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We are all Dominican is a building that allows the Latinos to embrace their diversity amoungst each other and help legally recognize Dominicans of Haitian decent. this movement is led by "Dominicans of Haitian descent fighting for inclusion and citizenship rights, and seeks to educate and activate the Dominican diaspora in order to challenge anti-Haitian and anti-black discourses." which is also known to help their community and fight for their rights and abilities to have a say in society.

article - https://wearealldominicannyc.wordpress.com/

video - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B99znUeqyiI

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<img src="https://d2g8igdw686xgo.cloudfront.net/47383650_1586887353382741_r.jpeg" alt="Fundraiser for Reconoci.do Movement by We Are All Dominican : Mutual aid  fund for Dominicans of Haitian descent">

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In 1969 they were first founded by a group of community based organizations and initiatives. Acacia Network is a Hispanic led nonprofit organization that managed to gain people to fight for people's services like Social, Health Care, Housing, Education and Primarily serving communities that haven't had privilege for the way they are. The organization has accumulated those who have been in Puerto Rico and New York, they have managed to garner enough attention to their cause. They managed to have over 150,000 people for their cause and understanding how to fight for the liberty of jobs and other services.

Source: https://acacianetwork.org/

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Given the current COVID-19 public health crisis, we have redoubled our efforts to serve the most vulnerable members of our communities -including our homeless population, the elderly, people of all ages requiring physical and mental health services, as well as individuals suffering from addiction-, while safeguarding the health and safety of our staff, our partners, and our clients.

Learn More

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Given the current COVID-19 public health crisis, we have redoubled our efforts to serve the most vulnerable members of our communities -including our homeless population, the elderly, people of all ages requiring physical and mental health services, as well as individuals suffering from addiction-, while safeguarding the health and safety of our staff, our partners, and our clients.

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Yanlinda is a professor at Harvard Kennedy school who "focuses on policing, state violence, and citizenship in democracy, examining how race, class, and other forms of inequality shape these processes." she has made many movements to support democracy and ordinary democratic politics in unequal societies can both reproduce authoritarian policing and bring about unknown whereabouts and things in society. she has helped support multiple human rights movement for society in the US and argentina.

YouTube link- https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ECqSrCQ_ilk

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Jose Angel Gutierrez - Zeferino Flores Jr.

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Jose Angel Gutierrez - Zeferino Flores Jr.

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Link: http://plainshumanities.unl.edu/encyclopedia/doc/egp.ha.018

Jose Angel Gutierrrez was a Texan-born Chicano activist, that worked alongside the likes of Cesar Chavez, Corky Gonzales and more. He was born on October 25, 1944 in Crystal City, Texas. The passing of his father at a young age forced him to start working in the fields to support his family. Despite the hardships, he was a gifted leader that accomplished a lot of great things. Earning his bachelor's degree in political science from Texas A&M University in Kingsville and a master's degree two years later from St. Mary's University in San Antonio. During his time at St. Mary, he went back to his home town. There he was able to organize a new political party through the Mexican-American population called "La Raza Unida".

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GUTIERREZ, JOSE ANGEL (b. 1944)

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José Angel Gutierrez,along with Cesar Chavez, Reies Tijerina, and Corky Gonzales, stands out as an important leader in the Chicano movement of the late 1960s and early 1970s. He was born into a middle-class family on October 25, 1944, in Crystal City, Texas. When he was still in grade school, his father died and young Gutierrez was forced to work in the fields to help support his family. Despite facing such hardships early in his life, Gutierrez emerged as a bright student and gifted leader; he served as the student body president of his high school. Gutierrez earned a bachelor's degree in political science in 1966 from Texas A&M University in Kingsville and a master's degree in the same field two years later from St. Mary's University in San Antonio.

While at St. Mary's Gutierrez continued his role as a student leader by helping to organize a chapter of the Mexican American Youth Organization. By 1970 Gutierrez had returned to Crystal City, where he organized the Mexican American population through a new political party, La Raza Unida. With a mobilized Mexican American electorate, Gutie;rrez was elected to the city council and later to the school board. From these positions of power, Gutierrez and other Mexican American leaders enacted changes in the school system, including the introduction of bilingual and bicultural education programs, and improved relations between the Chicano and Anglo communities.

By the mid-1970s Gutierrez was less involved in politics, but he continued to represent his community. In 1974 he was elected to a judgeship in Zavala County. He also continued his education, earning a doctorate in political science in 1976 from the University of Texas. Gutierrez served as a judge until 1981 when he resigned to take a teaching position, first at Colegio Cesar Chavez in Mt. Angel, Oregon, and later at Western Oregon State College. By 1986, however, Gutierrez was back in Texas working on his law degree (which he earned in 1988) at the University of Houston. In 1993 he ran unsuccessfully for Lloyd Bentsen's vacated U.S. Senate seat. Gutierrez was a professor of political science at the University of Texas at Arlington in 2001.

Mark R. Ellis University of Nebraska at Kearney

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View larger José Angel Gutierrez,along with Cesar Chavez, Reies Tijerina, and Corky Gonzales, stands out as an important leader in the Chicano movement of the late 1960s and early 1970s. He was born into a middle-class family on October 25, 1944, in Crystal City, Texas.

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The Community Association of Progressive Dominicans (ACDP) is an organization providing services to residents of Northern Manhattan and the Bronx. (ACDP) was founded in 1979 and incorporated in 1980 as the first non-profit to focus on the needs of New York's Dominican immigrants and the communities in which they live. (ACDP) has organized the community to develop high quality programs providing assistance to 27,000 children and families. Soledad Hiciano is the executive director for the organization.

https://www.acdp.org/index-3.html# this is the link used.

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1980-2003 -Vieques Struggle for Freedom (Francesca)

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1980-2003 -Vieques Struggle for Freedom (Francesca)

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Video link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uluOaP697NA

The Vieques struggle started in the 1940s when the U.S. The Navy took over the island (in Puerto Rico) for military training and testing. For decades the people living there had to deal with all kinds of problems because of the bombings and chemical testing which messed up their health and the environment. In the late 1990s the locals got fed up and began protesting more and more. Eventually it became a big movement especially after a civilian guard was killed by a bombing. After years of fighting back and raising awareness the Navy agreed to leave in 2003. It was a long struggle but at the end the people of Vieques won their fight for freedom and made statements about their rights and the importance of protecting their home.

Source link: https://www.latinojustice.org/en/blog/vieques-12-years-later-justice-delayed-justice-denied#:~:text=After%20almost%2075%20years%20of,land%3B%20and%20locally%20controlled%20development.

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La Casita is a program at Syracuse university founded in 1989 by students who wanted to increase latinx culture awareness. The program was created to push forward an educational and civic agenda of preserving hispanic culture and art. This program provides an art gallery, classroom, bilingual library, performance space, workshop facilities, kitchenette and meeting space.

https://syracuse.campuslabs.com/engage/organization/la-lucha

https://lacasita.syr.edu/

https://youtu.be/go9MC83Bp0o

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1960-1980s -Puerto  Rican Student Movement 1970s Five Demands  (Francesca)

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1960-1980s -Puerto  Rican Student Movement 1970s Five Demands  (Francesca)

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Video link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=98XSXTjHtsg

In the 1970s the fight was about better education and rights. They have 5 main demands. First they wanted schools to be more accessible and affordable for everyone. Second they pushed for classes that actually taught Puerto Rican history and culture so students could connect with their roots. Third, they wanted better facilities and resources. Like libraries and science labs, because schools needed an upgrade. Fourth they wanted students to have a say at decisions at their school and universities. Finally they wanted to get rid of the military presence on campus and stop any military involvement in education. This whole movement was super important for making changes in Puerto Rican education and equity.

Demands:

1: A separate school of Black and Puerto Rican studies

2: A separate orientation program for Black and Puerto Rican freshmen.

3: A voice for SEEK students in the setting of all guidelines for the SEEK Program, including the hiring and firing of all personnel.

4: The racial composition of all entering classes should reflect the Black and Puerto Rican population of New York City high schools.

5: That Black and Puerto Rican history and Spanish language be a requirement for all education majors.

Source link: https://fivedemands.commons.gc.cuny.edu/

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United Farm Workers of America was created in 1962 by  Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, Larry Itliong, Gilbert Padilla and is the longest enduring farm worker union. The U.F.W has a lot of union contracts protecting farmers. The U.F.W has assisted multiple farmworker strikes. In 1967 U.F.W led a boycott against table grapes. A nationwide poll estimated 17 million Americans were boycotting table grapes. U.F.W believed in fighting for farmers rights without violence.

https://nfwm.org/farm-workers/farmworker-partners/united-farm-workers-of-america/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iMTTFWH143k

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Begun in 1962 by Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, Gilbert Padilla, and other early organizers, the United Farm Workers of America is the nation's first enduring and largest farm workers union. The UFW continues organizing in major agricultural sectors, chiefly in California. The UFW has dozens of union contracts protecting thousands of farm workers, among them agreements with the some of the largest berry, winery, tomato, dairy and mushroom companies in California and the nation.

Many recent UFW-sponsored laws and regulations protect all farm workers in California, especially those at non-union ranches. They include the first state standards in the U.S. to prevent further deaths and illnesses from extreme heat and in 2016 the first law in the country providing farm workers in California with overtime pay after eight hours a day. The UFW continues to actively champion legislative and regulatory reforms for farm workers covering issues such as worker protections, pesticides and immigration reform.

History

The UFW has been inspiring farm workers across the U.S. to organize, mobilizing allies in the struggle, and spreading the "¡Sí se puede!" (yes it can be done) message for over 50 years.

In 1965, the mostly Filipino American members of another union went out on strike in the grape vineyards around Delano, CA. Cesar Chavez and the farm workers he had been organizing in the National Farm Workers Association joined the strike. This Delano Grape Strike grew to other growers and lasted 5 years.

In 1966, Chavez and a group of strikers set out on a 340-mile march from Delano to Sacramento to draw attention to plight of farm workers, and during this strike the union won its first contract. Thousands of supporters joined the marchers.

In 1967, the UFW began a boycott against all California table grapes, igniting faith-based groups, unions, and community organizations to join and publicize the boycott. During this time, the Civil Rights movement in the U.S. had increased the general public's awareness of the effects of racism. This climate of higher political consciousness contributed to millions of consumers joining the boycott (a nationwide poll in 1975 estimated 17 million Americans were boycotting table grapes).

Throughout the struggle, the UFW remained dedicated to principles of nonviolence; Cesar Chavez fasted for 25 days in 1968 to demonstrate this commitment. In 1975, UFW won the passage of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, a landmark agreement recognizing the right of farm workers in California to organize. Since those early decades, the UFW has continued to win important victories for farm workers in agricultural industries across the U.S.

NFWM and UFW

NFWM and UFW share a long and rich history. NFWM began in 1920 as a ministry of charity and service through the National Council of Churches, providing food, clothing and day care to farm workers. When Cesar Chavez began organizing the UFW in the 1960s, he called on the religious community to change its emphasis from charity to justice. NFWM became the vehicle for people of faith to respond to that call and has continued in solidarity with the UFW throughout its history.

Key NFWM Actions in Support of UFW

During the mid-1960s, the UFW and California Migrant Ministries partnered in support of farm worker justice through boycotts of major California table grape growers. More state Migrant Ministries joined in and helped grow the grape boycott nationally into one of the major social movements of the 1960s and 70s.

State Migrant Ministries along with denominational partners, under the umbrella of the National Council of Churches, came together in 1971 and incorporated as NFWM.

After the victorious signing of union contracts by California grape growers in 1970, the UFW called on NFWM to support a national boycott of non‐union lettuce following major lettuce and vegetable strikes in the Salinas Valley.

In the 1980s, led by the UFW through the "Grapes of Wrath" Campaign, NFWM educated thousands of people of faith about the dangers of pesticides for farm workers and their children.

NFWM's growing base of supporters mobilized for the second grape strike and further UFW organizing efforts throughout the succeeding decade.

After Cesar Chavez's death in 1993, NFWM remained untiring supporters of the UFW. From the 1990s through 2000s, NFWM educated and mobilized supporters around the U.S. for UFW campaigns with companies including Coastal Berry Co., Pictsweet Mushrooms, Gallo of Sonoma and Threemile Canyon Dairy.

In 2005, NFWM supported the UFW-led effort to pass AgJobs (the first major immigration reform bill since the 1980s) and we continue following the UFW's lead on immigration reform legislation.

Since the early 2000s, NFWM has supported multiple UFW organizing campaigns including Giumarra, Darigold and Gerawan Farming and supporting significant California legislative victories such as the 2002 Mandatory Mediation law and the 2016 Over-time for Farmworkers law.

Learn how you can get involved!

Last updated 06/2018

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Begun in 1962 by Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, Gilbert Padilla, and other early organizers, the United Farm Workers of America is the nation's first enduring and largest farm workers union. The UFW continues organizing in major agricultural sectors, chiefly in California.

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A Puerto Rican doctor and supporter of universal healthcare, Helen Rodriguez-Trias was a pioneer in the fields of medicine and public health. She pushed to stop the practice of sterilizing women of color, which had been going on since the late 1800s. To lessen this violation against women of color living in poverty, Rodriguez-Trias established the Committee to End Sterilization Abuse and the Committee for Abortion Rights and Against Sterilization Abuse. In 1993, she was elected as the American Public Health Association's first Latina president.

Source Link: https://www.reproductiveaccess.org/2017/03/womens-history-month-2/

Video link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w9EOvoak75A&t=11s

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Women’s History Month: Helen Rodriguez-Trias - Reproductive Health Access Project

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On the third Friday of Women’s History Month, we bring insight to a Latina pioneer in the medical and public health industry. Helen Rodriguez-Trias (1929-2001) was a Puerto Rican physician and advocate for the expansion of healthcare for marginalized persons (especially low income women and children of color). Her introduction to public health was mainly…

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Born in 1919 in the Dominican Republic, Esteban Hostesse joined in the US Army Air Forces in 1942. During World War II, he was a member of the Tuskegee Airmen, the first all-black squad of pilots. In 1943, Hostesse applied for US citizenship after getting married to Iristella Lind Hostesse. He was a Second Lieutenant in the 477th Bombardment Group's 619th Bombardment Squadron during World War II. His troop battled for independence even though they did not witness any combat. He was one of 101 black officers imprisoned in 1945 for defying the Jim Crow laws. They demanded service at the Freeman Army Airfield and entered clubs designated for white officers, challenging de facto segregation. A directive was issued by Col. Robert B. Selway, the white commanding officer, designating all black officers as "trainees" and requiring them to sign a statement. Following their detention, all 101 cops were later freed. The decision by President Truman to desegregate the military was greatly impacted by these incidents.

Source Link: https://www.ccny.cuny.edu/dsi/stephen-hostesse?srsltid=AfmBOoq4tR-1Rb7WBJC05bPTuoAWiLDjxdVKJGwJhkx-iOA4y1abU_4W

Video Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WyZfBMgsVJQ

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Biographical Note: Esteban Hostesse, also known as Stephen Hostesse, was born on February 11, 1919, in Moca, Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. He came to the U.S. at the age of 4 with his mother, Clara Pacheco, who at the time was 25 years old and his younger sister Irma Hostesse, age 2. They moved to New York City, through the port of Ellis Island, on November 1, 1923. Hostesse joined the United States Army Air Forces on February 21, 1942, as an enlisted man and was promoted to Second Lieutenant. He was a member of the Tuskegee Airmen, the first all-black group of military pilots in the U.S. Armed Forces during World War II. He married Iristella Lind Hostesse a native of Puerto Plata, Dominican Republic. He applied for United Sates citizen on April 13, 1943. They had two daughters. Two of Hostesse’s granddaughters, Iris Rivera and Frey West made a donation of archival photographs and documents, related to their family and the Tuskegee Airman to the CUNY Dominican Studies Institute Archives. During World War II, Hostesse attained the rank of Second Lieutenant in the 619th Bombardment Squadron of the 477th Bombardment Group.

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In 1896 there was a requirement that schools were supposed to follow which supported Mexican American students being put in segregated schools to "help" them and Americanize them. This clause was supported because the schools were said to all be equal despite them being segregated but Mexican students had argued otherwise and Mexican students had terrible conditions compared to American schools.

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Gonzalo Mendez and his family had moved into a new town and wanted to enroll their kids in an American school but got rejected, but his relatives who were lighter skinned had gotten accepted. Gonzalo spoke out on this and fought that his children should have quality education, but the school boards refused. Gonzalo decided to join four other plaintiffs and they filed a lawsuit in federal law district court. Gonzalo and his other plaintiffs had gathered multiple witnesses including Mexican American children who experience being in a segregated schools and the poor conditions they had to endure. Eventually, Mendez won and the federal judge ruled that segregated schools violated the 14th amendment. https://www.history.com/articles/mendez-school-segregation-mexican-american

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Juan Rodriguez made history in 1613 as the first non-Indigenous person to live in Manhattan. He was a Black or a mixed-race man who arrived from Santo Domingo on a Dutch ship. When the ship's crew decided to leave, Juan chose to stay behind and connect with the local Munsee people. As he integrated into their community, Juan became an important bridge between the Indigenous inhabitants and European traders. His background as an "Atlantic Creole" growing up in a multicultural Caribbean environment, helped him communicate and understand different cultures. This ability to navigate both worlds was vital, especially when it came to the complex interactions between people of African descent and Europeans during the early days of Atlantic colonialism. Juan Rodriguez's story shows that the experiences of African-descended individuals were diverse and not solely defined by enslavement, emphasizing the rich tapestry of history and cultural exchange during this time.

Article:https://www.mcny.org/juan-rodriguez

Videos: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eibOfIuNrn4

https://ny.pbslearningmedia.org/resource/new-yorks-first-immigrant-video/american-historia-the-untold-history-of-latinos/

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In the 1960s and 1970s, a group of poets of Puerto Rican descent in New York City formed the Nuyorican poets movement. They took back the term "Nuyorican," which had been used as a slur, to celebrate their identity. Notable works from this movement include Miguel Piñero’s play "Short Eyes," the first play by a Latino writer on Broadway, and Pedro Pietri’s poem "Puerto Rican Obituary "which critiques the so called "American dream." The movement also led to the establishment of the Nuyorican Poets Cafe, which started as a small gathering in Miguel Algarín’s living room. As more artists joined, they moved to larger venues, finally settling in the Lower East Side by 1981. Today, the cafe is a cultural hub for Black and Latinx artists, offering open mics, theater performances, and workshops to help writers develop their skills.In a recent episode of Latino USA, various artists shared their experiences at the cafe. Jesús “Papoleto” Meléndez reminisced about the early days, while Caridad De La Luz discussed the significance of open mics. Playwright Ishmael Reed highlighted the cafe's role in nurturing talent, and Lois Elaine Griffith emphasized the importance of preserving the Nuyorican history for future generations. Overall, the Nuyorican Poets Cafe remains a vital space for artistic expression and cultural legacy.

Article: https://www.latinousa.org/2021/11/12/nuyoricanpoetscafe/

Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l0YDJ7p7I9Y

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A Spoken History Of The Nuyorican Poets Cafe - Latino USA

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In the 1960s and 1970s, a group of poets in New York City created a movement. As New Yorkers of…

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Puerto Rican National Left Movement: 20th Century

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Puerto Rican National Left Movement: 20th Century

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The Puerto Rican National Left Movement began in the late 20th century, these puerto ricans were fighting back in different ways. They wanted to gain the island's independence, stop destroying their environment, and keep their culture present into representing who they are in the United States. Pedro Albizu Campos was the leadership about the movement, struggling to maintain the culture of diverse people to come together within one another. These Puerto Ricans resisted the binary of white over black racism of the United States. Overtime island people like Haitians, Dominicans, and Cubans were giving their support into the movement of Puerto Rico. Then their island started to suffer from depression being brought by the U.S preventing to give out their efforts towards their independence. Overall the Puerto Rican Movement in 1944 were able to gain support from the American League for their independence and the popular democratic party transforming the island to a successful industrial society.

Source:

https://progressive.org/latest/the-puerto-rican-nationalist-movement-buhle-20230001/

Video:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TY7rg3bC_m8

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Dr. Ramona Hernandez, the Director of the CUNY Dominican Studies Institute and Professor of Sociology at City College of New York. Based on her research interests are mainly focused on Latin America workers mobilities, socioeconomic conditions of Dominicans in the U.S, and the economy's effects towards working-class people. Due to her leadership as a CUNY DSI, a research unit upon Dominican Library and Dominican Archives, known for groundbreaking scholarship on the history of the Dominican people in the U.S. Some of the contributions played in the CUNY DSI is the discovery of a Dominican, Juan Rodriguez, who is the first immigrant to settle in New York City in 1613. Another Dominican, Esteban Hotesse, is the only Dominican-born member of the Tuskegee Airmen. According to the Institution, they also created the Spanish Paleography Digital Teaching and Learning Tool, an online platform teaching handwriting styles from early modern Spanish language. In 2021, CUNY DSI did the first Archeological Survey in the Dominican Republic locating to sugar mill, where the first rebellion of enslaved Black Africans occur in 1521.

Source:

https://www.ccny.cuny.edu/dsi/dr-ramona-hernandez?srsltid=AfmBOophFuVSIQfmfgcLkOQ9luGNEs2lvyCPRyMjYWZBwXQss6Eu3MC5

Video:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VwY6LNl6KT8

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Born December 31, 1919, in Puerto Rico, Carmen Contreras-Bozak had many remarkable contributions to WWII. She served as an interpreter due to her billangual abilities(spanish, English, Portuguese, and more). Bozak volunteered to be a part of the 149th WAAC Post Headquarters Company( formed and placed woman in noncombatant jobs during the war). She is best known for being the first Puerto Rican woman to serve in the U.S Woman’s Army Corps.
video link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PdcTG5pI138

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1911: Meeting of the Mexicanist Congress- Jade ^

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1911: Meeting of the Mexicanist Congress- Jade ^

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Source link: https://oregoned.org/professional-excellence/conferences-events/events/el-primer-congreso-mexicanista-convenes-laredo#:~:text=El%20Primer%20Congreso%20Mexicanista%20(First,of%20El%20Congreso's%20Women's%20League.

Video Link:

https://www.pbs.org/video/jovita-idar-mexican-american-activist-and-journalist-e6zgar/

Summary:

The first Mexican congress met in Laredo, Texas on September 14th 1911 with the objective to discuss issues that Mexican Americans faced in the U.S. . Topics of education, economic, labor and social issues were prompted for a change. One of the members;  Jovita Idar was elected the president of the Woman's faction of the congress, where she organized with her team a chance to provide education for poor children, while she also worked on the newsletter; “La Cronica” for her family as a way to criticize the hate against Mexican Americans and advocate for female power like the right to vote.

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Father Luis was born on 1934 and died in 1993. He was a Catholic priest and a leader for social justice, he began in 1980. For apart of his time as an activist he also partnered up with Cesar Chavez. He is now remembered for his leader ship in the United Neighborhoods Organization and the sanctuary movement.

Article-https://uncpress.org/book/9781469643311/father-luis-olivares-a-biography/

video-

https://www.facebook.com/catholictvsa/videos/father-luis-olivares-the-sanctuary-movement-and-mexican-american-catholic-histor/510897814226050/?locale=hi_IN

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Dominican WWII Veterans Miguel Ángel Escalera- Brielle W. 

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Dominican WWII Veterans Miguel Ángel Escalera- Brielle W. 

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Miguel Ángel Escalera was born on January 20, 1921, in La Romana, Dominican Republic. when he moved to new York at the age of 19 he got enlisted into the U.S. Army on December 3, 1942. he was an infantry sergeant and led a group of 30 soldiers through Germany. during that time he was able to save the lives of the 30 people fighting in germany and he was rewarded with a silver star medal of gallantry.

Video: https://youtu.be/_C5Tvsoc8is?si=fJe_cbB2TcvSVswJ

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Miguel Ángel Escalera · Fighting for Democracy: Dominican Veterans from World War II · Fighting for Democracy: Dominican Veterans from World War II

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Antonia was born in 1923 and passed away in 2002. She was born in Puerto Rico and sadly struggled severely financially. Antonia was proud and excited to be let into high school instead of working like her grandparents wanted her to but after school she ended up working. Antonia after moving to New York founded ASPIRA which means aspire in English. The point of this project was to help students who were lacking to be tutored and learn more about their culture and history. Although Antonia had to move to California because of her asthma she still helped with ASPIRA while also helping/working for different advocacy projects because of her love of helping students in need.`

Article-

https://wams.nyhistory.org/growth-and-turmoil/growing-tensions/antonia-pantoja/

Video-

https://www.nyhistory.org/media/antonia-pantoja-grassroots-organizer-and-activist

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Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO)- Jade^

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Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO)- Jade^

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Video Link:

#1-

https://www.pbs.org/video/voces-mayo/

#2-

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KJpV6qf-WmI

Source Link:

https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/mexican-american-youth-organization

The Mexican American youth organization, also known as MAYO, sought to fight for social justice. More specifically; promoting their Chicano cultural nationalism unlike other more established groups. They preferred to directly confront the political inequality and used mass demonstrations to accomplish their goals. MAYO became an anchor for Texas’ fight of the Chicano movement, rising from a group of 5 people who were greatly influenced by the disagreement of politics in terms of the movement.  They Identified that the main challenges they wanted to address were the economic, educational and social influence for Mexican Americans. By the late 1970s, MAYO had begun to lose consistency as the chicano movement weakened throughout the U.S. . And after only receiving 15,000 votes they lost their credibility along with their political clout nationwide.

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The Zoot Suit Riots were a set of riots from June 3 to 8th of 1943 due to racisist tensions between mexican american youth and white service men. These riots occured due to the ongoing themes white supremacy and past scenarios of colonism. More specifically, what triggered the start of the riots were what people called "zoot suiters" and these were young mexican Americans, who wore specific black suits that people were convinced took exessive fabric in the midst of to World War, which angered many Americans, but what truly angered them was that this was an occurance of POC. As an outcome of the riots, over 500 Mexican American indiviuals were arrested while barely any white people were punished.

Video Link : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RMEJpY_pKOk

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Denise Oliver-Velez was born on August 1, 1947 in Brooklyn, New York. During her teenage years she participated in civil rights work as a member of the Queens branch of the NAACP and blocked bulldozers as part of a civil disobedience action. Denise was a member of both The Young Lords and The Black Panther Party and it was known for overseeing daily activity within the organization and instilling discipline on membership. she was an amazing activist and fought for women's rights throughout all her life.

Video: https://youtu.be/2OSP2fOMWmM?si=Lacc1Jat3FwZoCx0

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By Jaimee A. Swift
A powerhouse political activist, feminist, journalist, community organizer, anthropologist, and the former Minister of Economic Development of The Young Lords Party and member of the Black Panther Party, Denise Oliver-Velez is still and will always be radical, rebellious, and militantly Black. Denise Oliver-Velez's article is a part of interview is a part of our March theme, "Sankofa: Honoring Our Black Feminist Pioneers." To read the descriptor, click .

"I'm black.

I've been black, and proud to be black, my whole life. My parents raised me like that. They grew up as 'Negroes.' They had to drink at water fountains labeled 'colored.' They lived long enough to become Afro-Americans, and then African Americans.

I was, and still am, militantly black."

- Denise Oliver-Velez from her article, I am not 'non-white'

Bold and brazen, Denise Oliver-Velez, 72, will not bite her tongue when it comes to injustice. And it is because of her radical rebelliousness and unwavering determination and dedication in the fight for justice and liberation for all oppressed peoples that Oliver-Velez is recognized as one of the most formidable activists and leaders of our time.

Active in several social movements such as the Civil Rights Movement, women's movement, and HIV/AIDS activism movement, Oliver-Velez was a member of the Young Lords Party in New York. However, the Young Lords was originally a Chicago-street gang turned radical, Puerto Rican political organization founded by activist José "Cha-Cha" Jiménez in the late 1960s. The organization's mission was to fight for socio-political and community empowerment and liberation of Puerto Rico--liberation of the island and inside the United States--and all Third Word people. As the children of Puerto Rican immigrants, the Young Lords--originally the Young Lords Organization and later, the Young Lords Party--built a national grassroots movement in the barrios of the United States.

The Chicago Young Lords formed after Mayor Richard J. Daley evicted and displaced Puerto Ricans and other Latino and low-income housing communities to establish an inner-city suburb in Lincoln Park. Influenced by the direct action campaigns and initiatives of the Black Panther Party and as a member of the Black Panther Party's Rainbow Coalition led by Fred Hampton, the Young Lords addressed the stark racism and discrimination Puerto Ricans faced in Chicago such as lack of access to proper housing, education, employment, healthcare, and police violence. Occupying the McCormick Seminary and staging a sit-in at Chicago's Grant Hospital to demand free medication, X-rays, and equipment, the Chicago Young Lords also trained youth and students as leaders to rally the Latino community at the national level.

Organizing neighborhood clean-ups and providing free community services, a chapter of the Young Lords was chartered and established in New York by students from SUNY-Old Westbury, Queens College, and Columbia University in 1969, where Oliver-Velez was one of the founders. Tired of the inequities that pervaded Puerto Rican and low-income neighborhoods in New York, the Lords led actions such as the "Garbage Offensive", where they lit garbage on fire in protest of the prejudiced and discriminatory refusal of the New York City Department of Sanitation to pick up and clean garbage in their communities. In 1970, the Lords barricaded the Lincoln Hospital in the Bronx and demanded proper medical treatment for the community and with this, widely changed how the hospital served and provided healthcare access. Eventually splitting with the Chicago Lords, the New York Lords also established , the official bilingual newspaper of the Party.

Like the Black Panther Party's 10-Point Program, the Young Lords had a 13-Point Program, which was written in 1969. However, one of the points emphasized "revolutionary machismo", stating: "We want equality for women. Machismo must be revolutionary...not oppressive." Tired of the rampant sexism and sexual discrimination within the Party, where male members would relegate women to menial tasks and responsibilities such as secretarial work and child care and refused to appoint them to leadership positions, Oliver-Velez and other women members demanded that the Central Committee of the Young Lords give full inclusion to women. Because of Oliver-Velez and other members' activism, the 13-Point Program was revised in 1970, with the new point being: "We want equality for women. Down with machismo and male chauvinism." Oliver-Velez was later appointed as Minister of Economic Development and became the highest ranking woman in the Party. In her position, she was integral in spearheading women's inclusion, writing, and production of Palante, where Oliver-Velez and others published the Young Lords Party Position Paper on Women in September 1970.

Always at the center of the Lords' mission was the liberation of Puerto Rico and their main slogan Tengo Puerto Rico En Mi Corazón (I have Puerto Rico in my heart), showcased that. However, after the Young Lords voted to physically transition its headquarters from New York to Puerto Rico, Oliver-Velez quit the Young Lords and became a member of the Black Panther Party. Here, she worked on the local Panther Party paper and did extensive international travel and solidarity work. Later, Oliver-Velez established herself as a pioneer in media, where she became the executive director of the Black Filmmaker Foundation and was a co-founder and program director of Pacifica's first minority-controlled radio station, WPFW-FM, in Washington, D.C. She also published ethnographic research on HIV/AIDS and co-wrote, with Iris Morales, the foreword toThe Young Lords: A Reader (2010), edited by Darrel Enck-Wanzer. An Iyalorisha Yemaya, Oliver-Velez was also an adjunct Professor of Anthropology and Women's Studies at SUNY New Paltz. She is currently a contributing editor for the .

With all of the work that Oliver-Velez has done and continues to do, it is no wonder she is one of the most important Black women leaders of our time. And it is also no wonder why she is still and will always be radically rebellious and "militantly Black".

Oliver-Velez spoke with Black Women Radicals about what led her into her activism; how her family was already involved and ingrained in radical politics and organizing; why it is important Black women have strong Black women role models; and what advice she would give organizers today.
What initially led you to join the Young Lords Party and the Black Panther Party? What led you into your activism? Oliver-Velez on the early years of her life and budding activism
Denise Oliver-Velez (DOV): "Well, the Young Lords was sort of serendipity--well, let me go back. I was politically active before then and I grew up in an activist family, so it wasn't as if I opened my eyes and said, 'Let me go off and join something!' [Laughs]. I don't know what life is like as a non-political person because as I said, I grew up surrounded by people, who I guess the appropriate term these days [would be considered] the 'Left'. My parents' friends and everyone that was close to them were Leftist or fellow travelers or Communists or whatever because if you know the history of the Harlem Renaissance and the people in the arts, [they] were pretty political. My dad was an actor, so I was surrounded by folks like Paul Robeson and that whole crew. I don't even understand what it is like to be from a family that isn't political. I had that particular kind of privilege, I guess. When we talk about class privilege and white privilege, I also think there is a political privilege to grow up around activism. That was my norm rather than something that was outside of myself. As a very young person, I think I was in the third grade and I remember refusing to get under my desk because the Russians were going to bomb us. [Laughs] That was during the McCarthy period. Myself and two other little girls in my class in grade school, who were also red diaper babies, we [and other students were] forced to get under our desk to survive the bombing [and] they handed us dog tags to wear so our ashes could be identified. The three of us refused to get under our desks and we refused to wear the dog tags! [Laughs] How many third graders do you know who are part of protest movements? Because I was! [Laughs] The teacher was very upset but then I went home and told my parents and my dad was furious and went up to the school and said, 'How dare you push this anti-Soviet propaganda on my daughter!' [Laughs]

"By the time I was in fifth grade or maybe younger than that, I protested anti-Semitism when I was six or seven years old, when I was in brownie troop at Penn State. My dad got involved in standing off the Ku Klux Klan when he was a teacher at Southern University in Baton Rouge. I think two years after that, there were shootings on campus but he was one of the young, radical professors, for which he lost his job. We moved back to New York and moved out to Queens and there was a race riot when I was bused into a new junior high school. I joined the local NAACP youth group and we did sit-ins. I went to probably one of the more radical high schools in New York--I think it is called LaGuardia High School now. The teachers were progressive and the students were all involved in anti-war movements and ' Ban the Bomb'. Some of the students who were a little older went down South to participate in Freedom Summer--my mother wouldn't let me go. In 64', I graduated and went to Hunter campus in the Bronx--it is now Lehman College. I got involved with the only activism on campus at the time because there were only like four Black students and one Puerto-Rican. Anyway, I got involved with integrating the campus service sorority and I got a chance to meet Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer when she came to New York. That kind of blew me away. She was a towering figure--just amazing. I decided I didn't want to be at Hunter College in the Bronx surrounded by White people anymore [Laughs]. I went home and told my mother, 'I want to transfer and go to Howard!' And my mother said, 'That's nice [but] Hunter is 48 dollars a semester so I suggest you better get a scholarship if you want to go anywhere!' [Laughs]. Mothers are practical like that."

Oliver-Velez on transferring to Howard University and meeting members of the Real Great Society (RGS)
DOV: "But I did get a scholarship and I went to Howard, which was a completely different experience than going to an all-White school in the Bronx. When I got to Howard, I gravitated toward the political people on campus and not the most socially oriented folks because you know, Black colleges can also be pretty bougie. Hanging around at the time with organizing students, there was a brotha and his partner, Hubert "Rap" Brown and Linda. I gravitated towards them and got involved with some of the movements that were developing at that time like the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and ideas on armed self-defense. That made a lot of sense to me--armed self-defense--because my family was very militant coming out of slavery. My great-uncles and great-aunts were all armed and they all stood off the Klan. I grew up and was raised on those kinds of stories of strong men but also of strong women. I think that is so key--to have role models within your family and even outside of your family who are women of strength. Growing up, my mother would tell me she would get up during the middle of the night and go to the bathroom and she would run into Aunt Martha who raised her, who was creeping around the house barefoot with a shotgun to catch burglars. These are the sort of, I don't know--do you have family mythologies? These were the types of stories I was brought up on. It never occured to me that women should be passive or women shouldn't stand up for their rights or for self-defense because that was what I knew."

"There was [a lot] of political activity going on at the campus. Two of the members of the non-White caucus, a brother named Paul Guzmán, who became Pablo Yoruba Guzmán, and a brother named Bob Bunckley, who changed his name to Muntu, had been going into the city and had been hanging out at the Panther office in Harlem. They came back to campus with a copy of the Panther paper and in the paper was an article about the Rainbow Coalition, Fred Hampton, and this group called the Young Lords in Chicago. They were--we were--all taken with it and since a number of the people were in the non-White caucus were Puerto Rican--well, not everyone was. Quite a few of us were African-American. Well anyways, they decided to go and visit this Cha Cha guy [ José Cha Cha Jiménez]. They had this raggedy car and us sistas, having good sense, were like, 'We are not riding in that car going all the way to Chicago. Y'all are crazy.' It was only brothas that went. I read stories about this history--those of us who were women, a key part of this group on this campus, were erased. It was like we didn't exist. I am always stunned. It is like, 'Well, the guys went off and formed the Young Lords.' Hello?! There were women involved. It was just we were not stupid enough to get in this damn car. So, they came back and said, 'Well, Cha Cha just made us the New York Young Lords.' That is how it happened. It's not like I got up one morning and decided, 'I am now going to join the Young Lords', you know? It was organic. It just occurred."

Oliver-Velez on the position of women in the Young Lords Party and challenging "revolutionary machismo"
DOV: "There had been some other people visiting Old Westbury from some of the other student organizations in the city. One was Juan González--I think you know Democracy Now, the show? Well, Juan was one of the student-activists at Columbia [University] at the time, which was the birth of a lot of the SDS kind of stuff. There was another student from Queens College, who was in the SEEK program. Those were the programs to bring Black and Latino students on campus. His name was Felipe Luciano. We connected and that became the core group [of the Young Lords]--they also hooked up with a gang from the Lower East Side. Ultimately, it became a decision: do you stay in school and finish or do you throw yourself into becoming a Young Lord twenty-four hours a day? Or twenty-five hours a day, we used to say. Of course, being who I was, it was like, 'Fuck school!' [Laughs]. The next thing you know, I am in East Harlem again. My mother was really not happy but too bad. [Laughs] My father just said, 'She's going to do what she is going to do. All power to the people!' So, it was the genesis of my being a part of the founding of the Young Lords. Initially, the women in the organization were no different from the men and were engaged in all kinds of things, which were modeled after programs of the Black Panther Party. We actually had a very close relationship with the folks from the Panther office in Harlem. We were involved in joint programs with the Panther Party and we set up free breakfast programs like the Panther Party. We were also part of the Bronx Housing Coalition dealing with the bad housing and tenant organizing and we were focused on the issues raised in the community, a lot of them related to people's health. We didn't have terms at the time like environmental racism or reproductive justice but we were doing those kinds of things. As we got more involved in the daily work of the organization and more women got involved, it was kind of interesting because the way shit came down, a lot of the daily work of running the organization fell down on a lot of the sistas. The leadership of the organization was all male."

"It was structured as a paramilitary group with a Central Committee--this is taken from the Black Panther Party--and then you have ministries, so the Defense Ministry, the Health Ministry, [and] the Education Ministry. At one point when they were putting together the Central Committee, they were like, 'The Panthers have a woman--a communications secretary.' They were talking about Kathleen Cleaver. One of the brothas said to me, "Do you want to be the communications secretary?' I said, 'No, I can't type' but I was lying! [Laughs]. I had made up my mind--somewhere in the back of my head I didn't want to be placed in a position where the only thing I am doing is typing shit. I wanted to be actively out doing stuff in the street. They wound up giving me a position like a sergeant in the military called 'Officer of the Day.' I had the ability to hand out discipline and we used to give discipline to people. If you were late, you had to give me 100 pushups or run around the block. If you really fucked up bad, you had to go to study hall and stay up all night and write out dissertations about Lenin or some other person. Then you are sleepy because you didn't get any sleep and you have to get up at six o'clock in the morning and take these kids to the free breakfast program and then you got to sell me 100 newspapers. I was the only woman to have this form of power within the organization. I didn't think about that then but when I look back on it, I see it now. And I used it. I had no problem if someone from the Central Committee came in and I thought they fucked up, I would give them discipline. People were like, 'You can't do that--he is the Chairman!' and I was like, 'I don't give a shit!' [Laughs] A lot of the younger sistas kind of looked up to that in a way. And when I say younger, okay--we were the Young Lords. Those of us who were older, the elders in the organization, were like 21 or 22. The youngbloods and the young sistas were 15 and 16. When you are that age, a 15-year old and a 22-year old might as well be two generations apart. So, us old folks formed pretty much the leadership in the organization and we had young women who came into the organization who had never been in any kind of group--at all. They didn't have a background in politics and they were learning."

"Most of the publications that were out there on the Left--and I say that broadly--were male dominated. It makes a difference when it is women writing, when you have women's voices, and when you are training women to lay out the paper and be a part of the production of the paper. What I have learned from the Lords is something I have carried with me in every endeavor I was involved in after that time--whether it was building a community radio station where I became the first Black woman program director of a public radio station. I ensured we had women on staff running public affairs and doing whatever but also women who were doing the production and women who were engineering. Later, at the Black Filmmaker Foundation and when I worked for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, it is something that is, I don't know, the way I think [Laughs]. When you have something, women need to be key in running shit and training other women to move up and to get those skills and to be confident in those skills because so much in our culture mitigates that."

You talked about meeting Fannie Lou Hamer and how she was such a towering figure to you. Do you ever think people like me and countless others consider you to be the same way?

DOV: "Every once in a while people say something like that to me. My girlfriend came over with her daughter who just got back from Cuba. Her daughter was like, 'I am so excited to sit and talk with you!' I was like, 'Oh please--drop the shit. I am just old and I am lucky to be alive, to be here, and just relax!' [Laughs] It kind of shocks me because I do not think of things like that mainly because I have these towering female figures who I am awe of like Fannie Lou Hamer, Shirley Chisolm, Barbara Jordan who are just like--wow. I am just kind of a side player. Half the time I forget I am also old, so everyday I have to remind myself that I am 72!' [Laughs] My students--I just retired not too long ago--I am always in awe of them. They said, 'Denise, can I text you something?' and I was like, 'What's text?' [Laughs] They were like, 'Text to your phone' and I said, 'I don't think my phone has that.' And they all started busting out laughing! They said, 'Oh my god, we have to fix you.'"

"They made me get a mobile phone and they told me what to buy. They asked me, 'What apps do you have on your phone?' and I am like, 'What is an app?' [Laughs] They put apps on it, they send text messages, and they put music. So, they are schooling me! Your generation fascinates me. And then we would share and they would ask, 'What songs by Beyoncé do you like?' and I was like, 'Who?' They introduced me to India Arie and all this stuff but they never heard of Nina Simone and I introduced them to " Mississippi Goddam" and " Four Women ". We share and to me that is the beauty of it. There should be those kinds of dialogues between generations. We may not be on the same technological level [Laughs] but we can share the beauty of our art, our music, our culture, our politics, our woman-ness with each other. I introduced my students to Audre Lorde, who they knew nothing about, and also the Combahee River Collective but they introduced me to things going on in their lives and their world. For example, Black Lives Matter was coming up. That is a good thing. The way that I can learn from those women who were before me--whether it was my great-great grandmother who murdered her slave owner--she poisoned his ass! [Laughs]--or my aunt creeping around the house with a shotgun, I learned from those things. And I guess, some younger people can learn from me and I learn from them."
What advice would you give to young organizers today?
DOV: "No matter how much technology you have--and I don't care if it is a mimeograph machine or Twitter--nothing is a substitute for face-to-face actual organizing. It can be boring and grueling but sitting down and talking face-to-face is important. Another thing is--and I find it to be problematic in academia and I say academia in air quotes--is that too often young people are sucked into a world that is academic that further distances you from issues in the community. I am not anti-intellectual but the way I am talking to you now is how I talk to my classes. My dad taught me that if you cannot communicate directly to your grandmother and your grandmother cannot understand you--if you have a Ph.D. in English literature and your grandmother cannot understand what you are talking about, you've failed."

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"Machismo Will Never Be Fucking Revolutionary": On The Radical Rebelliousness of Denise Oliver-Velez - Black Women Radicals

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A powerhouse political activist, feminist, journalist, community organizer, anthropologist, and the former Minister of Economic Development of The Young Lords Party and member of the Black Panther Party, Denise Oliver-Velez is still and will always be radical, rebellious, and militantly Black.

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Reies had a long life from September 21, 1926- January 19, 2015. In the 1950's-1970's, Reies was an Mexican-American activist who was focusing on land rights movement in northern Mexico. As time went on he became the leader of the " Chicano land-rights movement ." In this movement his name was "king tiger". since the land was take over and didn't gain any help from the government , reies took it upon himself to help to fight for justice.

Article:

https://kids.britannica.com/kids/article/Reies-Tijerina/634121

Video :

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H5uHP-yq8Wk&t=18s

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The Central American Solidarity movement 

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The Central American Solidarity movement 

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The Central American Solidarity movement was a small movement surfaced in the 1980's when American Citizens had Assisted and Supported Guatemalans,Nicaraguans,and Salvadorians who advocating and supporting economic justice, human rights, and democratic freedoms. In addition they also fought to get rid of us political , military, and economic intervention in central america. Even though the movement didn't achieve its direct focus of ending the U.S interventions, it did have some accomplishments like importantly limiting options accessible to the U.S Government and prosecuting the wars that were occurring in central america.

Sources:

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/9780470674871.wbespm261.pub2

https://socialistforum.dsausa.org/issues/winter-2020/going-the-distance-what-can-dsa-learn-from-the-1980s-central-america-solidarity-movement/

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In the 1970s, Chicana feminism emerged with its "unique" approach to sexism and racism. The Chicano movement began in the 1960s. Women in the Chicano movement split between feminists and “loyalists” who saw the fight against sexism, and counter to the strength of the Chicano family. Many loyalists associated feminism with white women and saw Chicana feminists as assimilating into white culture. The Movement included various causes related to the equality and rights of people of Mexican heritage, from students fighting for more inclusive history classes to organizing by the United Farm Workers.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4qjL2yP_f_w

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There is no one history of feminism in the US. Women of varied races, classes, sexualities, and ideologies have always organized in many ways for many different goals. Sociologist Alma M. Garcia explains how, in the 1970s, Chicana feminism emerged with its own distinctive approach to sexism and racism.

The Chicano movement began in the 1960s. It included a wide variety of causes related to the equality and rights of people of Mexican heritage, from students fighting for more inclusive history classes to organizing by the United Farm Workers. Garcia writes that women were highly active in these efforts, but many came to believe that sexism within the movement was hindering progress. In 1971, labor rights activist and feminist Francisca Flores wrote that Chicanas "can no longer remain in a subservient role or as auxiliary forces" but "must be included in the front lines of communication, leadership and organizational responsibility."

The Chicano movement emphasized cultural pride in the face of an Anglo-dominated society. But, in the view of many Chicanas, this too often involved idealizing oppressive gender relationships. Writer Anna Nieto Gomez noted that many in the movement saw women's proper job as supporting her husband and nurturing her children.

Some Chicana feminists viewed machismo as an equally damaging stereotype.

"For a Chicana bent upon fulfillment of her personhood, this restricted perspective of her role as a woman is not only inadequate but crippling," she wrote.

Garcia writes that some Chicana feminists viewed machismo as an equally damaging stereotype. They argued Anglo society used it to lay the blame for Chicanos' unequal status on their culture rather than discrimination and exploitation. Where some Chicanos took machismo as a point of cultural pride and resistance, many feminists argued that it was simply a manifestation of sexism prevalent among all ethnic groups in the US.

In the 1970s, women in the Chicano movement split between feminists and "loyalists" who saw the fight against sexism as individualist, and counter to the strength of the Chicano family. Many loyalists associated feminism with white women and saw Chicana feminists as assimilating into white culture.

Yet, Garcia writes, a major strain among Chicana feminists was pushing back against racism among white feminists. While some found common ground on issues like access to birth control and abortion, they often noted that white feminists flattened women's experiences and believed that solidarity among women could overcome racial differences. Many also viewed white feminism as a middle-class movement that had little interest in issues like the rights of farmworkers, welfare recipients, and undocumented workers. Ultimately, many decided that a better strategy for their work was to create coalitions with other women of color whose concerns they saw as more similar to theirs.

At the same time, their membership in multiple movements for justice gave Chicana feminists a position from which to push other activists to be more thoughtful. For example, feminist and lesbian writer Cherrie Moraga called for the white feminist movement to examine its own racism, the Chicano movement to address its sexism, and both to challenge their homophobic tendencies.
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Resources

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The Foundations of Chicana Feminism - JSTOR Daily

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There is no one history of feminism in the US. Women of varied races, classes, sexualities, and ideologies have always organized in many ways for many different goals. Sociologist Alma M. Garcia explains how, in the 1970s, Chicana feminism emerged with its own distinctive approach to sexism and racism.

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The United Farm Workers of America was created in 1962 by Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, Larry Itliong, Gilbert Padilla, and is the longest enduring farm worker union. The U.F.W. has a lot of union contracts protecting farmers. The U.F.W. has assisted multiple farmworker strikes. In 1967, the U.F.W. led a boycott against table grapes. A nationwide poll estimated 17 million Americans were boycotting table grapes. U.F.W. believed in fighting for farmers rights without violence.

https://nfwm.org/farm-workers/farmworker-partners/united-farm-workers-of-america/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iMTTFWH143k

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Begun in 1962 by Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, Gilbert Padilla, and other early organizers, the United Farm Workers of America is the nation's first enduring and largest farm workers union. The UFW continues organizing in major agricultural sectors, chiefly in California. The UFW has dozens of union contracts protecting thousands of farm workers, among them agreements with the some of the largest berry, winery, tomato, dairy and mushroom companies in California and the nation.

Many recent UFW-sponsored laws and regulations protect all farm workers in California, especially those at non-union ranches. They include the first state standards in the U.S. to prevent further deaths and illnesses from extreme heat and in 2016 the first law in the country providing farm workers in California with overtime pay after eight hours a day. The UFW continues to actively champion legislative and regulatory reforms for farm workers covering issues such as worker protections, pesticides and immigration reform.

History

The UFW has been inspiring farm workers across the U.S. to organize, mobilizing allies in the struggle, and spreading the "¡Sí se puede!" (yes it can be done) message for over 50 years.

In 1965, the mostly Filipino American members of another union went out on strike in the grape vineyards around Delano, CA. Cesar Chavez and the farm workers he had been organizing in the National Farm Workers Association joined the strike. This Delano Grape Strike grew to other growers and lasted 5 years.

In 1966, Chavez and a group of strikers set out on a 340-mile march from Delano to Sacramento to draw attention to plight of farm workers, and during this strike the union won its first contract. Thousands of supporters joined the marchers.

In 1967, the UFW began a boycott against all California table grapes, igniting faith-based groups, unions, and community organizations to join and publicize the boycott. During this time, the Civil Rights movement in the U.S. had increased the general public's awareness of the effects of racism. This climate of higher political consciousness contributed to millions of consumers joining the boycott (a nationwide poll in 1975 estimated 17 million Americans were boycotting table grapes).

Throughout the struggle, the UFW remained dedicated to principles of nonviolence; Cesar Chavez fasted for 25 days in 1968 to demonstrate this commitment. In 1975, UFW won the passage of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, a landmark agreement recognizing the right of farm workers in California to organize. Since those early decades, the UFW has continued to win important victories for farm workers in agricultural industries across the U.S.

NFWM and UFW

NFWM and UFW share a long and rich history. NFWM began in 1920 as a ministry of charity and service through the National Council of Churches, providing food, clothing and day care to farm workers. When Cesar Chavez began organizing the UFW in the 1960s, he called on the religious community to change its emphasis from charity to justice. NFWM became the vehicle for people of faith to respond to that call and has continued in solidarity with the UFW throughout its history.

Key NFWM Actions in Support of UFW

During the mid-1960s, the UFW and California Migrant Ministries partnered in support of farm worker justice through boycotts of major California table grape growers. More state Migrant Ministries joined in and helped grow the grape boycott nationally into one of the major social movements of the 1960s and 70s.

State Migrant Ministries along with denominational partners, under the umbrella of the National Council of Churches, came together in 1971 and incorporated as NFWM.

After the victorious signing of union contracts by California grape growers in 1970, the UFW called on NFWM to support a national boycott of non‐union lettuce following major lettuce and vegetable strikes in the Salinas Valley.

In the 1980s, led by the UFW through the "Grapes of Wrath" Campaign, NFWM educated thousands of people of faith about the dangers of pesticides for farm workers and their children.

NFWM's growing base of supporters mobilized for the second grape strike and further UFW organizing efforts throughout the succeeding decade.

After Cesar Chavez's death in 1993, NFWM remained untiring supporters of the UFW. From the 1990s through 2000s, NFWM educated and mobilized supporters around the U.S. for UFW campaigns with companies including Coastal Berry Co., Pictsweet Mushrooms, Gallo of Sonoma and Threemile Canyon Dairy.

In 2005, NFWM supported the UFW-led effort to pass AgJobs (the first major immigration reform bill since the 1980s) and we continue following the UFW's lead on immigration reform legislation.

Since the early 2000s, NFWM has supported multiple UFW organizing campaigns including Giumarra, Darigold and Gerawan Farming and supporting significant California legislative victories such as the 2002 Mandatory Mediation law and the 2016 Over-time for Farmworkers law.

Learn how you can get involved!

Last updated 06/2018

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Begun in 1962 by Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, Gilbert Padilla, and other early organizers, the United Farm Workers of America is the nation's first enduring and largest farm workers union. The UFW continues organizing in major agricultural sectors, chiefly in California.

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Chicano Youth Liberation Conference in 1969

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Chicano Youth Liberation Conference in 1969

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In 1969, Rodolfo Corky Gonzales and the Crusade for Justice organized and had the first annual Chicano Youth Liberation Conference in Denver, Colorado. This conference took place in March and lasted four days. This conference had lectures, seminars, and workshops, all of which related to cultural identity and cultural pride. Many people attended, with around 1500 members. This conference aimed to target young Chicanos, inspire future generations of Chicano leaders, and boost confidence/pride.

Sources:

https://exhibits.sdsu.edu/s/unidos/page/chicano_conference

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JXXT6jX4ry4

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Chicano Youth Liberation Conference · Unidos · SDSU

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En 1969, Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales y Crusade for Justice organizaron y patrocinaron la primera conferencia anual, Chicano Youth Liberation Conference en Denver, Colorado. La conferencia tuvo lugar del 27 al 31 de marzo e incluyó charlas, seminarios y talleres relacionados con la autodeterminación, el orgullo étnico, la revolución social, el nacionalismo y la identidad cultural. Aproximadamente 1,500 personas acudieron a la conferencia, muchos de ellos miembros de los Brown Berets, la Mexican American Youth Association (MAYA), los Young Lords y los United Mexican-American Students (UMAS). La conferencia género El Plan Espiritual de Aztlán, un documento que hace un llamado a la autodeterminación chicana.

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La Matanza — A period of anti-Mexican violence in Texas

Anybody who looked Mexican, whether they were an American citizen or a national who was living in south texas in the decade of 1910 and 1920, they were not only targeted with vigilante violence and mob violence but also extralegal violence

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What is 'La Matanza' and why is it not in Texas history books?

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The Delano Grape Strike & Boycot - Jayla 

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The Delano Grape Strike & Boycot - Jayla 

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The decision to go on strike led to many families and farm workers risking their wages and jobs, which made them lose their houses. On September 8th, 1965, over 800 farm workers were involved in a farm job strike at ten grape vineyards around Delano. They demanded a raise in their hourly wages, from $1.25 to $1.40, and in the piece rate. This decision was a big risk for Delano’s grape workers. Many lived in company housing and could be evicted with little notice.

https://youtu.be/KjH0UZGQag8?si=AQdRnVhQf1HdGqWa

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Workers United: The Delano Grape Strike and Boycott (U.S. National Park Service)

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"WW11" is the global conflict that took place between 1939 and 1945. It's the deadliest war in history, involving most nations in a conflict between the Allies (including France, Great Britain, the United States, the Soviet Union, and China) and the Axis powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan).

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The Zoot Suit Riots were a number of riots that targeted young Latinos and other minorities in Los Angeles. These riots were usually lead by off-duty police officers and civilians. In June 1943, the riots got their name by that attire that they use during this era. The timing of these riots didn't help either, as WWl was happening at this time. On May 31, a fight broke out between a uniformed servicemen and a Mexican American youths that lead to the beating of a U.S. Sailor. In retaliation, 50 sailors from the U.S. Naval Reserve Armory marched through downtown LA beating and attacking anyone wearing a zoot suit of any other racially identified clothing.

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As the zoot suit became more popular among young men in Black, Mexican American and other minority communities, the clothes garnered a somewhat racist reputation. Latino youths in California known as "pachucos"-often wearing flashy zoot suits, porkpie hats and dangling watch chains-were increasingly viewed by affluent whites as menacing street thugs, gang members and rebellious juvenile delinquents.

Wartime patriotism didn't help matters: After the bombing of Pearl Harbor and the U.S. entry into World War II, wool and other textiles were subject to strict rationing. The U.S. War Production Board regulated the production of civilian clothing containing silk, wool and other essential fabrics.

Despite these wartime restrictions, many bootleg tailors in Los Angeles, New York and elsewhere continued to make the popular zoot suits, which used profligate amounts of fabric. Servicemen and many other people, however, saw the oversized suits a flagrant and unpatriotic waste of resources.

The local media was only too happy to fan the flames of racism and moral outrage: On June 2, 1943, the Los Angeles Times reported: "Fresh in the memory of Los Angeles is last year's surge of gang violence that made the 'zoot suit' a badge of delinquency. Public indignation seethed as warfare among organized bands of marauders, prowling the streets at night, brought a wave of assaults, [and] finally murders."

In the summer of 1943, tensions ran high between zoot-suiters and the large contingent of white sailors, soldiers and Marines stationed in and around Los Angeles. Mexican Americans were serving in the military in high numbers, but many servicemen viewed the zoot-suit wearers as World War II draft dodgers (though many were in fact too young to serve in the military).

On May 31, a clash between uniformed servicemen and Mexican American youths resulted in the beating of a U.S. sailor. Partly in retaliation, on the evening of June 3, about 50 sailors from the local U.S. Naval Reserve Armory marched through downtown Los Angeles carrying clubs and other crude weapons, attacking anyone seen wearing a zoot suit or other racially identified clothing.

In the days that followed, the racially charged atmosphere in Los Angeles exploded in a number of full-scale riots. Mobs of U.S. servicemen took to the streets and began attacking Latinos and stripping them of their suits, leaving them bloodied and half-naked on the sidewalk. Local police officers often watched from the sidelines, then arrested the victims of the beatings.

Thousands more servicemen, off-duty police officers and civilians joined the fray over the next several days, marching into cafes and movie theaters and beating anyone wearing zoot-suit clothing or hairstyles (duck-tail haircuts were a favorite target and were often cut off). Blacks and Filipinos-even those not clad in zoot suits-were also attacked and bloodied.

By June 7, the rioting had spread outside downtown Los Angeles to Watts, East Los Angeles and other neighborhoods. Taxi drivers offered free rides to servicemen to rioting areas, and thousands of military personnel and civilians from San Diego and other parts of Southern California converged on Los Angeles to join the mayhem.

Leaders of the Mexican American community implored state and local officials to intervene-The Council for Latin American Youth even sent a telegram to President Franklin D. Roosevelt -but their pleas met with little action. One eyewitness, writer Carey McWilliams, painted a terrifying picture:

"On Monday evening, June seventh, thousands of Angelenos ... turned out for a mass lynching. Marching through the streets of downtown Los Angeles, a mob of several thousand soldiers, sailors, and civilians, proceeded to beat up every zoot-suiter they could find. Street cars were halted while Mexicans, and some Filipinos and Negroes, were jerked out of their seats, pushed into the streets, and beaten with sadistic frenzy."

Some of the most disturbing violence was clearly racist in nature: According to several reports, a black defense plant worker-still wearing his defense-plant identification badge-was yanked off a streetcar, after which one of his eyes was gouged out with a knife.

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Zoot Suit Riots: Causes, Facts & Photos - HISTORY

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The Zoot Suit Riots of 1943 were violent clashes in which U.S. servicemen, police officers and civilians brutalized Latinos and other minorities in Los Angeles.

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El Rescate is a non profit organization based in Southern California that provides people with free legal and social services to new Immigrants arriving in Los Angeles. Established in 1981 they provide many free resources such as: Legal Representation, Social Services, Human Rights Documentation, Litigation, and Advocacy. The services are offered to people who are seeking refuge from central America.

source: https://www.elrescate.org/

video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rxNK8SKOBXQ

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Marcelino Sena served in World War 1, and earned the highest medals from the French government and recognition as the most decorated Texan in the war. Even though he surpassed all of the other American soldiers, the U.S looked over him when giving out the medal of honor. Them overlooking him was an act of racism, because of the extreme prejudice during the time that they gave the medal out. Marcelino was very adamant on being a United States citizen, moving to the U.S at 19 after growing up in Mexico. When he tried to enlist, federal officials told him that he could return to Mexico, but he rejected and ended up enlisting in the military. During his time serving, he was very brave. In one situation, he ended up volunteering to scout ahead alone after 12 members of his unit had died. He then threw grenades into a room with the enemy. The grenades killed 6, and Marcelino captured the other 8 soldiers that survived. His story was uncovered nearly 75 years after his service, and there may be other stories like his that still need to be uncovered.

Sources:

https://latinosinamerica.substack.com/p/a-mexican-american-war-hero-marcelino

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A Mexican American War Hero: Marcelino Serna

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A Mexican American War Hero: Marcelino Serna

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In March 1968 in the early morning at seven there were 22,000 Mexican students who walked out of their classes cause they wanted to protest for better school conditions and have access for more programs that could prepared them for college like more academic courses and for more teachers so they can't be understaffed with this movement they inspired the next generation of activists, artists, educators and elected officials. This could help them in the future so they can speak up for what they believe in and have someone that could relate too them and had the same problems as they had

source https://www.history.com/articles/east-los-angeles-chicano-student-walkouts-1968

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How 1968 East LA Student Walkouts Ignited the Chicano Movement | HISTORY

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Thousands of Mexican American students participated in the ‘Blowout,’ the first urban, youth-led protest of the burgeoning Chicano civil rights crusade.