to find any solid resources on the Thawabit. If you have a good resource, please submit it to our feedback form.

#Thawabit #SelfDetermination #rightofresistance #Jerusalem #UNGA194 #PalestinianSociety #PLO #redlines #alThawabit

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Born on This Day: 7 Poems by Fadwa Tuqan

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Born on This Day: 7 Poems by Fadwa Tuqan

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A selection of 7 Poems from Palestinian poet and memoirist Fadwa Tuqan (1917-2003)

Face Lost in the Wilderness

Hamza

A Life

The Deluge and the Tree

Existence

And Nothing Remains

I Found It

Source: Arab Lit

#Poetry #Poems #FadwaTuqan #poet #PalestinianPoet

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Palestinian poet and memoirist Fadwa Tuqan (1917-2003) - whose acclaimed autobiography, A Mountainous Journey, was translated to English by Naomi Shihab Nye - was born on this day in 1917:

She was born in Nablus to a literary family; studied English literature at Oxford; and won acclaim and literary prizes for her poetry, in Arabic and in translation.

The poet Abbas Beydoun wrote, after her death, "Fadwa was an original poet in her own right, writing from her own experiences and for her late brothers, Ibrahim Tuqan, the most famous Palestinian poet of the time; and for her second brother, who died in a tragic accident. Fadwa stood up as an Electra in mourning between two dead brothers, shouldering the pain of the family, which we can easily call Palestine. Poetry came to her in the image of the Palestinian fate; ultimately her choice to write poetry was not as important as her real mission, which fell somewhere between that of Joan of Arc and al-Khansa."

" Face Lost in the Wilderness," From Modem Palestinian Poetry, translated by Patricia Alanah Byrne with the help of the editor [Salma Khadra Jayyusi], and Naomi Shihab Nye.

It opens:

Do not fill postcards with memories
Between my heart and the luxury of passion
stretches a desert where ropes of fire
blaze and smolder, where snakes
coil and recoil, swallowing blossoms
with poison and flame.

" Hamza," translated by Azfar Hussain

It opens:

Hamza was just an ordinary man

like others in my hometown

who work only with their hands for bread.

" A Life," translated by Azfar Hussain

It opens:

My life is tears and a fond heart longing, a book of poetry and a lute

" The Deluge and the Tree," translated by Naomi Shihab Nye with the help of Salma Khadra Jayyusi.

It opens:

When the hurricane swirled and spread its deluge
of dark evil
onto the good green land
'They' gloated. The western skies
reverberated with joyous accounts:

" Existence, " translated by Michael R Burch.

It opens:

In solitary life, I was a lost question;

In the encompassing darkness,

my answer was concealed.

" And Nothing Remains," translated by Franklin Huntington

It opens:

We are together tonight,
But you'll be hidden from me tomorrow
By the cruelty of this life.

" I Found It, " translated by Franklin Huntington

It opens:

I found it on a beautiful, sunny day.
I found it after great loss:
Fresh verdant soil,
Wet and flourishing.

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Born on This Day: 7 Poems by Fadwa Tuqan

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"Do not fill postcards with memories/ Between my heart and the luxury of passion/ stretches a desert where ropes of fire/ blaze and smolder, where snakes/ coil and recoil, swallowing blossoms with poison and flame."

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Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question

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Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question

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Conceived by the Institute for Palestine Studies as part of a joint project with the Palestinian Museum, The Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question traces the history of modern Palestine, from the end of the Ottoman era to the present.

Consisting in the description of various aspects of the Palestine Question that is simultaneously objective and committed, the Encyclopedia presents the Palestinians as they are—purposeful actors and not just victims.

Following years of preparation and several stages of implementation, the Encyclopedia is now a fully-bilingual platform geared towards academics, students, journalists, and the general public.

It currently consists of the following sections.

Start by exploring its backbone: a detailed Overall Chronology of the main events that shaped Palestinian history in the realms of war, diplomacy, culture, economy, and many other topics.

Some of these events form part of Thematic Chronologies, allowing you to access with a single click the milestones of the PLO's history, the main United Nations resolutions, the different stages of Arab-Israeli wars and negotiations rounds, and many other crucial developments in Palestinian history.

For a deeper understanding of the main events and dimensions of the Palestine Question, discover an ever-growing number of Highlights written by leading academics and experts in the field.

Don't forget to discover the Biographies of Palestinian intellectuals, artists, activists, combatants and politicians who have influenced the history of Palestine since the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Delve further into the painful legacy of the past by exploring hundreds of villages destroyed by Israel during the Nakba, which are now featured in a new section called Places.

And don't leave the platform without having browsed the Documents section through hundreds of historical texts, photographs, maps and charts that exemplify the great diversity of Palestine, past and present.

The Encyclopedia will be continually upgraded and populated with additional content. To help us improve it further, we need your feedback and suggestions; write to us at palquest@palestine-studies.org.

#History #Colonization #OttomonEmpire #BritishMandate #IsraeliOccupation #OccupiedPalestine #Palestine

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Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question - palquest

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The Naqib al-Ashraf Rebellion (1703 - 1705)

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Event - A revolt protesting excessive taxes and repressive local policies succeeds in expelling the new Ottoman governor and his troops from Jerusalem for...

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Why Did You Leave the Horse Alone? by Mahmoud Darwish, Mohammad Shaheen

PDF can be found here (sign up for an account)

Memoirs of an Early Arab Feminist Anbara Salam Khalidi(Links to Hoopla)

(Jstor)

On Zionist Literature Ghassan Kanafani (Links to Hoopla)

Gaza by Norman G. Finkelstein (Links to Hoopla)

Except for Palestine by Marc Lamont Hill, Mitchell Plitnick

Audiobook (both links to Hoopla)

Freedom Is a Constant Struggle

Ferguson, Palestine, and the Foundations of a Movement

by Angela Y. DavisEdited by Frank BaratPreface by Cornel West (links to Haymarket Books for purchase - on sale!)

Submitted by a contributor of Teachers for Palestine

#Books #Ebooks

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Si hay que vincular a un pensador y ensayista con el axhaustivo análisis de la brutal historia de los palestinos, ese no puede ser otro que Norman G. Fink...

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Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question

# data[].attributes.subject
Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question

# data[].attributes.body
Conceived by the Institute for Palestine Studies as part of a joint project with the Palestinian Museum, The Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question traces the history of modern Palestine, from the end of the Ottoman era to the present.

Consisting in the description of various aspects of the Palestine Question that is simultaneously objective and committed, the Encyclopedia presents the Palestinians as they are—purposeful actors and not just victims.

Following years of preparation and several stages of implementation, the Encyclopedia is now a fully-bilingual platform geared towards academics, students, journalists, and the general public.

It currently consists of the following sections.

Start by exploring its backbone: a detailed Overall Chronology of the main events that shaped Palestinian history in the realms of war, diplomacy, culture, economy, and many other topics.

Some of these events form part of Thematic Chronologies, allowing you to access with a single click the milestones of the PLO's history, the main United Nations resolutions, the different stages of Arab-Israeli wars and negotiations rounds, and many other crucial developments in Palestinian history.

For a deeper understanding of the main events and dimensions of the Palestine Question, discover an ever-growing number of Highlights written by leading academics and experts in the field.

Don't forget to discover the Biographies of Palestinian intellectuals, artists, activists, combatants and politicians who have influenced the history of Palestine since the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Delve further into the painful legacy of the past by exploring hundreds of villages destroyed by Israel during the Nakba, which are now featured in a new section called Places.

And don't leave the platform without having browsed the Documents section through hundreds of historical texts, photographs, maps and charts that exemplify the great diversity of Palestine, past and present.

The Encyclopedia will be continually upgraded and populated with additional content. To help us improve it further, we need your feedback and suggestions; write to us at palquest@palestine-studies.org.

#History #Colonization #OttomonEmpire #BritishMandate #IsraeliOccupation #OccupiedPalestine #Palestine

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Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question - palquest

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Naqib al-Ashraf Rebellion (1703 - 1705)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Event - A revolt protesting excessive taxes and repressive local policies succeeds in expelling the new Ottoman governor and his troops from Jerusalem for...

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Resources for Learning More about the War on Gaza

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Resources for Learning More about the War on Gaza

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Download a PDF of this Resource List

Resources to help educators understand what is happening on the ground in real time, as well as background information about Palestine and resources to use with students at different grade levels.

Source: Teach Palestine

#Resourcesforteachers #TeachPalestine #Resources #Realtime #backgroundinfo #teachersupport

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Featured Contributor Voice: Hadeel Salameh

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Featured Contributor Voice: Hadeel Salameh

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Featured Work:

Birds of Gaza - Published by Arcturus via Medium

Palestinian Men Like Thorns- New Orleans Review

Zain & Dana, You are Palestinian - The Rising Phoenix Review

Everything Will Be Okay- Wrath Bearing Tree

And They Go On Learning- Institute for Palestine Studies, Jerusalem Quarterly

Nature of War- Drunk Monkeys

The Conflict Between a Palestinian Girl and an Israeli Soldier- Muftah

We Have Stories- Anchor Magazine (PDF)

Farmer on His Land- SLAB Literary Art and Soundbook

My Ancestry, Rooted Under Occupied Soils- Carnegie Mellon Martin Luther King Jr. Awards

Hadeel Salameh is a Palestinian-American writer who earned her MFA in Fiction at Bowling Green State University. Her work has appeared in New Orleans Review, Arcturus, Rising Phoenix Review, Wrath Bearing Tree, Jerusalem Quarterly, Torrid Literary Journal, Drunk Monkeys, Apogee, Anchor Still Harbor, Muftah, SLAB Literary Art & Sound Book, and as honorary mentions in the Ibrahim Dakkak and the MLK Jr. Day Writing Awards.

*Not only a contributor, Hadeel is also a co-host of the Teach for Palestine Padlet and member of the Banned Knowledge Barrio Community.

#Palestinian #PalestinianVoices #Palestine #Gaza #Fiction #Poet #Poetry #Contributor

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In Gaza, we learn to fly before we can walk. When children die, they become birds in heaven. I dream of waking up to them chirping at my window, but instead it's the sounds of construction. We are always building - rebuilding.

My mother used to say we need to finish the puzzles we're working on before moving on to the next, but I would tell her that's not fair, that the adults are continuously piecing together our homeland like a puzzle with edges folded outwards. It's how I would get her to push dinner back to play with us some more. We never finished a single puzzle, built in quarters of two or three at a time, and my mother made a habit of collecting pieces and tucking them into places around our home-on the bookshelf, in the pantry, in one of our toy boxes. She couldn't let go of the small pieces, always assuring us we'd "go back to them," while pulling out another box of a thousand pieces. I think she saw these small pieces as parts of us, the thousand homes never finished because of having to start new ones all the same.

Every person in our city is a worker; we piece together blocks of concrete over another from dusk to dawn, until the sky becomes dim and we all have to go back to our folded homes, just to wake up the next morning to a sky empty of all the birds that have fled. Maybe that's why we die, so the skies will not remain empty. So there will always be something to look up to.

Julia's hair is sweaty and sticks to her face. I brush it from her eyes as she sleeps on my chest, strands stiff like the feathers we used to find burrowed under the dirt when I'd play soccer with the other children at the UNWRA school, Julia cheering on in the sidelines and running after us. Between our lessons, barefoot and free we ran around in our cages.

My sister's hands do not let go of my shirt. They tug reflexively, her unconscious body awake. Is she dreaming of today, afraid to wake up and find herself still stuck in it? She frowns and smiles as she sleeps, a smile after the frown. Is she practicing her dribble, running towards victory in a football match or away from the defeat of our nation? Can she even tell the difference? Soccer, games, is all she knows and lives for and today we kicked around rocks instead, dirt still coated on the soles of her tiny feet.

Before Julia was born, my mother would play the Quran loudly in our home so she would come into this world a believer. We walked our hallways listening to verses of rivers and gardens underneath our feet. She would put me to bed with stories, read over her belly, so my sister would know exactly when Little Nutbrown Hare was thrown into the air, his legs to the moon. She would kiss my hands and feet before pulling the blanket over me, "you hold my love close tonight," she'd say, "however far your dreams take you, inna lil lahi wa inna ilahi rajioon."

The last time she tucked us in, she didn't need to turn the lights off because we've been in the dark. With only the moonlight and sparks of stars exploding in the sky, illuminating in fractions. Her love to us all the way to the moon, and our father, waiting for us, would send it back from the last time the stars illuminated. If Julia dies now, I'll know exactly which bird is her-it'll be the one dipping down and rocketing up and spiraling, its feathers purple and blue, shooting in the air like webs from Ghost Spider's wrists. She'll be the fun bird, and what will I be, will I be a bird if I die now, a child robbed of his childhood? A child who learned to read searching lists of martyrs for his father's name. A child who overnight must become both parents to his younger sibling is no longer a child.

We slept outside, huddled on torn mattresses our neighbors pulled beneath the rubble of our homes. The sky is vast and open above us. Julia fell asleep with her face in my shirt. I don't think she wanted to see the stars light up. The stars that took our home and mother and left her with only me to explain to her one day that we had parents, too. These stars, I tell her, chase away the birds, and chase us into the skies all the same.

It's been a few hours since we've felt the water at the soles of our feet, or smelled the flowers from our eternal gardens or seen our mother, since she's told us of her love. She had tucked us in and remained at our side. I could hear her reciting verses of Quran over us in my sleep, half awake even before she stopped suddenly, in a frenzy to wake us, "we have to go to another house." It was the third time we had to since the attacks started.
Before we could leave, the bombs sounded closer and louder and I didn't realize how close they were until the ceiling started to shake and we hid into our mother's chest. She breathed in deeply so she wouldn't scream in our faces, doing everything to hold us and we didn't move until the round of bombing stopped. We felt the building shake and didn't take anything with us when we left.

We made it outside and to our neighboring building and after my mother put Julia in my arms and situated us with our neighbors she went back to our home for the food and a few of our belongings. Another round of bombardment started not long after. The home we just left directly hit this time, our mother still there. All the neighborhood went to pull out the bodies from the concrete stones and caved in walls.

There were so many women pulled out, almost all wearing similar patterned prayer clothes, but I still knew which one was our mother, even though her face was unrecognizable when the uncles asked me to confirm her body. Our favorite book and Julia's plush bunny were still in her hands.

In Gaza there's no time to grieve. Prayers over the dead and prayers to stay alive must be said together. We pass around a bottle cap the adults fill with water for us. I fill the cap five times so I can fill Julia's fifteen, that is what mothers would do. Israel cut off water and electricity so we have to use what we have sparingly. "Mama is with Baba, on the moon," I tell my sister as she continues to cry for her. I think she understands mama will not come back, even though I haven't told her she's been killed. She sits on my lap and turns to my chest, puts my hand on her head, so I play with her hair like mama used to.

The men and uncles in the streets don't try to wipe their faces of tears, and I think it's their softness that makes them men. Journalists filming everything. If we live through this, it'll be because the world saw their faces, and was moved. "Ya Allah, Ya Allah," a man holding his little girl, about Julia's age, tries to give her the pacifier, but she is dead. He keeps trying to get her to take it, "ma ilna ghyrak, ya Allah." And I change my mind, if we live through this, it'll be because of God alone.

"Bubu," Julia points at the girl, baby, she calls her. "Bubu, bubu, bidi bubu." She reaches her arms out to grab her, thinking she's one of her dolls. "Amu, aa'tini al bubu, bidi al'ab," she wants to play with the baby and walks over to to her father and asks for her and the girl's father allows Julia to kiss her and touch her face until she starts asking why she's covered in blood, asking if she's dead.

"A'sfoura mn a'safir al janah ya ami," he tells Julia. She's now a bird in heaven, and Julia repeats this, then spreads her arms and runs around like a bird, me, too, me, too, she tells the uncle.

All this imagery of birds, as if it's supposed to make me feel better to die a child. I don't want to be a bird, I want to be human. More than that I want to be a hero, a journalist, like the ones that come visit us and show the world what we are. They're so brave, unafraid of telling the world the truth, even if it means getting shot. I want to skate, too. There is a team of older kids, I'm not sure how old, but they aren't fathers and aren't children, either. They come to the school and teach us how to skateboard. It's not easy to stand on the skateboard without falling, but I can do it. I haven't fallen, not even once. Motaz says it's important to learn how to fall so I don't get hurt or break any bones, but I remind him I'm Palestinian, we don't break.

The uncles comforting the father holding his daughter pat his back and recite prayers for him. They try to take his daughter from him and he starts to yell, that he won't leave her, that he wants to hold her a while longer. So many people have been killed. The adults dig giant holes in places empty of buildings, and they put the bodies beside each other as close as possible to fit as many as they can, and then they place the dirt on top to cover them all, so that they could rest. They're digging the lines now, and he wants to hold her until it's time to put her there, beside the other children, he requests, so that they can teach her how to flap her wings when they wake.

"Come on, bubu," I want to take her away from the mass graves before the adults begin placing the bodies inside. I take Julia's hands, one in each of mine, and lift her into the air. She laughs so I do it again until she's too heavy to do it a third time. "Oh my goodness, you're getting so big," I say, "and without having eaten since yesterday!" Her smile fades at the mention of food and I regret saying it; that is not what mothers would say. I pick her up with all the strength I have left, over my head, and tell her to shoot webs like Ghost Spider. "Tu tu tu, she makes spitting sounds between her teeth, laughing again. I lift her and he shoots webs up towards the buildings still standing until my arms shake like they've been hit and we both fall laughing.

We're sitting at the side of the street. Our prophet, peace be upon him, told us not to spend our times sitting in the streets, but that if there's nowhere else to go, sit on the right side, because even the streets have rights, and we must honor them by not looking at others unless they speak to us directly, not to harm anybody, return greetings of peace, and to do good. There's no place else to go so I try to keep my gaze low, but I also need to find something to eat, for my sister to eat. Across the road is a dumpster, with a stray cat trying to find something to eat. I take Julia and place her on my shoulders, she laughs, asks me if we're going to climb the walls. "No," I tell her, "I need you to look into the dumpster, tell me if you can see any food."
"Otay," she says and I feel her foot on my face, climbing my nose to lift herself higher. She's looking in, holding onto the rim, but can't find anything. The cat's around my feet, also waiting to know if she finds anything. Then an uncle comes over to us and starts yelling-not at us, but at the world for allowing us to be beggars to the dumpsters.

"Ya ami, habibi, I will get you some food." He yells at others as he walks away, and goes to a long line of people waiting for bread at the bakery. But it's been five days since the food has been cut off, whatever's left will be gone before he reaches the front of the line. I'm so hungry and dizzy that I'm not sure if what I'm hearing is the sounds of the bombs dropping or my stomach crying.

And then the bombs drop-louder-this time closer, and the line for the bakery disperses, everyone screams as they run, only some away from the bombs that drop at the end of the street, but most towards them, towards the homes they left members of their families in, and the screaming quickly changes to cursing and prayers all at the same time. Mothers are calling for their children, children are calling for their mothers and fathers and the older children are looking for their younger siblings. Julia holds the stray cat and her bunny.

"Ma tkhafi," she tells her and pets her temple. I know she's terrified because she's glued to my side, but she continues to stroke this cat and tell her not to be afraid. When children have their parents, they hear that they are loved, and it's only until their parents are gone, I think, that we stop hearing we are loved. I kiss my little sister's head and tell her I love her, I don't usually say it, it's something only mama used to say, and we never said it to each other, I'm not sure why. I call her "ukhti," sister, she calls me brother, "akhi," that's how we say I love you, by declaring our blood relation to one another, but what happens when death reaches us, and the blood inside me pours out of my body, and there is no longer anything tying me to her, so I tell her again, that I love her, so she knows somebody still does. I love her so much that I want to die before she does, so I will not have to see her dead; but if I die first, there won't be anybody left to take care of her. I hope we die at the same time, both of us and our new cat, so that none of us is left wondering what's next after everything that was left for us in the world has ended.

In Gaza, we are born into a never-ending orbit around the sun-we are brought here to live death while experiencing the beauty around us at the same time-the energy in the world pulls us in and spits us out as we spin around the largest and most powerful star in our solar system. We are brought into this world questioning our existence, not ever sure if we're alive or close to living, the pieces of our lives dying the closer we get to the sun's warmth and we stay alive enough to see the possibility of its light, but then we are burnt by its powerful rays. We feel hot shards of buildings on the ground, like moon rocks, but cannot stop running, gravity pulling us towards the goal of staying alive, everyone here wants to be Christiano Ronaldo or Messi. We smell the salt from the shore, feel the breeze from the outside, visiting us and breathing into our souls every now and then before the air is polluted from asteroids falling from the sky-just enough to make us cough but not choke.

In Gaza, we swallow as many breaths of fresh air we can get, so that when our fathers yell our names to the sky some strand of it is released back into the world. That is how we survive, as particles of energy scattered in the world.

The bombs continue to drop. I tell my sister I love her. I tell her to take a deep breath after me, and I breathe in the salt of the sea, as deeply as I can, so we take it with us into the sky.

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In Gaza, we learn to fly before we can walk. When children die, they become birds in heaven. I dream of waking up to them chirping at my window, but instead it's the sounds of construction. We are...

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Palestine Diaspora Movement: Palestine 101 Course

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Palestine Diaspora Movement: Palestine 101 Course

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Our mission with this crash course series is to unapologetically educate the world about the oppressive reality faced by Palestinians stemming from the genocidal Zionist enterprise and its ongoing settler colonialism. Our ultimate goal is not just to share the truth but to pave the path for Palestinians to return home to a decolonized, liberated homeland. We created this course to help educate beginners on Palestinian history and the ongoing struggle for liberation, freedom and return.

Source: Palestine Diaspora Movement

#palestine #history #colonialism #diaspora

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Learn about Palestine: Explore Its Past, Embrace Its Present: Go beyond headlines and engage with the heart of Palestine. This beginner-friendly course equips you with knowledge and understanding of the land, its people, and their diverse narratives. Explore history, delve into culture, and gain act

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Source: Grassroots Al-Quds

Here you can read the story of Jerusalem: the history and present of its neighborhoods and villages, as well as the different policies of displacement that the Israeli occupation authorities implement to empty Jerusalem of its Palestinian residents.

We research Jerusalem’s history and current reality, and monitor the way the Israeli colonial projects are changing the city. We believe that this knowledge must support community mobilization, as it can be an important tool of confrontation and resistance.

#AlQuds #Jerusalem #mapping #colonize #displacement

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DISCOVER AL-QUDS | Grassrootsalquds | Jerusalem Palestinian Perspective

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Here you can read the story of Jerusalem: the history and present of its neighborhoods and villages, as well as the different policies of displacement that the Israeli occupation authorities implement to empty Jerusalem of its Palestinian residents.

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Students have likely witnessed horrific, violent, disturbing images and content via social media.

Younger children may have some prior knowledge from overhearing adults or TV - this can be really scary for them. Facts, fear and fantasies can often be confused at young ages. Consider their temperament and maturity.

Teenagers have probably seen things on the new, social media and heard things from friends. Theses sources aren't always reliable.

While access to this information has given the journalists in Palestine a much-needed outlet to show the world what is really happening, it has also opened a door to new graphic imagery and a live-streamed genocide all while students are continuing on with their daily lives.

The content in the Teach for Palestine Padlet may already be weighing heavily on your students' minds.

It is crucial to check in with students as to how they are feeling.

Consider a check in activity prior to a lesson to see what your kids know prior to launching a lesson.

Please see our support resources available in the Padlet: Column Title - Teacher, Student & Parent/Guardian Support

Do you have Palestinian Students? Please see support for Palestinian Students.

Be sure to review and preview all materials/videos before using them in a classroom.

Let students know that your classroom is a SAFE place and that you are there to support them. Assure them that they are not in immediate danger and offer hope and they and their families (hopefully) are safe. Also let them know that their input is valued.

Root the conversation in context. Connect the conversations to their real-life. The knowledge that children can contribute something positive to the world can help increase empathy and connection to the content.

Use open-ended questions and let students express themselves. What have you seen/heard? etc.

Be honest. Depending on your situation, gauge how much detail you should go into. Be mindful that we should be honest and truthful with what is happening and the history of Palestine. You want students/children to hear the truth from you and not other sources.

Offer extra resources to students and families for and invitation for further learning. Be available for further learning and questions.

Remember to stay calm and consider your own bias, tone and reactions. The students/children will pick up on that.

#checkin #talktokids #help #starthere #support #studentsupport

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Making a Difference in the Midst of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict - Lesson Plan

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Making a Difference in the Midst of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict - Lesson Plan

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This high-school-level lesson plan from PBS explores the history and complexity of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict through videos, websites, and interactive activities that provide more insight into the conflict. (source: How to Talk About the Israel-Hamas War: Resources for Educators)

Describe the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, citing at least three major events that have impacted the conflict

Explain the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from different perspectives

List ways that individuals or organizations have made a positive impact in the region

Describe one individual or organization and the actions it is taking to promote communication and/or peace in the region (source: Objectives)

Disclaimer of Problematic language: conflict - Teachers for Palestine know that this is not a conflict, but a genocide. Please see our resources on problematic language.

Source: PBS Learning Media Making a Difference in the Midst of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict | Wide Angle: Lesson Plan

See the follow up lesson Fears of bigger war grow as Israel-Hamas fighting continues here.

#LessonPlan #WideAngle #highschool #PBS #history #differentperspectives

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Making a Difference in the Midst of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict | Wide Angle: Lesson Plan | PBS LearningMedia

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Using segments from the PBS program: Wide Angle, this high school lesson explores the history and complexity of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and examines the roles individuals and organizations can play in promoting understanding and peace. In addition to videos, there are links to websites and interactive activities that give students more insight into the conflict.

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The Israel-Hamas War: A Forum for Young People to React

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The Israel-Hamas War: A Forum for Young People to React

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From New York Times - the Learning Network

A forum for teenagers to share what they have thought, felt, discussed and wondered in the days since October 7th.

This forum that explicitly invites the voices of young people.

We [New York Times] ask that adults respect the intent of our Student Opinion questions and refrain from posting here.

Please be sure to observe the Times commenting guidelines in your response.

Disclaimer:

Teachers and students should also know that many of the links in this piece contain descriptions or images of violence.

this source is form the New York Times - Please see our resources on problematic language that we are seeing in Headlines and articles.

See the lesson plan for this forum.

Students, read the “What We Know” explainer and then answer a student opinion question (scroll down)

See comments - Students comment here

Teachers for Palestine would also love to hear your student questions. We invite you to send them to @the_banned_knowledge_barrio

#forum #studentopinion #lesson #commenting #studentvoice #askquestions

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The Israel-Hamas War: A Forum for Young People to React

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We invite teenagers to share what they have thought, felt, discussed and wondered in the days since Hamas’s attack on Israel and Israel’s response.

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A guide for Teaching Assistants at York University on the importance of speaking about and teaching Palestine in the classroom. From CUPE 3903 - Canadian Union of Public Employees

CUPE 3903 represents the contract faculty, teaching assistants, graduate assistants, and research assistants at York University.

Source: CUPE 3903 - Canadian Union of Public Employees

See their Statement of Solidarity with Palestine and Student Activists

#Toolkit #teachingPalestine #ImportanceOfTeachingPalestine

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A free educational resource for Parents and educators.

How to acquire this free resource:

See original post here from @publicthought

Follow @publicthought on Instagram

Public Library Substack > The Colonization of Historic Palestine > Subscribe to get full access to the newsletter and website.

Source: Public Library Substack

#history #HistoricalPalestine #colonization #substack #educational #resource #fromtherivertothesea #Brittishrule #creationofIsrael #nakba #Apartheid #occupation

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The Nakba: Five Palestinian towns massacred 75 years ago

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The Nakba: Five Palestinian towns massacred 75 years ago

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Learn about the 5 Palestinian towns that were massacred 75 years ago

The five towns mentioned in the article:

Balad al-Sheikh

Saasaa

Deir Yassin

Saliha

Lydda (Lydd/Lod)

Source: Al Jazeera - The Nakba: Five Palestinian towns massacred 75 years ago

#Nakba #History #CreationofIsrael #5towns #BaladalSheikh #Saasaa #DeirYassin #Saliha #Lydda

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Every year on May 15, Palestinians mark a sombre occasion: the Nakba ("catastrophe" in Arabic) that befell Palestinians in the lead-up to and during 1948, when they were expelled from their historic and ancestral land by Zionist militias.

During the Nakba, a mass expulsion ensued where hundreds of villages were depopulated, homes were destroyed, and thousands were killed.

Keep reading

Jewish Irgun, Haganah and Stern Gang militias committed a series of mass atrocities, including dozens of massacres.

Here are five of the massacres that took place:

Balad al-Sheikh

On December 31, 1947, the first large attack by the Haganah Zionist militia took place against the village of Balad al-Sheikh, east of the port city of Haifa, in which 60 to 70 Palestinians were killed, according to Walid Khalidi's book, All That Remains.

The raiding militia's orders were to kill as many adult males as possible. A force of 170 men from the Palmach (an elite force of the Haganah) fired their weapons and blew up houses, then pulled out adult males and shot them. According to the Haganah General Staff, two women and five children were also killed, with an additional 40 people injured. Several dozen houses were also destroyed during the attack.

After the massacre, on January 7, 1948, many families fled the village. By late April of that year, Zionist forces had occupied it.

Before the massacre, in 1945, the village was the second-largest in historical Palestine in terms of population. It was famous for the tomb of Izz al-Din al-Qassam, a preacher whose death in action against British forces sparked a revolt against the British occupation in 1936. Today the cemetery, which lies in what was renamed the Nesher township, is in a state of neglect.

Saasaa

Two massacres were carried out by the Haganah in 1948: One in mid-February and another at the end of October. According to Khalidi's book, on February 15, a Palmach force raided the village of Saasaa and detonated explosives inside several homes, destroying 10 houses and killing "tens", according to Haganah estimates. The New York Times reported at the time that 11 people were killed, five of them children, with 14 houses also destroyed.

The second massacre was perpetrated on October 30, when "mass murder" took place, according to Israel Galili, the former head of the Haganah National Staff. The exact numbers of those killed are unclear, nor are there detailed accounts of the killings, according to All That Remains. The village was eventually depopulated.

Before 1948, the village was known for being at an intersection that linked many urban centres, including Safad. It was dotted with water springs, apple and olive trees, as well as grape vines. In 1949, an Israeli settlement by the same name was established on the village site.

Deir Yassin

On April 9, 1948, more than 110 Palestinian men, women and children were slaughtered in one of the most heinous crimes carried out by Zionist forces. The massacre took place in the once-prosperous village of Deir Yassin on the western outskirts of Jerusalem. The New York Times reported at the time that half of the victims were women and children.

Those who were captured were rounded up and paraded through the Old City of Jerusalem by the Zionist forces. Some were then taken to a nearby quarry and executed. Others were taken back to the village and killed.

The massacre at the village - home to an estimated 750 residents who lived in the 144 houses, according to the Institute for Palestine Studies - became one of the most horrific events to have impacted the exodus of Palestinians.

According to Zochrot, an Israeli NGO that works to support the full right of return of Palestinians who were expelled during the creation of Israel, 55 young children were orphaned as a result of the massacre.

Palestinian activist Hind al-Husseini, who was 31 at the time, found the orphans near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem's Old City. On April 25, two weeks after the massacre, Hind founded Dar Al-Tifel Al-Arabi at her family's mansion. The organisation catered to Deir Yassin orphans, and later to orphans from all over Palestine.

Today, a psychiatric hospital stands on the remains of some village houses. What used to be the city centre is now a bus station. In 1949, the settlement Givat Shaul Bet was established on the ruins of Deir Yassin as an extension of the earlier settlement built in 1906. In the early 1980s, the usurpation of the village's lands continued, when the Haf Nof settlement was established. Under international law, all settlements built on Palestinian lands are illegal.

Saliha

On October 30, 1948, a massacre was perpetrated by the Sheva (Seventh) brigade of the Israeli army. According to various accounts, including by the Haganah National Staff's Israel Galili, to Israeli historian Benny Morris, troops entered the village and blew up a structure, believed to have been a house or a mosque, killing the 60 to 94 people who had taken refuge inside.

The village was completely depopulated except for what was probably the elementary school. Of what remains of Saliha's built structures today, Walid Khalidi writes: "The only remaining landmark is a long building (which may have been a school) with many high windows."

The site is a flat, cultivated area, with most of the surrounding land planted with apple trees by Israeli farmers. The Israeli settlements of Yir'on and Avivim are now located on the former lands of Saliha.

Khalidi describes the village as one that "once stood on a plain at the edge of a steep wadi [ravine], called Wadi Saliha" in the Upper Galilee Mountains near the border with Lebanon. Salman Abu Sitta, author of the Atlas of Palestine, estimated that the number of registered Palestinian refugees from Saliha in 2008 was more than 8,000 people.

Lydda (Lydd/Lod)

On July 9, 1948, Zionist forces launched a large-scale military operation known as Operation Dani, which aimed to occupy the cities of Lydda and Ramla. Between July 9 and 13, militias killed dozens of Palestinians, perhaps as many as 200, according to Salman Abu Sitta's Atlas of Palestine. A city-wide massacre led to a "death march" or mass expulsion of Palestinians.

"The massacre took place in two stages: the first during the time of the city's occupation, and the second during the operation of mass expulsion of its residents, which is considered one of the largest acts of ethnic cleansing ('transfer operations') carried out by the Israelis," states the Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestine Question.

Israeli militias expelled between 60,000 and 70,000 inhabitants of the two towns and refugees from nearby villages under direct orders from Yitzhak Rabin - who was at the time director of operations for Operation Dani - with David Ben-Gurion's agreement. Those who sought shelter in the Lydda mosque were massacred. Between 80 and 176 people inside Dahmash Mosque were massacred with machine guns, grenades and rockets. Twenty-five were killed elsewhere.

The rest were expelled at gunpoint by Rabin in what became known as the "death march" to Ramallah. Old men, women and children fell by the wayside, dying of exhaustion, dehydration and disease.

Money and women's jewelry were looted at leisure by Israeli soldiers. Some were killed if they resisted. There was so much looting that 1,800 trucks were said to have been loaded with stolen property.

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The Nakba: Five Palestinian towns massacred 75 years ago

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Thousands of Palestinians were killed and tens of thousands expelled during and after the creation of Israel in 1948.

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The Palestinian Nakba: What Happened in 1948 and Why It Still Matters

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The Palestinian Nakba: What Happened in 1948 and Why It Still Matters

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Excellent discussion panel from Institute of Palestine Studies. (length 1:24)

Source: Institute for Palestine Studies

#Nakba #History #1948 #Discussion #Panel

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The Palestinian Nakba: What Happened in 1948 and Why It Still Matters

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Ghassan Kanafani and the era of revolutionary Palestinian media 

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Ghassan Kanafani and the era of revolutionary Palestinian media 

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Mini documentary (9:12) on the legacy of Ghassan Kanafani, a Palestinian journalist & writer who humanized the Palestinian condition of dispossession and displacement through revolutionary media.

Source: Al Jazeera English The Listening Post (Feature)

#GhassanKanafani #PalestinianJournalist #Writer #Media #Journalism #Shortfilm #documentary

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Ghassan Kanafani and the era of revolutionary Palestinian media | The Listening Post (Feature)

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Women street racers known as the “Speed Sisters” have become a beloved component of the Palestinian racing scene. Article
*the film Speed Sisters is no longer available for free online.

Speed Sisters film trailer: https://youtu.be/G2HO45B4yvQ?si=_C0P7OtUYjeEVZLY

See clip of the Speed Sisters at 18:35 from Fashion defined by borders in Palestine: https://youtu.be/IXZoWsuZYv0?si=wMZA2d4K1VfLp5w-
*this whole video is also worth watching. From 2016.

Source: Al Jazeera (article)

#speedsisters #racing #carracing  #womenofPalestine #sport #motorsport #womensracingteam

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Ramallah, Occupied West Bank - Hundreds of people have gathered along a closed-off street on a Friday morning to watch a street racing event. Among the drivers are four women representing the "Speed Sisters", the first all-female racing team in the Middle East who have helped propel the nascent Palestinian racing scene into the international spotlight while breaking stereotypes.

Lined up at the start are the cars: Volkswagens, Peugeots, BMWs - everyday vehicles save the stripped down interiors, souped-up engines, and body work including window decals of Yasser Arafat and portraits of drivers superimposed in front of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem.

Throngs of fans have gathered around the Speed Sisters, a group of women comprised of Betty Saadeh , Noor Dawood , Mona Ennab and Marah Zahalka . The team was formed in 2009 with the help of the British consulate in Jerusalem, and is seen as a success story in a region that has few.

"It's crazy, the love we get in Palestine," said Betty, posing next to her car with big blonde hair, make-up, painted nails, lip gloss, and a bright red racing suit. "It has been a blessing."

The crowd's attention turns to the track as they announce the next driver over the loudspeaker. A car with the words "white girls" scrawled across the side inches up to the start to begin the speed test - an individual timed race through a closed course. The driver speeds through it, weaving through cones, drifting around turns, then races back towards the starting line, leaving behind a cloud of smoke.

The government provides little financial support. Restrictions from the Israeli side as far as vehicles exiting into Jordan or Israel have become a major obstacle ... It is very hard to get vehicles out of Palestine.

by - Khaled Qaddoura, founder of Palestine Motor Sports Federation

This is the fourth of five street racing events that make up the Palestinian championship, with the final to be held in Jericho on November 15.

An enthusiastic crowd has gathered to watch the event. Khaled Qaddoura, a co-founder and long-time chairman of Palestine Motor Sports Federation, spoke to Al Jazeera about the evolution of the sport.

"It was challenging at the beginning. No one had done anything like this, but as the years went by we were able build something. The Speed Sisters have brought much attention to our small federation. It's been a great thing."

Yet economic and political pressure make racing in the West Bank a uniquely difficult endeavour.

"The tool is the car, and it's extremely expensive," Qaddoura said. "The government provides little financial support. Restrictions from the Israeli side as far as vehicles exiting into Jordan or Israel have become a major obstacle. In general, it is very hard to get the vehicles out of Palestine."

These types of restrictions inhibit drivers with West Bank IDs from racing in other parts of the world, including Israel. Israeli law forbids Palestinians with green plates to drive in Israeli territories, and even crossing into Jordan, the only other country in which West Bank racers can compete, is difficult.

Since the Second Intifada, Israel has systematically closed off the West Bank, culminating in the construction of the separation barrier that spans nearly 500km, mostly inside the 1967 armistice line - severely restricting Palestinian travel into Israel and Jerusalem. Israeli citizens are restricted from entering Area A, the 18 percent of the Palestinian territories that is under full Palestinian control.

Noor, the only Speed Sister with an Israeli ID, has faced challenges when racing in Israel.

"I was the only Palestinian racing against six Israeli girls. They didn't want a Palestinian to take it - they insulted me, tried to discourage me, did everything they could to make the situation difficult. Then coming back to Ramallah was the same. I got a lot of criticism from Palestinians for racing in Israel, even though I made it clear I was racing for Palestine.

"That's the problem: Everything you want to do involves politics here ... Let's just forget about that and play sports. But it's not easy. Being a racer in Palestine is political. Being a women ... here that is political as well."

Today the Speed Sisters are icons in the Palestinian sporting world. Yet gender politics have always been a part of their story: navigating conservative Palestinian society and competing in a sport that is traditionally dominated by men.

We would still hear things like you should be in the home cooking, negative things. But we let our racing do the talking.

by - Noor Dawood, member of the Speed Sisters

Mona, the first and only female racer for nearly three years, said she started racing illegally in 2004.

"Then I met the manager of the federation, he asked me to come and train with the boys. It was just me and the boys for almost four years. It was difficult for me - they didn't accept me for the first few years. Even later when the other girls arrived, we would still hear things like you should be in the home cooking, negative things. But we let our racing do the talking."

While all the women speak of their support from fans and families, societal pressure has affected the composition of the racing team over the years.

The group reached a high of eight members in 2010, but today only four remain. Some got married or stopped for other reasons. "In this society with marriage, commitment to the house, the culture itself can make it difficult to stay in the sport," said Qaddoura.

While the difficulties of being a female racer in the Occupied Territories are obvious, what is more clear is how much the Speed Sisters have become a beloved component of the Palestinian racing scene.

As Betty put it: "Our fans are incredible and always have been. It means a lot to have come this far, to break down barriers like this, to provide a different identity to Palestinian women than what gets portrayed in the media."

Racing can also be both a means of resistance and an outlet. "We [Palestinians] value our freedom and that's what driving is to me," said Mona.

"When I drive I feel free from pressure of life, from the political situation, from everything. That's what this is about for every one of us drivers."

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Women street racers known as the "Speed Sisters" have become a beloved component of the Palestinian racing scene.

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A Response Guide for the Tough Questions

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A Response Guide for the Tough Questions

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It can be scary and difficult when someone challenges you for supporting Palestine.*Note that some of these responses may become outdated overtime, but we'll do our best to keep refreshing them (Project Palestine)

Source: Project Palestine - Palestine Resource Guide

#Questions #Answers #ToughQuestions #Responses #Howtorespond #support

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Responding to Tough Questions | Protect Palestine

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5 Broken Cameras (2011): Five Broken Cameras is an Oscar nominated and critically-acclaimed documentary film by Emad Burnat. Presented by POV, this powerful work of front-line filmmaking tells a deeply personal first-hand account of life and nonviolent resistance to the actions of the Israeli army in Bil'in, a village in the West Bank. Structured around the violent destruction of each one of Burnat’s cameras, the film follows one family’s evolution over five years of village turmoil. 5 Broken Cameras gives viewers direct insight into life in Palestine under Israeli occupation. 2011 (length 1:40)

Recommended from Project Palestine

Source: Paper Trail Documentary

#5brokenCameras #Documentary #Occupation #WestBank #film #Movie

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5 Broken Cameras I POV PBS I Documentary

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How Israeli Apartheid Destroyed My Hometown

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How Israeli Apartheid Destroyed My Hometown

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Dena Takruri spends a day in Hebron retracing the footsteps of her father, who was born and raised there. She talks to Palestinians who are subjected to daily harassment from the Israeli military and settlers.

Video from Oct 27, 2022.

Length 23:52

Source: Al Jazeera + How Israeli Apartheid Destroyed My Hometown

#PalestinianVoices #Hebron #IOF #Settlers #Video

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How Israeli Apartheid Destroyed My Hometown

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Al-Nakba: The Palestinian catastrophe - Featured Documentary (4 Parts)

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Al-Nakba: The Palestinian catastrophe - Featured Documentary (4 Parts)

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4 Episode documentary about the Nakba from Al Jazeera.

Al-Nakba: The Palestinian catastrophe - Episode 1 (47:24)

Al-Nakba: The Palestinian catastrophe - Episode 2 (47:30)

Al-Nakba: The Palestinian catastrophe - Episode 3 (47:30)

Al-Nakba: The Palestinian catastrophe - Episode 4 (47:30)

Also see: How did the Nakba happen? (6:13)

Disclaimer: Graphic Content

Source: Al Jazeera English

#Nakba #Documentary #AlNakba #Palestine #Catastrophe

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Al-Nakba: The Palestinian catastrophe - Episode 1 | Featured Documentary