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16.3 Final Recording of Film Analysis Presentation

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16.3 Final Recording of Film Analysis Presentation

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Hope you find it educational!

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15.5 Psychological Adaptation and Mental Health Discussion

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15.5 Psychological Adaptation and Mental Health Discussion

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1. The role of the black church in the African American community is to bring a source of salvation and healing and be of collective support that you get from the fellow church goers. The place to relief your symptoms and a place to release one's burdens which helps alleviate those who may be going through mental struggles and illnesses.

2.I believe that in any sort of medical field, being specific right now on mental health, to be culturally compatible with the African American community so that they may gain their trust to access healthcare. That way, they may be treated for any mental illness or health concerns they may be experiencing.

3. Three strategies to deal with this issue would be:

1. More black health care providers.
2. Training for other race or ethnic doctors that help avoid bias and prejudice.
3. Educating the African American community on how to reach out health professionals for preventative care.

4. https://www.apa.org/advocacy/civil-rights/diversity/african-american-health
This article was significant because it is able to show how psychologists can play an essential role in helping people modify their behavior to prevent and recover from chronic illnesses.

5. What called my attention the most is the fact that if the African American community can overcome their fears against the medical field, it can help on the long run to prevent illnesses and help them live a longer healthier life.

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Of the nearly 34 million people who identify themselves as African American, 22% live in poverty. These individuals are at particular risk for mental health illness due to an overrepresentation in homeless populations, people who are incarcerated, children in foster care and child welfare systems, and victims of serious violent crime (Office of the US Surgeon General, 2001).

African Americans Are At-Risk for Mental and Behavioral Health Problems

Poverty and Social Structures Are Barriers to Psychological Services

A Greater Need for Culturally Competent Psychologists

Works Cited

American Psychological Association. (2005). Psychiatric disorders greatly underdiagnosed in hospital emergency departments, study finds [Press Release]. Washington, DC: Author.

Denton, N. A., & Anderson, B. J. (2005). Poverty and Race Research Action Council analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data. The Opportunity Agenda. Retrieved from http://www.opportunityagenda.org.

Kersting, K. (2005). A singular commitment. Monitor on Psychology, 36(6).

McGuire, P. A. (2000). New hope for people with schizophrenia. Monitor on Psychology, 31(2).

Monitor on Psychology Staff. (2006). A call for data collection to eliminate health disparities. Monitor on Psychology, 37(4).

Office of the Surgeon General. (2001). Mental Health: Cultural, Race, Ethnicity: Surgeon General's Report. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

O'Connor, E. M. (2001). From classroom to conflict resolution. Monitor on Psychology, 32(8).

President's New Freedom Commission on Mental Health. (2003). Report. Retrieved from www.mentalhealthcomission.gov.

Snowden, L. R. (2001). Barriers to effective mental health services for African Americans. Mental Health Services Research, 3(4).

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2005). Minority Health Disparities At a Glance [Fact Sheet]. Washington, DC: Author.

Related

Civil Rights

APA advocates for federal policies and programs that ensure all Americans are treated fairly under the law. We particularly focus on issues affecting marginalized communities, such as sexual and gender minorities, women, ethnic minorities and individuals with disabilities.

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African Americans Have Limited Access to Mental and Behavioral Health Care

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Of the nearly 34 million people who identify themselves as African American, 22% live in poverty. These individuals are at particular risk for mental health illness due to an overrepresentation in homeless populations, people who are incarcerated, children in foster care and child welfare systems, and victims of serious violent crime (Office of the US Surgeon General, 2001).

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1. The African American community does not trust the medical community because they have been lied to previously and many times about things or procedures done to them. They have always been seen as a race to experiment with due to their low-income status.

2. Other ways that the black community has been altered with medically is as mentioned in the google slide, it is thought that HIV was also implanted to target the African American community. Less access to health care and discriminatory acts by the medical community also take a role on why blacks mistrust going to a doctor or a hospital.

3. Three strategies I could come up with to try to end the mistrust in the healthcare area would be:

1. More African Americans joining the health care force. Black nurses and doctors that can gain the trust of it's own people and allow to seek medical care for an individual before the development of any chronic disease.

2. Social Workers that may aid those who are more "illiterate" or whom may not fully understand procedures, medications and documents they have to sign, that may be administered to them and can carefully explain to them what they are.

3.   Simple and early education on the need to seek healthcare to avoid any disease that can later take a huge toll on the lives of African Americans at a later time.

4. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4354806/

This article helped understand the psychological trauma that blacks have with the healthcare system and other reasons why the African American community mistrust healthcare facilities such as negative encounters with doctors or less frequency of visits to the doctor.

5. One thing that really stood out and was honestly horrifying to find out was the fact that the government keeps mistreating the black community in so many different ways. Lying to individuals into being sterilized only because of the color of your skin is just sickening. These doctors were receiving money from the government to sterilize black women and it's just plain wrong and the fact that money is more valuable than a person's well-being.

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The IP address used for your Internet connection is part of a subnet that has been blocked from access to PubMed Central. Addresses across the entire subnet were used to download content in bulk, in violation of the terms of the PMC Copyright Notice.

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OPTION 1

1. One major theme that really caught my attention was that a simple action as to educating a mother on how to breastfeed, allows babies receive the nutrients they need and help the black community's infant death rate to go down. And, the fact that the black community has the highest number of 15 to 19 year olds giving birth, I feel that at that age you are just clueless at everything you do, even more know how to properly care for a baby.

2. This theme affects the black community because it is the race that has the highest infant mortality rate than all other races and ethnic groups in the U.S. Black babies are not having the opportunity to live a life.

3. One strategy that may help reduce the black infant mortality rate is just access to the proper prenatal care black women need, and once having birth, the education on how to properly breastfeed a baby.

4. https://sph.umich.edu/pursuit/2020posts/infant-mortality-among-black-babies.html

This article supports the crucial reality that black babies are amongst the highest to suffer from infant mortality here in the U.S. due to several factors that the mother may have to face.

5.One thing that really stood out to me was the fact that black babies were the ones with the highest mortality rates in the U.S. I am a pro-life supporter and it doesn't necessarily mean in the abortion aspect, to me every baby deserves a chance at life and if that means mom has to have proper prenatal care or education on breastfeeding, something must be done.

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University of Michigan School of Public Health

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Utibe Effiong, MPH ’14, Ekemini Hogan, and Obasi Okorie

October 29, 2020

One painfully clear reality about infant mortality shared across developing and developed nations¹ is this: Black babies die at higher rates than White babies.

Even in the US where the infant death rates for all age groups is shown to be dropping, Black infants still die at twice the rate as White infants.²

Infant mortality refers to the death of a child under the age of one—death before a first birthday. Infant mortality is measured by the infant mortality rate (IMR), the number of deaths of children under one year of age for every 1,000 live births, referenced against age-specific mortality rates within the same period under review.3,4 It is not in actual sense a rate, which would measure deaths against the total population at risk. Instead, IMR is a probability that gives important information about maternal and infant health and is a key marker of the overall health of a society.¹

Infant mortality is unacceptable anywhere in the world.

The leading causes of infant deaths vary from developed to developing countries.⁵ Globally, the causes revolve around problems of prematurity, birth complications, neonatal sepsis, pneumonia, diarrhea, malaria, malnutrition, and HIV.⁶ In the US, the five leading causes of infant mortality include low birth weight (LBW), birth defects, maternal peripartum complications, accidental and nonaccidental injuries, and sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS).1,7 In developing countries, mortality among children under 5 is observed to be highest during infancy.⁸ About 80% of these deaths occur in the first six months of life. Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest risk of death in the first month of life and is one of the regions showing the least progress in IMR reduction.

Infant mortality is unacceptable anywhere in the world.

Despite overall global reductions in IMR, we must address the unacceptably high racial disparity in infant mortality. In the US, there has been a decline in infant mortality, but Black infants are observed to have about 2.1 times the infant mortality rate of White infants. Black infants are 3.8 times more likely to die from low birth weight complications, and Black mothers are more likely than White mothers to receive late or no prenatal care.⁸

During pregnancy the mother’s health environment affects the outcome of the pregnancy and the infant’s health.

Socioeconomic status—including education level, employment, occupation, and income—are fundamental determinants of health because they influence many other intermediate factors. Furthermore, maternal demographics and behavioral factors—birth out of wedlock, low maternal age, alcohol use during and after pregnancy, and access to prenatal care—are important predictors of maternal and infant mortality. Some of these factors are more prevalent in Blacks. And even after adjusting for differences in maternal socioeconomic status and behaviour, significant disparities exist in IMR between Black and White babies in the US.

In a study of all births to Black and White mothers between 1989 and 2005,⁹ it was noted that socioeconomic status, maternal demographics, and health access differences accounted for one-third of the White-Black differences in infant mortality. During pregnancy the mother’s health environment—a direct translation of her socioeconomic status—affects the outcome of the pregnancy and the infant’s health. Higher Black IMR, therefore, reflects the poor health status of Black mothers.¹⁰

Being racially or ethnically Black has been linked in some studies to certain social inequalities that determine socioeconomic status: income, maternal education, maternal age, marital status, parity, smoking, alcohol and substance use, and health insurance coverage.10,11 Household income status is often low among Black families compared to White households, and this impacts the ability of the mother to provide appropriate health care. Parental education is also a significant contributor to infant mortality among normal-weight babies, with most Black mothers possessing a lower educational status. Even among college-educated parents, different rates of low and very-low birth weight babies account for higher Black IMR when compared to White populations.¹²

Contributing, upstream risk factors must be addressed as we attempt to eliminate racial differences in infant mortality. We must continually translate epidemiological data into enforceable public health policies by actively engaging today’s policymakers and providing transparent data to them.¹⁰ Efforts are being made at state and federal levels through programs like WIC, which provide support and risk-appropriate care for pregnant women and children.¹³

Interdisciplinary research teams must continue to investigate the links between social and biological determinants of infant mortality. We must unravel the true social determinants of health disparities and provide alternative explanations for observed racial disparities in IMR so that effective mitigating policies can be developed and implemented.¹⁰

Improved educational opportunities, professional training, and economic empowerment of Blacks will directly narrow gaps in IMR racial disparity and also create safer home environments, thereby reducing the incidence of postnatal conditions like SIDS. Such interventions could be applied broadly in developed and developing countries alike, leading to global improvements in how societies care for children.

Notes

1. Centres for Disease Control and Prevention. Infant Mortality.

2. Driscoll AK, Ely DM. "Effects of Changes in Maternal Age Distribution and Maternal Age-specific Infant Mortality Rates on Infant Mortality Trends: United States, 2000-2017." Natl Vital Stat Rep. 2020;69(5):1-18

3. UNICEF. Child Mortality. Under-Five Mortality Data.

4. World Health Organization. Global Reference List of 100 Core Health Status Indicators, 2015.

5. UNICEF, WHO, World Bank, UN-DESA Population Division. Levels and Trends in Child Mortality Report, 2019.

6. Vakili R, Khademi G, Vakili S, Saeidi M. "Child Mortality at Different World Regions: A Comparison Review." Int J Pediatr. 2015;3(4):2.

7. Ashworth A, Waterlow JC. "Infant Mortality in Developing Countries." Arch Dis Child. 1982;57(11):882-884.

8. U.S Department of Health and Human Services. Infant Mortality and African Americans.

9. El-Sayed AM, Finkton DW Jr, Paczkowski M, Keyes KM, Galea S. "Socioeconomic Position, Health Behaviors, and Racial Disparities in Cause-Specific Infant Mortality in Michigan, USA." Prev Med. 2015;76:8-13.

10. Wise PH, Pursley DM. "Infant Mortality as a Social Mirror." N Engl J Med. 1992;326(23):1558-1560.

11. Eberstein IW, Parker JR. "Racial Differences in Infant Mortality by Cause of Death: The Impact of Birth Weight and Maternal Age." Demography. 1984;21(3):309-321.

12. Schoendorf KC, Hogue CJ, Kleinman JC, Rowley D. "Mortality among Infants of Black as Compared with White College-Educated Parents." N Engl J Med. 1992;326(23):1522-1526.

13. Kitsantas P, Gaffney KF. "Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Infant Mortality." J Perinat Med. 2010;38(1):87-94.

About the Authors

Utibe Effiong, MD, MPH ’14, is an internal medicine physician, public health scientist, and clinical assistant professor of medicine at Central Michigan University. He is also a Senior Fellow at the Aspen Institute. Read more about Dr. Effiong in A Desire to Be More: How Public Health Connects Medicine to Patient Communities.

Ekemini Hogan is a pediatrician at the University of Uyo Teaching Hospital in Uyo, Nigeria. She is a graduate of the College of Medical Sciences at the University of Calabar in Nigeria and a Fellow at the National Postgraduate Medical College of Nigeria.

Obasi Okorie is a pediatric endocrinologist at King Abdulaziz Specialist Hospital in Sakaka, Saudi Arabia, and a Fellow at the National Postgraduate Medical College of Nigeria.

Interested in public health? Learn more today.

Read more articles by students, faculty, staff, and alums of Michigan Public Health.

Support research at Michigan Public Health.

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Utibe Effiong, MPH ’14, Ekemini Hogan, and Obasi Okorie

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Infant Mortality among Black Babies | The Pursuit | University of Michigan School of Public Health | Racism | Health Disparities | Advocacy | Environmental Health | Policy | Pregnancy | Maternal Health | Child Health | Sexual Health | Reproductive Health | Health Care

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It’s a painful statistical fact that Black babies die at higher rates than White babies—a fact all the more painful and tragic for those living with the realities of infant mortality. The difference in death rates is shared by developing and developed nations alike. But the trend can and must change…

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Psych 110 Critical Analysis Project Tutor Revised

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1. The differences in terms of Spirituality and Religion practices between the African American Community from the larger community is that 79% of African Americans claim to be spiritual or religious. That is the highest percentage among other races or ethnic groups.

2. Black millennials tend to have different religion habits than older African Americans because in my view, I feel that spirituality or religion are seen as something "old fashioned". I've heard the term that "times have changed" and youth are just more into other things than trying to seek a "higher being". I feel like the rise of educated blacks has to do with this as well, youth seeking education and more professional roles don't allow the time to practice religion and spirituality the way older generations did.

3. I believe attending a church benefits the African American community positively. It helps to have hope when there doesn't seem to be any. It was shown that it helps relieve stress, anxiety and depression.

4. http://blackyouthproject.com/church-makes-me-sick-how-black-christians-are-stalling-black-liberation/

This article helped me understand the mindset of why there is an increase of number of unaffiliated black Millennials. It is the thought that the black church is oppressing its own community by not trying to come with solutions to social problems and lifestyles.

5. I was honestly very shocked about finding out the percentage of African Americans that practice religion and spirituality and that the majority of those are christian. Make me question if this is the case why still so much lost youth?

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Church makes me sick: How Black Christians are stalling Black liberation - The Black Youth Project

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Too many of us get up on too many Sundays to bemoan the mass exodus of people from the church, but do not ask the right questions about why they leave.

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11.5 Padlet Post Cognition, Language and Learning

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9.6 Thesis, Direction and Resources for Critical Analysis Project

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9.6 Thesis, Direction and Resources for Critical Analysis Project

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_Psych 110 Resources and Questions for Critical Analysis Project (1)

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1. I believe that one of the strengths of the black communities is that regardless of all the injustices placed on their ways since the early 1900s they have managed to keep their hope and still manage to create a sense of a positive community regardless of the community segregation they found themselves in.

2. I honestly feel that the weakness that black communities have is just feeding up the racial stereotypes that have been placed on them. A solution to change this is just early intervention through education. Let me elaborate on this problem and solution. Not too long ago there was a shooting in a Compton smoke shop, the video from the shooting was released and you can see how four very young men come into a smoke shop with the intention of an armed robbery that ended up being fatal for one of the robbers. If we were to teach the youth that through a higher education they can avoid these types of situations and keep feeding the stereotypes of delinquency in Compton youth would help up bring our community.

3. Three ways in which the black community can reach progression are:

1. Education: Hiring teachers that actually believe in their students and push them to their true potentials, and after school programs and activities that would actually keep the youth focused on their education to avoid them hanging around the "wrong crowds and influences".

2. Availability of better jobs: The reading brought up a point about how African Americans tend to make only about 60% of what a white counterpart makes. If there were to be better paying jobs out there it wouldn't be as difficult as it is for the black community to thrive financially.

3. Participation in Community Beautification.
One of the things that my mother taught me was, when you have a clean house it brings a satisfied sensation to your life, rather than when it's a mess and you even feel sick and even tired in your own home. If as a community, we can take the initiative to clean and beautify our community not only does it bring a sense of pride but it also can make its members feel more comfortable of where they are from and live regardless of its geographic location.

4. The 3 Threats that the black community faces in my point of view are:

1. Lost Youth
I always say, that today's youth will be tomorrow's leaders. But if the youth is lost in other things not making their education a priority it will most definitely continue a cycle of struggle that generations before have passed through. Making it difficult for the black community to progress.

2. Drugs
Drugs have been since I can remember one of the biggest deal breakers of progression that I cold think of. If the black community is already behind on how much money they're making compared to to other races and ethnicities, this is a topic that makes that income even worse for families that currently struggle with it. To think, for example, that crack was purposely introduced in LA low-income communities, just shows how it is planned to maintain the African American community in a state of poverty with the in ability of upward mobility.

3. Crime

The thought that by crime, such as theft and robberies as an easier way for income maintains the stereotype that African Americans are criminals. Involvement and appreciation of the community we are in I feel would help to get a sense of pride and instead of hurting each other we can help build each other up.

5. https://www.habitat.org/stories/historic-housing-discrimination-us

This resource gives a nice timeline of the different housing discrimination actions through the decades for people of color.

6. One thing that really stood out to me from this unit was just how the judicial system keeps failing African Americans. Through the NPR audio it brought my attention how regardless of the injustices of housing towards blacks the supreme court, in 1926, didn't find it "UNCONSTITUTIONAL" to segregate blacks from the white communities until 1948, when the Shelley v. Kraemer case emerged to challenge the 1928 supreme court decision.

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Having an affordable mortgage helps homeowners save more, invest in education and have greater financial stability. Starting in this decade, millions of white families benefited from private loans insured by the Federal Housing Administration that helped them obtain low-down-payment homes. That hand up provided a foundation for white families to join middle class America, build strong communities and plan for the future.

Black families were prevented from receiving the same life-changing benefits and subsidies through the practice of redlining. Color-coded maps developed by the federal Home Owners' Loan Corporation identified where households of color lived and deemed those "redlined" areas unsafe for lending. The FHA refused to insure loans in redlined communities, and private lenders across the country followed their lead.

Racially restrictive covenants, or clauses, in deeds also kept Black families from leaving redlined communities. The FHA accelerated the use of restrictive covenants when it began subsidizing subdivision construction in the 1940s. Restrictive covenants placed on the new homes stipulated they could only be sold or resold to white families. Again, private lenders followed suit nationwide.

Black veterans who served their country during World War II weren't immune from housing discrimination. The federal government issued the GI Bill after the war to provide veterans with federally guaranteed, low-interest home loans with no down payment. The loans were originated by private lenders, and most of them practiced redlining. Black veterans were outright rejected by lenders or prohibited from purchasing homes due to restrictive covenants, while white veterans established safe and stable homes for their growing families with the help of an affordable mortgage.

Another threat loomed for Black families during the 1950s. Urban renewal leveled Black homes and businesses to make way for new downtown office developments, civic spaces and federally funded highways. Black residents were stripped of their properties and forced to start over.

Between 1934 and 1962, households of color received just 2% of all government-backed mortgages, severely impacting their long-term economic mobility. When Black parents were denied pathways to affordable homeownership, it affected their ability to set up future generations for success.

In 1968, the Fair Housing Act prohibited racially restrictive covenants, but discriminatory practices continued. Communities developed new zoning rules that segregated by wealth and income, requiring large lot and home sizes that drove up home prices. Lower-cost housing options like attached homes and apartments were prohibited. These rules entrenched already established racial segregation. Without entry points to affordable homeownership, most Black families could not afford to live in communities with better school districts and employment opportunities, and many formerly redlined communities continued to be passed over for loans.

The Community Reinvestment Act in 1977 was meant to hold banks more accountable for delivering fair banking and credit services. But Black Americans continued to face deeply ingrained racism in all kinds of communities, including being targeted by predatory mortgages and refinancing programs.

1980s-2000s

Lack of adequate housing reform during the late 20th century allowed for market practices that continued to disadvantage Black Americans. Racial parity in housing remained elusive, and inequalities worsened. In 2008, the Great Recession disproportionately affected Black homeowners that had been steered into predatory loans and were left more vulnerable to losing their homes, contributing to the homeownership gap progressing little since the Fair Housing Act was passed in 1968.

2020s

COVID-19 and its economic impacts disproportionately impact Black Americans, exacerbating the already vast racial inequities in housing, health, education and financial stability.

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Historic housing discrimination in the U.S.

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Too many among the general public aren't aware that the egregious racial disparities in America that exist today - in education, employment, health and wealth - are linked to Black families' exclusion from accessing decent and affordable shelter - something we all need to thrive.

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Final Four Page Racial Autobiography Paper Revised

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7.6 Intersectionality, Bias and Microaggressions 

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7.6 Intersectionality, Bias and Microaggressions 

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1. Some of the psychological consequences of experiencing subconscious racial slights as a person of color, include in my point of view, constant view as a threat, a hostile environment being created either at school or work, lower work productivity, actual physical health problems, and a continuous trail of devaluation of one's self.

2. Some examples of the stereotypes that can be thrown around to a person of color can be telling an Asian American he/she speaks great English. Another example, continuously asking a person of Latin or Hispanic descent where they were born because of the assumption that they may be illegal aliens. We may also add a woman grabbing tight to her purse, or men to their wallet, when an African American is walking by near them.

3. One of the things of intersectionality that really stood up to me in regards of African Americans being killed by police is what was mentioned of the lack of media coverage of black women being killed by police than the black men. I do agree because I do know more of the deaths of let's say Trayvon Martin, George Floyd and Ahmaud Arbery. It honestly hurt me so much to find out about Aiyana Jone's death, she was only 7 years old and shot in the head by police. Did she really not matter because she was black, young, and a female? Was that why she wasn't that important?

4. In the journey of Ethnic Identity, Intersectionality, Bias, White Privilege and Racial Microaggressions do take a toll on how we see ourselves and portray ourselves in society. It is those little things people say and unconsciously do that affects our mental health since we continuously have to be questioned with the actions and words portrayed to us if whether not we really deserve what we have. I have experienced this before in school and work and it does create a hostile environment, it made me question several times whether showing up to class or work was going to be a good idea or not. Even dating! I did go on a few dates with white men, and can I can say I was seen more as "exotic" and that being the reason to date me not really because they wanted to get to know me. These topics just bring out the "Am I really good enough?"

5.  https://www.edutopia.org/article/look-implicit-bias-and-microaggressions

It is pretty much the same information from the readings and audio assigned to this unit, just with a little more examples. But what stood to me the most was a Bias test you may take on race conducted by Harvard University that was an eye opener! You should give it a try!

6. A strategy that I continue to emphasize on is speaking up. I think employers, teachers, or where ever one can be at should have continuous conversations on how microaggressions may be avoided at work or, school or wherever it is that one may be.

7. The main thing that really honestly impacted me the most is the the video on intersectionality. It was honestly very powerful to remember the lives of the women killed by police brutality. How they didn't really get media attention, the youngest being 7 and the oldest 95. People in both age groups should not have died the way they did, both killed in their homes on a police raid.

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6.6 Preliminary Racial Autobiography Paper

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6.6 Preliminary Racial Autobiography Paper

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I could have elaborated more, but wanted to keep it at the two-page length.

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1. Imposter syndrome is doubting on one's own abilities, such as academically or own in the workplace, and feeling undeserving of one's achievements and accomplishments.

2. A student's educational journey and career become affected by this syndrome the most when teachers, principals, counselors, and even peers begin to make one doubt on one's academic achievements and accomplishments. These negative assumptions of "you're not that smart", "you probably cheated", "you copied someone else's work", try to make one doubt of the academic abilities that one possesses.

3. The effects of the imposter syndrome on the self-esteem and mental health of African American women in the workplace is an overwhelming cycle of people questioning your abilities and doubting one's self even when they have already accomplished great things. They push an agenda of self-doubt to make one actually believe that they're not deserving of good outcomes. "Other people do not expect greatness from you, and therefore, they don't want you to expect it either".

4. I believe race and gender mark a heavy toll on African American women in the workplace because it's double the glass ceilings that they must overcome to be able to successfully be placed in the position they would like to be at. It's already hard for a woman to be considered for certain job positions alone, now even more if you're an African American woman. May also be seen as incapable or not smart enough to do the work tasks.

5. One strategy that I believe can be successful in addressing this issue and improving the work place for women of color is just simply speaking up about how certain things makes us feel. If something bothered me then it most definitely bothered someone else. If our discomforts never get addressed then it will be very hard to incorporate change.

6. I was just very surprised honestly, about this whole Imposter Syndrome. Why? Because it has happened to me so many times before, and the one that stands out the most, mentioned before on another padlet discussion, was my freshman year at Iowa State University in Ames, Iowa. During an "ice breaker" exercise in one of my courses we had to introduce ourselves: name, major, and where we were from. I am Yenny, I'm majoring in Animal Science, and I'm from Compton, CA. A student then questions me, what is a Mexican girl from Compton doing here? I didn't know what to say, I was in a classroom with the majority of white students. Made me feel undeserving to be there even though I had received an $18,000 scholarship to go there for academic recognition, and I had been contacted by the university since my sophomore year of high school to make sure I attended their university. Now I understand that I am smart and that I deserved the chance to be there.

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Resource URL:
https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=1944&context=cmc_theses

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Template Racial Autobiography Outline (Yenny Aldana)

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1. What I believe makes the black family unique are the facts that ever since the beginning, being brought into this country as slaves, taken out of their homes because of the myth, disputed by Du Bois,  that Africa was not considered a source of culture and civilization, they have managed to continue moving forward regardless of all the obstacles and trauma they have had to face. This country has been very unfair and continues to be unfair to the African American family but regardless it has managed to continue to pass on their knowledge, traditions, an culture. Even though the concept of family was taken away from the beginning, they have managed to maintain themselves united and together to this present day!

2. I believe that some of the strengths that most African American families have is mainly as stated before, the ability to still thrive regardless of all the things created to try to destroy it. Secondly, I do see it as a huge blessing to be able to count not only in the immediate family, but the extended, augmented, and the fictive kin! Everyone likes to be involved with everyone regardless if their family or not. To be there to support and help even when there is not a drop of blood that brings them together. I just find that to be very beautiful and heart warming. In regards of challenges, oh man! I really salute the African American community for all the hardships they have endured, from slavery up to today's social issues. But what the text mentions, the greatest challenges that were a consequence of their past are; mothers raising children without the father's help, welfare dependency, juvenile delinquency, and drug addiction. I feel that if at one point the African American community can overcome these challenges, there is no one that can stop their greatness.

3. Watching the clip of racial socialization, made me wonder so much of the struggle and fears that African American mothers have with knowing they have to raise a child in today's society. You can literally tell that this was not an easy topic for her to talk about. In most cases, to find out you're expecting causes joy and you literally can't wait to let everyone of the good news. The fact that finding out that she was pregnant, the joy of becoming a mother quickly changed from a happy moment to a scary thought of "how am I going to raise a little black boy or girl in this society", and as she said that you can tell it almost made her tear. As a Mexican American I don't think it's ever crossed my mind of educating my children to be prepared for what the world may have for them or how they may get treated. So this definitely was an eye opener for me, as to the fear that African American mothers face for their children, and to teach them how to try to overcome these negative situations. Teaching them to be leaders, build character and the need to excel and achieve.

4. Since slavery, in my opinion, the factors that have impacted black families the most were that the concept of family was not able to be well established in black families. Because of the fact that at the beginning the biological family unit was not sacred. Slavery in my belief and according to the reading, what caused an unstable family unit. Male and female partners were kept from legal unions and forced separations from partners and their children was what avoided the black family to have the proper foundation of what a family is. I always say, you can not give what you have never had. Black families were snatched the opportunity to have a strong family foundation since the beginning, which I feel is the consequence of what we see today.

5.  https://family.jrank.org/pages/60/African-American-Families-African-American-Families-in-New-Millennium.html

6. One thing that stood out the most to me was the introduction of welfare to the black community and the discrimination against them that some of these programs brought, such as the "ma-in-the-house rule". This really did bring me to question if this could have really been the reason why many men decided not to be in the lives of their children. Like, if it may have started as an unselfish act, "let me get away since i'm struggling to provide for my family", that way they may receive welfare, to the absent selfish and immature father that left his child for his own desires of today. Is welfare really the answer as to why many black families find commodity to receiving their welfare money rather than pushing themselves to become an educated person with the possibility of making more money?

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1.The types of "isms" that I was able to identify were towards gender, sexual orientation, disability and education. For example with sexual orientation a woman made a comment about how she was told she didn't look like a lesbian because she didn't have certain characteristics that lesbians are supposed to have? Or being told one is too pretty to be disabled. As if disabled people supposed to look ugly. Or education, a woman was considered smart because she was "asian".

2. Do we live in a post-racial society? Absolutely not! I feel that even though some people may believe that racial prejudice and discrimination doesn't exist it is still very well alive in our society. For African Americans, and even other minorities, to still get targeted mainly by the white population to be murdered for simply taking a jog and seen as a fun game to try to kill them is just sickening. There's people out there still think that if you're not white, you shouldn't be in this country and that is just depressing.

3. My personal definition of race has shifted thanks to this chapter. I always believed that race was only biological. Depending on your genetic material or DNA that your race was determined. But I have learned that to anthropologists studies that this just simply can't be possible. That race is sociopolitical and not a biological concept. There are many inconsistencies between what should race be defined as. So I came to the conclusion that One should just have their own belief of what race is and to me is just a simple " What I simply define myself as" there's no rubric, just self define.

4. I was very surprised at how early the word race was used. Going back to the 1500s, but what stood out the most is how as the centuries passed the definition became more "defined" if I can explain it that way. It started off as a word that just simply meant a type, kind, sort or breed which I feel could've been used for not only humans but other things as well. Then it was used for certain populations such as if someone was native American, African, European and etc. Later in the 19th century it was meant for subdivisions of human species that would differ from one another. There is where I noticed a separation of being just human to what kind of human are you.

5. Link is attached above!
https://whyy.org/articles/myth-post-racial-america/

6. The most interesting part that I have learned in this unit is that no matter if direct or indirect, the topic of race can take a heavy toll in one's life. An example, stress, stress if not taking care of it on time can actually bring mortal outcomes to one's life. It slowly causes organ failure and a multitude of sickness in the body if not given the attention on time. Same as racial discrimination. It slowly and surely can take effect in every aspect of our lives and makes us "socially ill". Beginning with mental illness and how it can cause depression and anxiety in one's self. Let's take care of that issue so we could have a better tomorrow!

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In observation of the life and death and legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., NewCORE and Gwynedd Mercy University are presenting "Examining 'Post-Racial' America" on Feb. 28, a public discussion that will explore the feasibility of a post-racial society and the role civil discourse will play in achieving that ideal. WHYY is publishing a series of essays on that theme.

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When I heard from someone that we live in a post-racial America, I had to consider what this truly meant. By definition, it suggests that we live in a country in which racial preference, prejudice, and discrimination do not exist; that we live in a country that treats everyone equally, offers every person the same opportunities, and does not judge an individual by the color of their skin.

I suspected that the person who used the term did not understand the dynamics of this great land, instead choosing to perpetuate an idyllic view of society. However, nearly 50 years after the death of Martin Luther King, Jr., a civil rights leader who worked so hard to create a post-racial America, I cannot see how someone would suggest that it actually exists.

Over the past five decades, we have had very little change in how the color of one's skin affects everyday life. For example, socioeconomic status is still correlated to race; though redlining has been outlawed, minorities are still living in the poorer sections of every city. Those areas have a higher rate of unemployment, leading to a lower tax base, and subsequently a poorer educational system. To argue against the perpetual nature of racism is to suggest that race has nothing to do with a lower quality of life in America. Sublime, but untrue.

King listened to poor, working-class Americans, recognizing that, while we had created laws to promote equality, these laws were being disregarded by the very people who created them. He showed people that, while we live in a capitalist society, not everyone had an opportunity to succeed and thrive. Rich, old, fat, white men were running the country, repressing the values and beliefs of a strong but conscious minority. He pushed for a change in American values, explaining that to have capitalism means the existence of both the haves and have-nots, and evinced that black Americans were the ones who had nothing. He pushed for a change in society's structure, but warned that this change could not happen without a serious change in values. In a sense, King is the godfather of civil discourse. He understood that people do not like change but that it was necessary for equality.

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In observation of the life and death and legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., NewCORE and Gwynedd Mercy University are presenting "Examining 'Post-Racial' America" on Feb. 28, a public discussion that will explore the feasibility of a post-racial society and the role civil discourse will play in achieving that ideal.

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This article is able to analyze the different roles that race plays in the lives of Mexican Americans here in the U.S. through analyzing different areas such as education, racial characteristics, and social interactions and how great of a disadvantage we sometimes find ourselves through the lack of education from our parents and even siblings. This article hit home because as the first person to attend college in my family, I feel like I was in a huge disadvantage since I couldn't just walk up to anyone and ask them for help with homework because they didn't even had the chance to finish elementary school. And this led to the huge culture shock and felt discrimination on my freshman year from an almost "all white" classroom at Iowa State University with the simple comment of, "You're a Mexican girl from Compton? What are you even doing here?" How was I supposed to react to that?

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Abstract

How racial barriers play in the experiences of Mexican Americans has been hotly debated. Some consider Mexican Americans similar to European Americans of a century ago that arrived in the United States with modest backgrounds but were eventually able to participate fully in society. In contrast, others argue that Mexican Americans have been racialized throughout U.S. history and this limits their participation in society. The evidence of persistent educational disadvantages across generations and frequent reports of discrimination and stereotyping support the racialization argument. In this paper, we explore the ways in which race plays a role in the lives of Mexican Americans by examining how education, racial characteristics, social interactions, relate to racial outcomes. We use the Mexican American Study Project, a unique data set based on a 1965 survey of Mexican Americans in Los Angeles and San Antonio combined with surveys of the same respondents and their adult children in 2000, thereby creating a longitudinal and intergenerational data set. First, we found that darker Mexican Americans, therefore appearing more stereotypically Mexican, report more experiences of discrimination. Second, darker men report much more discrimination than lighter men and than women overall. Third, more educated Mexican Americans experience more stereotyping and discrimination than their less-educated counterparts, which is partly due to their greater contact with Whites. Lastly, having greater contact with Whites leads to experiencing more stereotyping and discrimination. Our results are indicative of the ways in which Mexican Americans are racialized in the United States.

Keywords: Mexican Americans, race, racialization, education, skin color, social interaction, Mexican American Study Project

Mexican Americans have lower levels of education than non-Hispanic Whites and Blacks. Some scholars have argued that this is a result of Mexican immigrants having relatively low levels of education especially by standards in the United States, yet this gap is persistent and continues into the fourth generation ( Telles & Ortiz, 2008). To explain this, we have argued that the education disadvantage for Mexican Americans largely reflects their treatment as a stigmatized racial group rather than simply being a result of low immigrant human capital or of other causes suggested in the literature ( Telles & Ortiz, 2008). This paper investigates the role of race and racialization among Mexican Americans by more directly examining the relationships of education, skin color, and social interactions with racial identity and racial treatment (discrimination and stereotyping).

The role of race in the lives of Mexican Americans has been hotly debated. On the one hand, some argue that Mexican Americans have been racialized throughout their history in the United States ( Acuña, 1972; Almaguer, 1994; Barrera, 1979; Foley, 1997; Gomez, 2007; Montejano, 1987; Ngai, 2004; Vasquez, 2010). Their long and continuous history as labor migrants destined to jobs at the bottom of the economic hierarchy and their historic placement at the bottom of the racial hierarchy, preceded by the conquest of the original Mexican inhabitants in what is now the U.S. Southwest, have created a distinct racial category of "Mexican" in the popular imagination. While not as heavily excluded from economic and social integration as African Americans, Mexican origin persons have encountered severe racial barriers, which have structured opportunities for them. These scholars argue that Mexican Americans lag educationally and economically even after several generations in the United States, as a result of this treatment. They have been thus limited to mostly working class jobs and from successfully integrating into middle class society.

On the other hand, others consider Mexican Americans to be similar to European Americans with modest backgrounds ago that arrived in the United States more than a century ago ( Alba & Nee, 2003; Bean & Gillian, 2003; Perlmann, 2005). These assimilation theorists argue that while Mexican Americans may be slightly darker, slightly more stigmatized, and slightly more disadvantaged than these prior European groups, these factors will only slightly delay their integration into U.S. society. The key word here is "slightly." These scholars recognize some of the disadvantages faced by the Mexican origin population but they do not consider these disadvantages sufficiently severe to affect long-term integration. However, the persistent educational disadvantage across generations and frequent reports of discrimination and stereotyping (like those we provided in Generations of Exclusion) challenge this view.

In this paper, we examine the ways in which race plays a role in the lives of Mexican Americans. While we use the same data previously used in Generations of Exclusion, the analysis are entirely new. Here, we study the relationships between racial appearance (such as skin color), education, and social interactions (such as contact with Whites), on the one hand, with racial identity and racial treatment, on the other. This paper thus extends our findings from Generations of Exclusion.

Mexican Americans and Race in History and Sociology

The issue of race among Mexican Americans is contested in many ways. The racial heritage of Mexicans is mixed, with varying mixtures of European, Indigenous, and African ancestry. As a result, Mexicans are heterogeneous in their racial characteristics, ranging from having light to dark skin and eye color with many in the brown and mestizo middle. Outsiders tend not to see Mexicans as White or Black. Rather they are viewed through the stereotypic lens of being non-white or brown and largely indigenous-looking. Still much about the racial status of Mexicans is debated. Two issues in particular are-one is whether Mexican is a racial category and, two is whether Mexicans are white or non-white.

Mexican Americans themselves often provide ambiguous responses to race questions, perhaps reflecting their own uncertainty about their race as well as ambivalence about being non-white ( Gomez, 1992). Historically, Mexican Americans responded to questions about ethnic background with labels such Latin American or Spanish, as we showed with 1965 data in Generations of Exclusion ( Telles & Ortiz, 2008). This reinforced European ancestry in responses about group membership and a distancing from indigenous heritage. Up to the 1960s, Mexican American leaders, such as those in the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), emphasized the Spanish/European/White heritage of Mexican Americans, in attempts to secure rights as first class citizens and despite their treatment as non-white in American society ( Gross, 2003; Haney-Lopez, 2006).

However, a new generation of "Chicano" activists in the 1960s radicalized the Mexican American movement for civil rights, leading to an affirmation their indigenous or non-white roots while advocating equal opportunity for all, regardless of race ( Haney-Lopez, 2003; Muñoz, 1989). Since then, many Mexican Americans have embraced non-white notions of who they are. Today, many political elites position themselves as Hispanic and White ( Haney-Lopez, 2003) while many academics, legal scholars, and activists position themselves as Chicano or Latino and non-white ( Delgado, 2004). Among the general population, Mexican is often used as a response to the question "what is your race?" ( Gross, 2003), thus reflecting a popular understanding that Mexican is a racial category distinct from Whites, Blacks, or Asians.

Sociologists have also debated how to define Mexicans racially. Using the census parlance of race and ethnicity, many rely on the official definition of Mexican as an ethnic group and that Mexicans can be of any race ( Alba & Nee, 2003). This perspective of defining Mexican as an ethnic group aligns with notions that Mexicans are similar to previous European ethnic groups. For these scholars, ethnic groups are treated in more benign ways than racially distinct groups. Since Mexicans are not considered a racial group and thought to differ only slightly from Europeans, they should follow similar patterns of incorporation ( Alba & Nee, 2003), easily move into honorary White status ( Bonilla-Silva, 2003; Haney-Lopez, 2006), and subsequently incorporate fully into mainstream society ( Alba & Nee, 2003).

Intermarriage adds another layer of complexity to the question of whether Mexicans are a racial category. Intermarriage of Mexicans with European Americans (or Whites) has been the most common type of intermarriage, leading to the speculation that this will also serve to quickly move Mexicans into being White ( Alba, 2009; Alba & Islam, 2009). Yet children of Mexican-White marriages, while having lighter skin, may not actually abandon their Mexican identification ( Jiménez, 2010). Moreover, intermarriage increasingly involves other racial groups like Blacks and Asians, especially in multi-racial places, like Los Angeles. While the children of these intermarriages may lose some connection to being Mexican as a result of a having a Black or Asian parent, they do not move closer to being White, so they should continue to be racially ambiguous and non-white.

Mexican Americans in the Census

The United States government, in its efforts to count persons and their characteristics, has played a major role in how Mexicans are defined and classified, and these definitions have shifted significantly over the years. There are two key issues about the classification of Mexicans-one is whether individuals are asked directly about being Mexican (or Hispanic) origin, and two is how the census collects and analyzes racial information for Mexicans (and Hispanics).

Asking about Hispanic origin is relatively straightforward. Every census since 1970 has included a question on Hispanic origin. The most recent (2010) wording of this question is: Is this person of Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish origin? The response categories have generally included Mexican (along with Mexican-Am. and Chicano), Puerto Rican, Cuban, and other. Since 1990, individuals were asked to fill in the country of origin when responding other Hispanic.1 Prior to 1970, Mexicans (and Hispanics) were not asked directly about being Hispanic origin. Rather Information about place of birth, parents' place of birth, and mother tongue was collected in those censuses and these characteristics were used to count and describe the Mexican origin population.

The issue of how race is collected and analyzed for Mexicans (and Hispanics) is much more complicated ( Gibson & Jung, 2005). The general trend over time has been a shift from no classification to Mexican as a race, to Mexicans as White, to Mexicans as any race. Mexicans have resided in the U.S. since the mid-nineteenth century, yet up to the 1920 census, the Census Bureau made no mention of Mexicans or how to classify them. However, it appears that enumerators themselves made attempts to distinguish Mexicans from others since an unusually high number of "mulattoes" with Spanish surnames were counted in western states in 1880 ( Hochschild & Powell, 2008).

The first time that Mexicans are officially counted is the 1930 census. That year, Mexican was listed as a racial category, the one and only time that this occurred. Also, enumerators were employed to collect census information and individuals did not respond for themselves. The instructions provided to enumerators provide insights into how Mexicans were viewed at the time. They read as follows:

Mexicans.-Practically all Mexican laborers are of a racial mixture difficult to classify, though usually well recognized in the localities where they are found. In order to obtain separate figures for this racial group, it has been decided that all person born in Mexico, or having parents born in Mexico, who are not definitely white, Negro, Indian, Chinese, or Japanese, should be returned as Mexican ("Mex")2

These instructions indicate the understanding that Mexicans were mixed race but clearly not White or perceived as White. The use of "laborers" in the first line of this instruction suggest that class may have played a role into the use of Mexican in that laborers might have been classified as Mexican but higher status Mexicans might have been classified as White ( Hochschild & Powell 2008).

In response to protests from the Mexican government and LULAC about using Mexican as a racial category, the Census Bureau changed the official designation of Mexicans to White ( Gross, 2003; Hochschild & Powell 2008). Consequently, the 1940 and 1950 census provided the following instructions to enumerators: "Mexicans are to be regarded as white unless definitely of Indian or other nonwhite race."3 This clearly shows the shift from Mexican as a race to Mexicans as White. The population of Spanish mother tongue-defined from place of birth, parents' place of birth, and mother tongue-was counted and described in official publications ( Gibson & Jung, 2005).4

Enumerators did not completed forms in the 1960 census, rather census forms were mailed to households and completed by individuals,. This made it possible for Mexicans (and Hispanics) to respond using any racial category. But the Census Bureau in both 1960 and 1970 continued to define Mexicans (and Hispanics) as racially White. Therefore Mexicans (and Hispanics), who responded other to the race question, had their answers changed (or recoded) to White. This served to ignore what individuals reported about themselves. Starting in 1980, the Census Bureau stopped defining Mexicans (and Hispanics) as White and defined them as being of any race. This meant that they stopped changing responses as other race provided by Mexicans (and Hispanics). Consequently from 1970 to 1980, there is a sharp increase in the overall number of individuals reporting that they are other race, largely attributed to large percentage of Hispanics who choose other race ( Gibson & Jung, 2005). More than 40 of Hispanics answered other to the race question in 1990 ( Rodriguez, 2000) and more than 45 percent of Mexicans reported that they are other race in 2000 ( Bonilla-Silva, 2003).5

Of course, what is rarely acknowledged or reported is that when Mexicans report their race as other, they subsequently add Mexican in the explanation to this response-de facto, naming Mexican as their race. Census officials raise the concern that Mexicans, and Hispanics more generally, choose racial responses that do not fit officials' definitions of race. They find this so objectionable that they have sometimes argued that Latinos are "confused" or find it "difficult" to understand the race question on the census ( Rodriguez, 2000).6 When we consider how the Census Bureau has changed the racial classification of Mexicans from none, to Mexican, to White, to any race, it could be argued that government bureaucrats are confused.

Mexican Americans as Non-Whites

Race is a social construct but one that has had real consequences in the United States. Although granted de facto White racial status with the United States conquest of much of Mexico in 1848 and having sometimes been deemed as White by the courts and censuses, Mexican Americans were rarely treated as White ( Gomez, 2007; Haney-Lopez, 2006). Historically and legally, Mexicans have been treated as second-class citizens. Within a few short decades after their conquest in the mid-nineteenth century, Mexican Americans, although officially granted United States citizenship with full rights, lost much of their property and status and were relegated to low-status positions as laborers. Since then, Mexican immigration has continued to be of predominately low status. Throughout the twentieth century, Mexicans with low levels of education and from poor backgrounds immigrated to the United States to fill the lowest paid jobs (agriculture, domestic work, construction) with peaks during the Mexican Revolution in 1910 to 1929, during the agricultural guest worker program for Mexicans (Bracero program) from 1942 to 1964, and post the Immigration Act of 1965 which liberalized immigration from the Americas. Most of Mexican immigration has been to the southwestern United States, although Mexicans have begun to settle in nearly all regions of the United States since about 1990. This continuous immigration throughout the twentieth century has meant that the Mexican origin population in the United States includes many persons born in the United States, varying in generational status from first (immigrant) to fourth and even fifth generation. These later generations have continued to face educational and economic disadvantages as we documented in Generations of Exclusion ( Telles & Ortiz, 2008).

Unfair and discriminatory treatment against Mexican Americans has extended beyond the economic realm. School segregation has been extensive, both historically and in contemporary periods. Throughout history, Mexican children were sent to separate and inferior schools ( Alvarez, 1986; San Miguel, 1987; Sanchez, 1993). School segregation was repeatedly challenged in the courts. While they were treated as non-white by Whites, challenges to segregation were won by employing the racial designation of White under the law, meaning that Mexicans as Whites could not be segregated from other Whites ( Martinez, 1997). Courts did allow the segregation of Mexicans due to language or migrant status. In the post civil rights era, Mexicans were used as the non-Blacks that integrated schools for Black children ( Gross, 2003; Mechaca, 1995)). Eventually Mexicans moved from being considered White to brown, probably due to both legal and social changes although it is difficult to tell which of these occurred first ( Gross, 2003). As Mexicans came to be defined as non-whites, they were better able to make claims of unfair treatment and seek legal remedy.7

Persuasive anti-immigrant sentiment and treatment has also worked against all Mexicans whether immigrant or born in the United States. Viewed as alien and low status, Mexican immigrants were (and continue to be) scapegoated and targeted for mistreatment. Even though immigrants were a minority of all Mexican Americans up to the 1980s, the perception of all Mexican Americans as low status immigrants has been pervasive ( Massey, 2009; Vasquez, 2010). The immigration legislation of the 1980s has made legal entry to the United States by Mexicans almost impossible, yet immigration has continued. This forced the overwhelming majority of Mexican immigrants in the late twentieth century to enter the United States without proper documentation. This has served to further fuse anti-Mexican and anti-undocumented immigrant sentiment ( Massey, 2009). This suggests that in the eyes of many White Americans, all Mexicans are "illegal" and all "illegals" are Mexican ( Chacón & Davis, 2006; Chavez, 2008)

Research Purposes

If Mexican Americans see themselves as part of a racial category and are treated largely as non-white, what implications does this have for their experiences? Racial experiences are varied and involve many aspects of a person's life. On the one hand, some experiences concern how members of racial/ethnic groups view themselves. They may perceive themselves to be members of an ethnic group, like Italian-American, in a largely symbolic manner ( Waters, 1990). Or their identity may be a racial one, which implies a ranking along a racial hierarchy and which carries palpable social consequences. Secondly, they may encounter stereotypes which define how they should behave or who they should be; or they may encounter discrimination where they are treated differently due their group membership.

Racial appearance should factor into racial treatment, since we often define race as based on physical difference.8 For example, Mexican Americans who are darker and physically differ to a greater extent from Whites are more likely to be perceived as members of the group. Moreover, to the extent that the group is considered non-white and stigmatized, darker Mexican Americans would be subject to greater stereotyping and discrimination than their light skin counterparts. Another indicator of racial appearance could be that of having a non-Hispanic parent. The offspring of mixed marriages, in addition to a skin color advantage, might carry other characteristics of Whiteness such as non-Spanish names and cultural or social resources that make them more acceptable to Whites.

Additionally we expect education to be related to racial outcomes among Mexican Americans. On the one hand, Mexican Americans with less education may have stronger perceptions of themselves as members of the group than those with more education. Conceivably, this relationship could be reversed if those with more education have greater awareness of being part of the group. What of the relationship between education and racial treatment? Less educated Mexican Americans might experience more stereotyping and discrimination because of their disadvantaged educational status. Or the more educated might experience worse treatment because of greater interactions in mainstream institutions and with members outside of their group. Additionally being more educated might increase awareness that Mexican Americans are treated in a racial manner and that might explain part of the education effects; in other words educated Mexican Americans might perceive that discrimination exists to a greater extent and that might partially explain their reports of being discriminated against.

Lastly, social interactions with Whites and with other Mexican Americans might affect perceptions and treatment. Having a greater number and closer relationships with Mexican Americans should reinforce the connection with the group but it is uncertain how these will affect treatment. Conversely interactions with Whites might result in more negative treatment but will that affect perceptions of being Mexican.

Lastly, what kinds of discrimination experiences do Mexican Americans describe? In what settings do they experience discrimination? Responses to open-ended questions in our survey provide glimpses into these experiences.

In sum, this paper examines (1) racial characteristics like skin color, (2) education, and (3) social interaction variables like contact with other Mexicans and Whites as predictors of (1) racial identity as in choosing a racial identity as Mexican and being perceived as Mexicans (2) racial treatment as in experiences of stereotyping and discrimination.

Method

Sample

This study draws on a unique data set of 758 Mexican American adults between the ages of 30 to early 50s who were interviewed between 1998 and 2002. These respondents are adult children of the original respondents in the Mexican American Study Project (MASP).

MASP is a unique data set based on two waves of data collection 35 years apart. The original data was based on a random sample of households with adult Mexican Americans in Los Angeles County and San Antonio City who were interviewed in 1965-66 and those findings were published in The Mexican American People ( Grebler, Moore, & Guzman, 1970). We conducted a follow up survey with the original respondents from this earlier survey and their adult children in 1998-2002 and our findings were published in Generations of Exclusion ( Telles & Ortiz, 2008).

The re-interviews with surviving original respondents produced a longitudinal sample (1965 and 2000) of 687 original respondents who were age 18 to 50 in 1965. Two adult children were interviewed producing an inter-generational sample of 758 child respondents who were age 30 to early 50s when interviewed in 2000. Moreover, both the original 1965 respondents and their children are almost evenly divided by generations-since-immigration with about one-third of the child sample being second generation, one-third of the third generation and another third in the fourth generation or more.

In 2000, original respondents and adult children were interviewed extensively about ethnic identity, behavior, and attitudes; education and socio-economic status; political attitudes and behavior; family attitudes and behaviors. In this paper, we analyze the child sample based on their responses as well as some information from their original respondent parents.

Measures

In our analysis, we study two sets of outcomes-(1) racial identity as in choosing a racial identity as Mexican and being perceived as Mexicans (2) racial treatment as in experiences of stereotyping and discrimination. We examine three key sets of predictors-(1) racial characteristics like skin color, (2) education, and (3) social interaction variables like contact with other Mexicans and Whites.

Dependent Variables

We examine four outcomes in this paper and we show the distribution for these variables in Table 1 . Two of the outcomes measure racial identity. The first refers to how the respondents identify racially in response to "when forms or the census ask if you are White, Black, Asian, American Indian, or other, what do you answer?" To replicate the census question, we provided an "other" option for this question but purposefully did not include a Mexican American or Latino/Hispanic response category. Many respondents answered Mexican, Mexican American, or Mexican origin while others responded Hispanic or Latino. Responses to this question were grouped into Mexican, Mexican American, or Latino (coded as 1) compared to all other responses, such as White or Black (coded as 0). Two-thirds reported identifying as Mexican or Mexican American or Latino to the question about race (see Table 1 ). The second perception measure involves responses to "Do you think that when someone meets you for the first time that they think of you as Mexican? We coded their responses as perceived by others as Mexican (coded as 1) or not perceived or probably not perceived to be Mexican (coded as 0). Table 1 shows that 38 percent are definitely perceived as Mexican while 62 percent are not or probably not perceived as Mexican.

Our final two outcomes measure racial treatment. The first of these is whether respondents experience being stereotyped by others. We asked: "Sometimes people have ideas about what certain groups are like or what they are supposed to do. Do you ever find that other people expect you to be like or do things that they expect of Mexicans?" The responses are yes (coded as 1) or no (coded as 0). Table 1 shows that 58 percent perceive that they had experienced stereotyping. The second experience measure is whether respondents reported experiences of discrimination. We asked "Have you been treated unfairly because of your ethnic background?" The responses are yes (coded as 1) or no (coded as 0). Almost half (48 percent) reported experiences with discrimination. In contrast, Alba reports that approximately five percent of White ethnics experience discrimination ( Alba, 1990).9

Predictor Variables

The first set of predictors captures physical markers of racial status, including one about actual skin color and another about parentage (means and ranges are presented on Table 2 ). Respondents' skin color was rated by interviewers rather than by respondents. We use the seven-point scale with seven being the darkest and one being the lightest.10 The average on the skin color scale was 4.3, which is about halfway on the seven-point scale and indicating a medium brown skin color. A non-Hispanic parentage variable codes respondents that have only one parent as non-Hispanic as one and those with two Hispanic parents are coded as zero. Approximately 8 percent of respondents in the sample have a non-Hispanic parent.11

Education is the second key predictor in our analysis (see Table 2 ). We compare three categories: those with less than high school (around 16 percent and the reference category), high school graduates and those with some college (71 percent), and college graduates or more (13 percent)12.

We include a measure indicating whether respondents perceive a lot of discrimination against Mexicans. We asked "how much discrimination do you think there is today again people of Mexican origin?" A significant percentage, 36 percent, reported that there is a great deal of discrimination against Mexicans. This is a measure of whether discrimination occurs generally and differs from the outcome measure of whether respondents report experiencing discrimination personally

The third set of predictors measure the extent of social interaction with racial/ethnic groups (see Table 2 ). The first involves the amount of contact with Whites, which was measured in our survey with four responses-not at all, a little, some, and a lot. Most respondents, 88 percent, reported having "a lot of contact" with Whites and thus we grouped this variable into two categories-not a lot of contact (coded as 0) and a lot of contact (coded as 1). The second social interaction variable gauges the frequency of friendships with Mexicans measured on a four-point scale ranging from none to few friendships (coded as 1), about half (coded as 2), most (coded as 3), and all friendships (coded as 4). The average is 2.3 or about halfway on the four-point scale.

Control Variables

We control for three sets of variables: individual characteristics, generational status and socio-economic background (means and ranges are presented on Table 3 ). The individual characteristics include gender, urban area, age and type of interview. Female (coded as 1) is compared to male (coded as 0), which divides at approximately 50 percent. The variable, San Antonio, refers to whether the original respondent parent was interviewed in San Antonio (coded as 1) or Los Angeles (coded as 0) with 36 percent of the sample from San Antonio and the remainder from Los Angeles. Age is a continuous variable ranging from 32 to 59 years old and averaging 42. Interviewed by phone (coded as 1) refers to respondents who were interviewed by phone, which is about 27 percent of the sample, rather than in person (coded as 0); we include this variable because some questions were not asked in the phone interviews and because they were somewhat more likely to have moved out of the area.

The second of the control variables is generational status (see Table 3 ). Generation 1.5 refers to respondents born in Mexico and raised in the United States, which is about 7 percent of the sample. Generation 2.0 refers to those born in the United States with two parents born in Mexico, which is 8 percent of respondents. Generation 2.5 are born in the United States with one parent born in Mexico and the other parent in the United States, which is 22 percent of the sample. Generation 3.0, the reference group, are born in the United States with both parents born in the United States and two to four grandparents born in Mexico, which is 40 percent of the sample. Generation 4.0 are born in the United States with both parents born in the United States and three of the four grandparents born in the United States, which comprises 23 percent of respondents.

The third set of control variables refers to socio-economic background (see Table 3 ). Much of this information is from the respondent's parent (the original respondent) and collected in either 1965 or 2000. Father's and mother's education range from 0 to 17 with an average of about 9 years of education. Income is family income in 1965. This was collected as a categorical variable, which we recoded to thousands. The average income is about $6,000 and the lowest category refers to income of less than $500 and the highest category refers to income of more than $20,000. Homeownership refers to whether the original respondent parent owned a home in 1965 (coded as 1); approximately 55 percent owned homes. The variable, number of siblings, ranges from 0 to 15 with an average of 5 siblings. Parent spoke Spanish to their children is coded as 1 for Spanish and 0 for not speaking Spanish (this was reported by the original respondent parent). About 85 percent of respondents had parents who spoke Spanish to them when they were children. The last variable is parents were married in 1965 while the respondent was growing up; 85 percent of parents were married at the time of the original survey.

Results

Table 4 presents logistic regression analysis where racial identity as Mexican is the dependent variable. The numbers presented on this table, and the other tables with multivariate analyses, are odds ratios. An odds ratio equal to: one indicates no relationship, less than one indicates a negative relationship with numbers closer to zero indicating a stronger negative relationship, and greater than one indicates a positive relationship with larger numbers indicating a stronger positive relationship13.

Table 4

Identify Racially as Mexican

Initial Model

Add Perceive a lot Discrimination

Add Social Interactions

Racial Appearance

Education

HS and some college
0.544 0.547 0.555* * *

General perceptions of discrimination

Social Interactions

Respondent indicators

Generation status (ref: gen. 3)

Socio-economic background

Model

Pseudo R ²

.045**

0.045**

0.046*

Racial Identity as Mexican

In the initial model on Table 4 , we observe that skin color is marginally related to racial identity as Mexican, indicating that darker respondents are somewhat more likely to identify racially as Mexican.14 Having a non-Hispanic parent is unrelated to racially identifying as Mexican. More educated respondents were less likely than the low educated to identify racially as Mexican. Those who completed high school or have some college are significantly less likely to identify racially as Mexican-54 percent are less likely to do so. And the college educated is marginally less likely to identify racially as Mexican. In the second model, perceiving a lot of discrimination does not have a direct effect on identifying as Mexican or change the education effect. In the third model, contact with Whites and friendships with Mexicans are unrelated to identifying as Mexican.

The rest of Table 4 present control variables. Respondents from San Antonio and respondents who were interviewed by phone were significantly less likely to identify racially as Mexican. Gender and age are unrelated to identifying as Mexican. Generational status is unrelated to identifying as Mexican. The indicators of socio-economic status were also unrelated to identifying as Mexican (except for a marginal effect of income in the all three models).

Perceived as Mexican

Table 5 presents the findings for being perceived as Mexican. The first model indicates that having darker skin is significantly related to being perceived as Mexican. An odds ratio of 1.3 reveals that with every unit increase on the skin color scale, being perceived as Mexican increased by 30 percent. Those with a non-Hispanic parent are significantly less likely to be perceived as Mexican-about half as likely (odds ratio equals .44). More educated respondents were less likely than the less educated to be perceived as Mexican. Those who completed high school or have some college are 54 percent, and the college graduates are 31 percent, as likely to be perceived as Mexican. In the second model, perceiving a lot of discrimination does not have a direct effect on being perceived as Mexican or reduce the education effect.

The third model indicates that those who have a lot of contact with Whites are half as likely to be perceived as Mexican (odds ratio equals .51). Persons with more Mexican friends are more likely to be perceived as Mexican-approximately one and a half times as likely (odds ratio equals 1.45). The effect of non-Hispanic parent, which was significant in the initial model (odds ratio equaled .44) and, is slightly reduced and is now marginally significant (odds ratio is .54). This is due to adding the extent of Mexican friends to the model. So persons with a non-Hispanic parent are less likely to be perceived as Mexican but some of this effect is through the friendships that Mexican Americans have with other Mexicans.15

The rest of Table 5 present control variables. Gender and being from San Antonio are unrelated to being perceived as Mexican. Older respondents are marginally less likely to being perceived as Mexican. Respondents interviewed by phone were less likely to being perceived as Mexican in the first and second model but is not significant in the third model when social interactions are added to the model. The fourth generation is less likely to be perceived as Mexican than the third generation. Generation two differs from generation three in the first and second model but is not significant in the third model when social interactions are added to the model. The indicators of socio-economic status are unrelated to being perceived as Mexican.

Experience Stereotyping

The first model presented on Table 6 indicates that skin color and having a non-Hispanic parent are unrelated to experiences of stereotyping. More educated respondents are more likely to have been stereotyped by others. The relationship between education and experiences of stereotyping is especially strong-those with a high school or college education are more than twice as likely to being stereotyped than those less than high school (odds ratio equal 2.1 and 2.4 respectively).

The second model on Table 6 shows that perceiving a lot of discrimination against Mexicans has a direct and positive effect on personal experiences with stereotyping. The third model shows that contact with Whites also increases experiences with stereotyping-those with more contact with Whites are two and a half times more likely to experience stereotyping. The extent of Mexican friends, on the other hand, is unrelated to experiences of stereotyping.

One reason that education is thought to lead to more experiences with stereotyping is that education may sensitize minorities to experiences of racialization. In other words, through learning about the history of racism and discrimination against the group, Mexican Americans may become more aware of its existence in their own lives. Adding general perceptions of a lot of discrimination (in the second model) does not change the relationship between education and perceptions of having been stereotyped. That more educated Mexican Americans perceive having more experiences of being stereotyped remains strong and significant in the second model.

Another reason that education is thought to relate to experiences with stereotyping is that participation in educational institutions provides more contact with Whites and thus greater awareness of White attitudes. Consistent with this, we observe that the education effects are somewhat reduced when contact with Whites is introduced in the third model. For instance, the college graduate effect is 2.4 when contact with Whites is excluded from the second model and is 1.99 when contact with Whites is added in the third model. So greater contact with Whites probably explains some of the experiences of being stereotyped.

The rest of Table 6 presents the control variables. Gender, being from San Antonio, and age are unrelated to experiences with stereotyping. Respondents interviewed by phone were less likely to experience stereotyping. Generational status was unrelated to experiences with stereotyping (except for that marginal effect of generation 1.5 in the first model). The indicators of socio-economic status are unrelated to experiences of stereotyping (except for that marginal effect of homeownership in the first model).

Experience Discrimination

As Table 7 shows, being darker also leads to reports of experiences with discrimination- an odds ratio of 1.2 indicates that with every unit increase on the skin color scale, reports of discrimination increased by 20 percent. Having a non-Hispanic parent is unrelated to reporting discrimination.

College educated respondents are more likely to report experiences of discrimination- twice as likely as those with less than a high school education (odds ratio equals 2.0). On the other hand, those with a high school education do not differ significantly from the least educated. In the second model, we observe that perceiving a lot of discrimination generally has a direct and positive effect on personal experiences with discrimination (odds ratio equals 2.3). In the third model, having more contact with Whites is shown to being more likely to be experience discrimination (odds ratio of 1.96). Having Mexican friends is unrelated to experiences of discrimination.

One of the issues we have tracked in the multivariate analysis is what happens to the education effects as we introduce perceptions of discrimination and contact with other groups. First, we observe that the education effect does not change between the first and second models when general perceptions about discrimination are entered into the model. Second, we observe that the college graduate effect is somewhat reduced between the second and third models when contact with Whites is introduced into the model. The college effect is 2.0 and statistically significant in the second model but when social interactions are introduced in the third model, the effect is reduced to 1.79 and is only marginally significant. Having more contact with Whites may partially explain why college graduates report more experiences of discrimination.

One of the control variables, gender, indicates that women are less likely to report discrimination (in contrast, gender was unrelated to any of the other racial outcomes). Given the strong relationship of gender and discrimination, we did some exploratory analysis separately by gender and we found that skin color has a much stronger effect for men than women. This is shown as the interaction effect between skin color and gender (Darker Color X Female) in the fourth model on Table 7 . This significant interaction effect indicates that darker men are much more likely to experience discrimination while darker and lighter women do not differ in their experiences of discrimination.

The rest of Table 7 presents the control variables. Being from San Antonio and age are unrelated to perceptions of experiences with discrimination. Respondents interviewed by phone were less likely to experience discrimination. Generation 1.5 reports more experiences with discrimination while the other generational groups do not differ from third generation.

The last group of control variables refers to socio-economic status. Parental education has an unusual pattern of relationships to discrimination experiences in that the greater the father's education, the more likely they are to report experiences of discrimination while the greater the mother's education, the less likely they are to report experiences of discrimination. Number of siblings is significantly related to experiences of discrimination in the third model when social interactions are entered in the model. The other controls-income, homeownership, speaking Spanish, married parents-are unrelated to experiences with discrimination.

Summary by Predictor Variables

Overall, skin color, education, and contact with Whites have the strongest relationships with the racial outcomes. Mexican Americans who are darker, more educated, and have more contact with Whites are more likely to be perceived as Mexicans, experience more stereotyping, and experience more discrimination. Additionally, skin color has a different relationship with discrimination experiences for men and women such that darker men report more discrimination.

Describing Incidents of Discrimination

The question in our survey on discrimination, which we used in this paper, was "Have you been treated unfairly because of your ethnic background?" Respondents who indicated that had been treated unfairly were also asked to describe these experiences. Respondents provided examples from various aspects of their lives including work, school, police, public life, and peers and their responses illustrate their real life experiences, beyond the yes/no responses to close-ended questions that we examined through quantitative analysis above.

The largest number of comments-over 90-was about employment incidents. The most prevalent among these were reports about being denied promotions. One respondent reported that "they were hiring for assistant foreman, and I had seniority and better qualifications and I was overpassed for the position." Other respondents reported that they were not hired for jobs based on their racial appearance. Respondents also reported negative or hostile interactions with supervisors-one respondent reported filing a federal discrimination complaint against a supervisor. Still other respondents reported difficulties with customers or clients where their help was rejected. There were also a small number of reports about being denied an apartment.

Another large number of reports-45 reports-referred to school-based incidents. These included encountering teachers that had low expectations of them as in indicating surprise at the respondents' academic ability, or assuming that respondents did not speak English or had recently arrived from Mexico. Some respondents reported getting into trouble for speaking Spanish. Other reported derogatory names, such as "wetback," by teachers or other school officials.

Respondents also reported problems with peers. Some of these incidents were physical as in the respondent who reported that other children tried to cut out his brown eyes in first grade. Other respondents reported being beat up by peers in junior high or high school. While these were events that took place in school setting, other similar events happened in neighborhoods and with peers while growing up. Incidents where respondents were called derogatory names or rejected by friends of friends or by parents of friends.

The other very large category of incidents involved being denied service in restaurants. Some of incidents involved direct comments like "we do not serve people like you." Other incidents involved being ignored or receiving very slow service. Respondents also reported receiving poor service in stores by being ignored or followed.

There were about 20 reports involving police. These involved being stopped and harassed by the police. Some of these events led to arrests or searches. Some respondents reported being called derogatory names like "wetback." There were other incidents involving government officials, like being scrutinized by the border patrol as they crossed the border

Discussion

Although all of our respondents came of age in the post civil rights era, they reported fairly extensive experiences of discrimination and being stereotyped. This is evident in their responses to standard survey questions (with close-ended responses) as well as in their accounts of specific instances discrimination (presented in the previous section). These experiences were prevalent in institutional settings like the work place and school as well as in public places like restaurants and retail stores. These experiences, although almost certainly fewer in frequency and lesser in intensity than that documented historically ( Montejano, 1987), are indicative of pervasive racism and discrimination continuing in the post civil rights era.

Skin color is important in our findings in that darker Mexicans are more likely to be perceived as Mexican and experience discrimination. These are strong relationships controlling for the many other factors in our analysis. To outsiders, skin color is a key marker of group membership, consequently darker Mexican Americans are treated as stereotypically Mexican. Additionally, darker men report more experiences of discrimination than lighter men and women in general. This is consistent with prior research showing that minority men are especially likely to face obstacles in education, the labor market, and criminal justice system ( Harrison, Reynolds-Dobbs, & Thomas, 2008; Hersch, 2008; Reimers, 1983). Some respondents indicate this in their reports of incidents with police officers. On the other hand, having a non-Hispanic parent has a relatively weak effect. Although being the child of inter-marriage is considered one mechanism by which Mexican Americans can move away from being Mexican to being honorary White ( Alba, 2009), we do not find this to be the case. Children of intermarriage do not differ in most ways from those with two Mexican parents.16

Education is important. Mexican Americans with more education report that they were less likely to racially identify as Mexican and be considered Mexican by outsiders, and more likely to be stereotyped and face discrimination. Among the strongest relationships we identified was that of education with being stereotyped. It appears that educated Mexican Americans go against the notions that outsiders have about the group. This may be partly due to the low levels of education among Mexican immigrants and that Mexican Americans even in later generations have relatively less education. Outsiders expect Mexican Americans to be less educated and treat them accordingly. But to apply that expectation to all Mexican Americans creates a stereotype.

Having more education means living and working in environments with more Whites and participating in institutions of higher education also involving more interactions with Whites. Greater contact with Whites partly explains the relationship between education and experiences of stereotyping and discrimination consistent with prior research by Feagin and his colleagues (e.g., Feagin & Sikes, 1994). Moreover, contact with Whites has a significant and independent effect on experiences of stereotyping and discrimination (which is not diminished by controlling for other factors). The specific examples of discrimination that respondents shared illustrate how this operates. In work places with employers and co-workers, Mexican Americans are likely to come in contact with Whites that treat them in discriminatory ways; for instance they report being passed over promotions or not getting hired. In education settings, teachers and other school staff make derogatory remarks or convey the message that Mexican Americans are less worthy. Mexican Americans also reported unfair treatment in public spaces, like restaurants and stores. It is in these interactions beyond the family and ethnic neighborhood, that Mexicans Americans face unequal treatment.

Limitations

The most significant limitation of this study is probably identifying the extent of discrimination and stereotyping. Collecting precise information on discrimination and stereotyping in survey research is challenging. Individuals may not always have information about how or whether they are systematically being treated differently from others or they overestimate whether they are being treated unfairly due to their group membership. While measuring racial treatment in a precise manner is unlikely, several factors make us confident that we are capturing a real phenomenon. One is that experimental studies show strong evidence that discrimination exists17 ( Pager & Hana, 2008) supporting our respondents' reports of discrimination. Two is the legal history showing the ways in which Mexican Americans have been and continue to be treated in discriminatory ways ( Gross, 2003; Haney-Lopez, 2006). Three is the much greater reports of experiencing stereotyping and discrimination by Mexican Americans than other ethnic groups, such as Italians ( Alba, 1990). Lastly, the pervasive patterns of racial inequality as we describe here and in our prior work ( Telles and Ortiz 2008) support the view of substantial racialization of Mexican Americans over several generations.

Acknowledgments

We acknowledge comments by Gary Koeske.

Appendix A.

Identify Racially as Mexican

Perceived to be Mexican

Experience Stereotyping

Footnotes

¹1Enumeration forms and questionnaires found in the IPUM website: http://usa.ipums.org/usa/voliii/tEnumForm.shtml

²Enumeration forms and questionnaires found in the IPUM website: http://usa.ipums.org/usa/voliii/tEnumForm.shtml

³Enumeration forms and questionnaires found in the IPUM website: http://usa.ipums.org/usa/voliii/tEnumForm.shtml

⁴Up to 1950, the Mexican origin population comprised the vast majority Hispanics in the United States. Puerto Ricans were only beginning to migrate to New York City and the Cuban immigration had not begun in earnest ( Bean and Tienda 1987). Mexican Americans continue to be the majority at about 66 percent.

⁵By 1980, while Mexicans continue to be the largest Hispanic group, there are significant numbers of Puerto Ricans and Cubans residing in the United States. By 2000, there are significant of Dominicans and Central Americans ( Guzman 2001).

⁶ Also unacknowledged by census officials is that the race question itself is confusing since it includes seven Asian categories (Asian Indian Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, other Asian), four Pacific Islander categories (Native Hawaiian, Guamanian or Chamorro, Samoan, other Pacific Islander), and only four race categories (White, Black, American Indian, some other race). The census question on race includes many more country of origin or ethnic categories than racial categories.

⁷School segregation of Mexican American children was common in California and Texas. In 1928, 64 schools in eight Southern California counties had Mexican student enrollments of 90percent or more (cited in Sanchez 1993:258). Another study reported that 80 percent of school districts with substantial Mexican American enrollment practiced segregation (cited in Sanchez 1993:258). Alvarez (1986) lists 64 schools in eight California counties, including several in Los Angeles, that were 90 to100 percent Mexican. Well-known California judicial cases of segregation included the school districts of Lemon Grove (in the 1930s) and Westminster (in the1940s). Although segregation was documented in both California and Texas, egregious discrimination may not have endured into the 1960s in California to the same extent as it did in Texas.

⁸A number of studies have examined the relationship between skin color and socio-economic outcomes. These studies have shown that darker Mexican Americans have lower education, earnings, and other economic outcomes ( Arce, Murguía and Frisbie 1987; Murguía and Telles 1996; Telles and Murguía 1990).

⁹ Appendix A presents correlations among the outcome variables. The interrelationships are low(less than .1) except for the relationship between perceptions of being stereotyping and reports of being discrimination (which equals .3).

¹⁰ The skin color chart used in our survey had 9 categories. There were few respondents in the two lightest categories and few in the two darkest categories so these categories were combined so that we ended up with seven categories.

¹¹ The original MASP may have under-sampled Mexican origin women married to non-Mexicanmen because Spanish surname was used for sampling in more integrated neighborhoods.

¹² Our sample appears more educated than current data on the Mexican origin. This is due to the fact that our sample is U.S. born with most being third and fourth generation. A sample of Mexican origin drawn today would be overwhelming immigrant and second generation. This results in low education levels among Mexicans today since immigrants have low levels of education.

¹³ We use robust standard errors in the logistic regression to adjust sibling clustering.

¹⁴ We did additional analysis in an attempt to explain the marginally relationship between skin color and identify racially as Mexican. Specifically we examined whether omitting education and non-Hispanic parent changed this relationship-making it stronger or weaker-but did not find that this marginal relationship changed in any meaningful way.

¹⁵ One indicator of having a non-Hispanic parent is having a non-Spanish name. We substituted having a Spanish name for having a non-Hispanic parent in the analysis to see if this effect was different. We found similar results as we did with non-Hispanic parent. Also since respondents with a white parent tend to be lighter skin than those with two Mexican parents, having a non-Hispanic parent is correlated with skin color. Thus it is possible that excluding skin color from the analysis might change and make significant the effect of non-Hispanic parent. We did additional analysis where we excluded skin color and doing so did not change the effect of non-Hispanic parent.

¹⁶ As reported in footnote 16, the effect of non-Hispanic parent is due to a relationship with skin color since excluding skin color from the analysis does not change the effect of non-Hispanic parent.

¹⁷ Experimental studies are the gold standard of research, including research on discrimination. As an example of this kind of study, profiles of "applicants," actually fictional individuals with equal credentials, are submitted to employers; researchers examine whether employers call back or offer a job to "applicants"; and treating "applicants" differently based on race is evidence of discrimination because other differences among "applicants" are held constant. What an experimental design does not provide is an understanding of how discriminatory treatment affects victims in real life.

Contributor Information

Vilma Ortiz, Department of Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles.

Edward Telles, Department of Sociology, Princeton University.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Racial Identity and Racial Treatment of Mexican Americans

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How racial barriers play in the experiences of Mexican Americans has been hotly debated. Some consider Mexican Americans similar to European Americans of a century ago that arrived in the United States with modest backgrounds but were eventually able ...

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I believe I am in the Ethnic Minority Stage of Integration, which is to value and integrate one's culture as well as the majority culture. Mentioning that I do consider myself a Mexican American, I feel like I do get to enjoy both the Mexican culture and the American culture because they both are a part of my identity and who I am. For example, I get to equally enjoy both independence days for both countries and I equally feel as I am a piece to each of them regardless what each of the groups think. I am pro to anything that can help expand education and awareness to other race and ethnic groups for the well-being of one's own self-identification. I have learned to speak up when things aren't right, I absolutely hate injustice being made, which pushes me, as a mother, to help build a better tomorrow for my children to enjoy, without the need for them to ever feel inferior because of who they are or believe in.

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3.1 MULTIDIMENSIONS OF ETHNIC SELF IDENTIFICATION

I identify with the following ethnic measures:
1. Within the category of for Natal measures I chose the items of birth place and ancestral lineage. The reason why these two spoke more to me is the fact that i like to identify as Chicana. These two items merge together to what I identify myself as, an american born here in the U.S. but with roots in Mexico. So my birth place being the United States but my Mexican ancestral lineage helped define the Chicana that I consider to be today.
2. Within the category of Behavioral Measures I identified more with participation of religious activities. Identifying as a christian pentecostal, church has had a great influence in the behaviors performed by myself. This has shaped the preferences I have in media, music, films, friendships and clothing, since the things I do should always try to honor God.
3. Within the category of subjective measures, I chose value preferences. I think that being part of a hispanic christian church, my values have always been founded on the bible. As being part of a Mexican family of course we had values but the church values always had a heavier weight in my life. For example, modern day or even other ethnic groups may begin the education of the practice of safe sex. As part of a mexican family we were told we would be of great shame if we were to ever engage in sex before marriage, but as part of a church congregation we were taught to remain abstinent until marriage. In my case what is heavier to me in value is what God may think of me rather than my parents.
4. Within the category of situation-contextual measures, I chose again with religious and spiritual measures. As a woman of faith I tend to overcome all types of situations through a religious and spiritual way. It has shaped me to believe that everyone and everything comes and leaves for a spiritual purpose.

3.2 MULTI-GROUP ETHNIC IDENTITY MEASURE

In terms of ethnic group I consider myself to be Mexican American or Chicana, which is pretty much the same thing. My multi-group ethnic identity measure score is 38. To me this score means that I have a high sense of identity with being a mexican american. I am proud to be of this ethnicity because such like others its culture is just beautiful! What suprised me the most is that I never gave the thought of how patriotic I feel from having two nationalities in my own self, and how much I enjoy both of them!

3.3 Rosenberg's Self-Esteem Scale

My Rosenberg's Self_Esteem Scale score was 21. The score is just an assertion of what I already knew of having a normal self-esteem. As a little girl I did have a low-self esteem and it mainly had to be with my genetics. I was given a nice set of full arm hair which would cause to get bullied by all the other kids in my grade no matter of their race, that's why you would see Yenny with a sweater in 100 degree weather and that made me hate the way I looked so much. But the scale results mentions that usually the older you are the higher your self-esteem is and I found that to be very true. Why? Because as you get older, at least in my case, I started to not care what people thought about me. I did things for me and not to please a crowd. And when you stop caring about what others think you get this peace that no one can ever try to take away from you. I am happy with me!

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Prompt 1
I am a 29 year old hispanic mother and wife who is still learning about the importance of being a good role model through the things I do. I sometimes pretend that I can do everything, help everyone else, when in reality I am so tired that it sometimes feels that I fail my own marriage and kids. People think I have my life all figured out, that I don't have my own struggles and flaws, and that I am available to their dispositions and needs at all times. I wish I could just sometimes understand that my main priorities should be God, my marriage and children. I have allowed others to suck the life out of me with their problems and concerns and have failed at times that the ones I should worry about the most are my own. As the first person of my family to attend college (on both sides), I've always felt the pressure to please everyone else not knowing the burden I was putting on my own self. Race and ethnicity have applied pressure in my life in the way that I have to worry about what people say. I had so much on my plate school, work, church and getting pregnant out of wed lock with my first daughter were not taken lightly. The "What are people going to say" that hispanic families are so concerned about has taken a great toll in my life.

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Prompt 2
I was 7 or 8 years old if I recall correctly, when i experienced my first race activity. Growing up with a single mother of 5, we were always finding my mother struggling with rent and bills, so that pushed my brothers to work hard for the things that they wanted to have. My bother had just purchased a brand new dodge charger with nice rims and just a beauty of a car. My brother went to pick up the youngest of my brothers from his dentist appointment to get his wisdom teeth pulled out, and as soon as they were going to turn into the drive way they get pulled over by some police officers. Needless to say that with no reason to have gotten pulled over they were forced out of the car, treated like criminals, searched and had them sit on the sidewalk while searching the vehicle. I remember seeing all this happening and getting me extremely angry. I see my brother spitting blood out ( since he had just gotten his wisdom teeth pulled out) I ran inside the house to bring him a clean gauze, and was told by the officer to step away from my brother. We didn't grow up with a dad, so to have a male figure scream at me the way he did was just shocking to me. Made me question who in the world did he think he was to talk to me like that! After searching the vehicle and not finding any narcotics, as the police thought they would,  they let my brothers go. I don't know how to better explain what happened that day it just felt like they had taken part of our dignity that day. I spoke to my mother about it and all she could say is that they were just doing their job, but why did it feel more of intimidation and proof of superiority towards us and not to "Serve and Protect"?

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Prompt 3
I believe having a positive sense of self is extremely important to avoid being prejudice our own selves. I have came to the conclusion that sometimes people behave the way that they do because of the things that they have lived through have shaped them to think, behave, pose as something that they are not. Someone who has not been able to see the positiveness and goodness of things regardless of how bad things or someone can be can not be a vessel to try to promote change. So yes, it is very important to have a positive self, regardless what race or ethnicity they identify or belong to, to be able to enlighten and educate others about race and ethnicity.

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Theory 2
From the 7 Concepts of Afrocentric Psychology I believe the one that is more seen in the African American community is the Maafa because it was designed to oppress, humiliate, and destroy! It may not be slavery in today's time but it may be other things such as drugs, HIV, humiliation, different curve balls to the african american community to avoid them of reaching a higher potential in life and to keep being seen as pretty much nothing in our nation. The concept that I chose that i see the least is and is very meaningful to me is Sankofa and this is why. Regardless of everything that the african american community has gone through I feel they have forgotten all the struggles that blacks have gone through in this country. Slavery being the first, how slaves would be treated, and all they had to do just to be free. Then we see what the civil rights movement had to in order to be seen as equal, avoid having colored schools, bathrooms, restaurants, everything!And to see how today's generations behaveas if none of that matters just upsets me so much! People had to walk miles and miles, marching, to bring a freedom that I feel sometimes gets taken for granted.

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Theory 1
I personally don't believe that the spirit of ubuntu is alive today anymore in the african american culture, at least in the newer generations  it is not. Have I seen elders that still show or demonstrate the characteristics that represent ubuntu? Yes. But the majority of the african american culture, at least through what I have seen, its all about materialism which Akbar shows in his research. It is all about the money, cars, sex, etc. Hard to see the respect, helpfulness, sharing, and unselfishness that Nelson Mandela spoke about in the video. I feel that in African American culture and African culture there really are similarities and differences, one that particularly caught my attention is  the sensitivity with time and rhythm how both cultures think the same, and I can even include my own culture in there. We see it bad or wrong to get to an event "right on time". I we get there early , people think we're just there for the food, so we run by the saying "We will get there at some point" and we tend to always show up late!  A difference that did grab my attention was that in African Culture spirituality and daily life are intertwined, but in african american culture I feel like its more money hungry oriented, focused on getting better everything, such as education, cars, house, careers and etc. The concept of ubuntu has made me wish to live in a time and a community that truly practiced what ubuntu is all about, that way we would live in a moment when it's all about my own needs but how I could make others better.

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Theory 3
The principle that resonated with me the most was the Umoja. I believe unity is a word that people don't truly understand because of the lack that we see in our society today. The state of being joined as a whole just sounds so beautiful to me. If one day it didn't matter what race, ethinicity, color, economic status we belong to, if I see you stuggling I want to be there to help you! Your struggles are my struggles, and when you need me I want to be there! The perfect picture of what ubuntu is all about. Be able to be happy and unified just sounds like a dream. Sadly I feel like we are more disunited as a society. It has been so long since I have seen this value in action and specially in minority groups which includes african americans. It's more about the gang violence in my point of view, but if there was unity, the world would most definitely be a better place.