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German Unification in Under 3 Minutes-Video

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German Unification in Under 3 Minutes-Video

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Austria was the most powerful state in the holy roman empire. Napoleon created the confederation. Germany felt a sense of unity, students volunteered for war. The king refused the crown gifted by liberals. With the help of Italy they were crowned victories.

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This is romanticism

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Bismarck was born at Schönhausen, in the Kingdom of Prussia. In 1839 his mom died giving him the opportunity of resigning in order to come to the assistance of his father. Who was experiencing financial difficulties in the management of his estate. In 1849 he was elected to the Prussian Chamber of Deputies. He moved his family to Berlin.

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born:

April 1, 1815, Schönhausen, Altmark, Prussia [Germany]

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died:

July 30, 1898, Friedrichsruh, near Hamburg (aged 83)

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Early years

Bismarck was born at Schönhausen, in the Kingdom of Prussia. His father, Ferdinand von Bismarck-Schönhausen, was a Junker squire descended from a Swabian family that had ultimately settled as estate owners in Pomerania. Ferdinand was a typical member of the Prussian landowning elite. The family's economic circumstances were modest-Ferdinand's farming skills being perhaps less than average-and Bismarck was not to know real wealth until the rewards flowed in after the achievement of German unification. His mother, Wilhelmine Mencken, came from an educated bourgeois family that had produced a number of higher civil servants and academics. She had been married to Ferdinand von Bismarck at age 16 and found provincial life confining. When her son Otto was seven, she enrolled him in the progressive Plamann Institute in Berlin and moved to the capital to be near him. The young Bismarck resented exchanging an easy life in the country for a more circumscribed life in a large city, where in school he was pitted against the sons of Berlin's best-educated families. He spent five years at the school and went on to the Frederick William gymnasium for three years. He took his university entrance examination ( Abitur) in 1832.

With his mother's encouragement, he took up the study of law at the University of Göttingen in the kingdom of Hanover. Evidently Bismarck was a mediocre student who spent much of his time drinking with his comrades in an aristocratic fraternity. After a brief stint at the university in Berlin, he entered the Prussian civil service, where he was plagued by boredom and an inability to adhere to the hierarchical principles of the bureaucracy. His mother's death in 1839 gave him the opportunity of resigning in order to come to the assistance of his father, who was experiencing financial difficulties in the management of his estate. From 1839 to 1847 Bismarck lived the ordinary life of a Prussian country squire. Subsequently he romanticized these years on the land and wondered why he had abandoned an idyllic existence for the insecurities of a life in politics. This frequently expressed nostalgia may have been more guise than reality.

During this period he met and married Johanna von Puttkamer, the daughter of a conservative aristocratic family famed for its devout pietism. While courting Johanna, Bismarck experienced a religious conversion that was to give him inner strength and security. A subsequent critic was to remark that Bismarck believed in a God who invariably agreed with him on all issues. There is no question that the marriage was a very happy one. In fact, Bismarck's last words before dying in 1898 expressed the wish that he would once again see Johanna, who had passed away some years earlier.

His politics during the 1840s did not diverge substantially from those of a typical country squire. If anything, his politics were more conservative. He believed in a Christian state that received its sanction ultimately from the deity. The existing social and political order was to be defended in order to prevent a Hobbesian chaos of all against all. Given his views, Bismarck was welcomed as a member of the religious conservative circle around the brothers von Gerlach, who were stout defenders of the noble estate against the encroachments of bureaucratic centralization. Bismarck had nothing but sarcasm for aristocratic liberals who viewed England as a model for Prussia. In 1847 he attended the Prussian United Diet, where his speeches against Jewish emancipation and contemporary liberalism gained him the reputation of a backwoods conservative, out of touch with the dynamic forces of his age.

Bismarck's response to the liberal revolution that swept through Europe in 1848 confirmed his image as a reactionary. He opposed any concessions to the liberals and expressed contempt for the king's willingness to bargain with the revolutionaries. He even considered marching his peasants to Berlin to free Frederick William IV from the baneful influence of the rebels. With other archconservatives, including Ernst Ludwig von Gerlach, he began contributing to the Kreuzzeitung newspaper (1848) as an organ of antirevolutionary sentiment.

For Bismarck's future role, it is important to understand his analysis of the revolution. He identified the forces of change as confined solely to the educated and propertied middle class. The vast majority of Prussians, however, were peasants and artisans, who, in Bismarck's view, were loyal monarchists. The task of the forces of order was to confirm the loyalty of these two groups by means of material concessions. The economic policies of the urban middle-class radicals were rooted in pure self-interest, he maintained. The radicals would spur industrial growth at the expense of the lower middle class and the farm population. Ultimately, even the middle class itself might be won over by tactical concessions and success in foreign policy. This strategic and opportunist thinking distanced Bismarck from the ideological conservatives, who were wedded to traditional concepts of authority. His vision of a manipulative state that sustained its power by rewarding obedient groups remained with him throughout his political career.

Early career

In 1849 he was elected to the Prussian Chamber of Deputies (the lower chamber of the Prussian Diet) and moved his family to Berlin. At this stage he was far from a German nationalist. He told one of his fellow conservatives, "We are Prussians, and Prussians we shall remain.... We do not wish to see the Kingdom of Prussia obliterated in the putrid brew of cosy south German sentimentality." In 1851 Frederick William IV appointed Bismarck as the Prussian representative to the federal Diet in Frankfurt, a clear reward for his loyalty to the monarchy.

With the defeat of the revolution in central Europe, Austria had reasserted its supremacy in the German Confederation, and Bismarck, being an archconservative, was assumed to support the status quo, which included Austrian hegemony. He lived in Frankfurt for eight years, where he experienced a commercial and cultural environment quite different from that of a Prussian estate.

It was in Frankfurt that Bismarck began to reassess his view of German nationalism and the goals of Prussian foreign policy. Not only did he find the constant deference to the Austrians in Frankfurt demeaning, but he also realized that the status quo meant acceptance of Prussia as a second-rate power in central Europe. In 1854 he opposed close cooperation with Austria, arguing that it entailed "binding our spruce and seaworthy frigate to the wormy old warship of Austria." Gradually he began to consider the options that would make Prussia the undisputed power in Germany. A vision of a Prussian-dominated northern Europe and a redirection of Austrian power to the Slavic areas in the south took shape in his mind. If necessary, a war with Austria to destroy its hegemony was not to be excluded. Implementation of such a policy would be anything but conservative because it would entail radical changes in the map of Europe as it had been drawn by the conservative powers at Vienna, Austria, in 1815.

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Otto von Bismarck | Biography, Significance, Accomplishments, & Facts

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Otto von Bismarck, prime minister of Prussia (1862-73, 1873-90) and founder and first chancellor (1871-90) of the German Empire whose time in office took Prussia from the weakest of the five European powers to, as the unified German Empire, the foremost military and industrial power on the Continent.

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Brazilian Independence In 3 Minutes-Video

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Brazilian Independence In 3 Minutes-Video

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During the Napoleonic wars the British helped the Portuguese royal family Escape europe. They escaped to set up a court in Brazil. John the Sick didn't return to Portugal because he believed his presence in Brazil stopped independance. Brazil was raised to an equal partner in the Empire forming the United Kingdom of Portugal.

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Brazilian Independence | 3 Minute History

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This is realism

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Pedro I was born in 1798, he was the founder of the Brazilian empire. On the death of King John VI, Pedro had become king of Portugal as Pedro IV. He was greatly aided in this activity and the support offered by the country’s dominant military figure, the duke of Caxias. The rule of Pedro II, a calm, serious, and intelligent man. He brought stability and progress to the troubled economy.

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Pedro I, (born Oct. 12, 1798, Lisbon, Port.-died Sept. 24, 1834, Lisbon), founder of the Brazilian empire and first emperor of Brazil, from Dec. 1, 1822, to April 7, 1831, also reckoned as King Pedro (Peter) IV of Portugal.

Generally known as Dom Pedro, he was the son of King John VI of Portugal. When Napoleon conquered Portugal in 1807, Pedro accompanied the royal family in its flight to Brazil. He remained there as regent when King John returned to Portugal in 1821.

Pedro surrounded himself with ministers who counseled independence. When the Portuguese Cortês (Parliament), preferring colonial status for Brazil, demanded that Pedro return to Lisbon to "complete his political education," he issued a declaration of Brazilian independence on Sept. 7, 1822. Within three months he was crowned emperor.

Pedro's initial popularity waned, and in 1823, when the Brazilian Assembly was preparing a liberal constitution, he dissolved that body and exiled the radical leader José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva. On March 25, 1824, however, Pedro accepted a somewhat less liberal constitution drafted by the Council of State at his behest.

Although adoption of that charter may have saved Pedro from deposition, it did not reestablish his popularity. His autocratic manner, his lack of enthusiasm for parliamentary government, and his continuing deep interest in Portuguese affairs antagonized his subjects, as did the failure of his military forces in a war with Argentina over what is now Uruguay. Strong opposition in the Brazilian Parliament and a series of local uprisings induced him to abdicate in 1831 in favour of his son Dom Pedro II, who was then five years old. Pedro I then returned to Portugal.

On the death of King John VI (March 10, 1826), Pedro I had become titular king of Portugal as Pedro IV. Two months later, still in Brazil, he issued a parliamentary charter for Portugal and conditionally abdicated the Portuguese throne in favour of his daughter Maria da Glória, the future Queen Maria II. He died of natural causes in Portugal while securing his daughter's claim against that of his brother, the regent Miguel.

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Pedro I | Reign of Brazil, Independence, Abolitionist

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Pedro I, founder of the Brazilian empire and first emperor of Brazil, from Dec. 1, 1822, to April 7, 1831, also reckoned as King Pedro (Peter) IV of Portugal. Generally known as Dom Pedro, he was the son of King John VI of Portugal.

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Napoleon attempted to invade the Kingdom of Italy in the north. After Napoleon was defeated Italy reverted back to independent states. There were 7 states. The Revolutions of 1848 rose up against the Austrians who were fighting for independence from Naples. In Rome, the Austrians declared the republic of the Roman empire theirs.

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This is royalism

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Camillo Benso, count di Cavour, born in 1810 was a Piedmontese statesman. Genevan by birth and Calvinist by religion. His mother brought into the Cavour family the influence of Geneva (It's a city). His military career began in the engineers. He was first stationed in Turin, then in various frontier posts, where fortifications were being constructed. Yet, wherever he was, Cavour remained dissatisfied.

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Table of Contents

Camillo Benso, count di Cavour, (born August 10, 1810, Turin, Piedmont, French Empire-died June 6, 1861, Turin, Italy), Piedmontese statesman, a conservative whose exploitation of international rivalries and of revolutionary movements brought about the unification of Italy (1861) under the House of Savoy, with himself as the first prime minister of the new kingdom.

Family and early life

The Cavours were an ancient family that had served the House of Savoy as soldiers and officials since the 16th century. Genevan by birth and Calvinist by religion, his mother brought into the Cavour family the influence of Geneva, a city open to all the political, religious, and social movements of the period. The French Revolution imperilled the fortunes of the Cavours because of their close ties with the ancien régime; but Cavour's father, Michele, reestablished the family in an eminent position in Napoleonic society. Camillo even had as godparents Prince Camillo Borghese-after whom he was named-and Pauline Bonaparte, the Prince's wife and Napoleon's favourite sister.

At the age of 10 he was enrolled at the Military Academy of Turin. As the younger son who could not hope for the economic and social position that would fall to his elder brother, Camillo saw a brilliant career open up before him under the protection of the court of Charles Albert, prince of Savoy and Piedmont. In 1826 he obtained a commission as lieutenant in the corps of engineers.

During his six years at the academy political ideas began to fascinate him; echoes of the constitutionalist Piedmontese revolution of 1821 reached the school, provoking in some of its members a flash of liberal and national spirit that was, however, immediately extinguished. Among his family, Camillo heard the great issues of the day being discussed: the internal politics of France under the restored Bourbons; the revolt against Turkish repression in Greece; the liberal Decembrist rising in Russia in 1825. He showed his sympathy, in his usual enthusiastic manner, with the liberals and with personalities such as Benjamin Franklin and Santorre di Santarosa, the famous ill-fated leader of the 1821 revolution in Piedmont, who was also a distant relative. A close friendship with a cadet three years his senior, Baron Severino Cassio, seems to have had a particular influence on his political views. Cassio, suspected of republicanism, imbued Camillo with patriotic ideas.

The Cavour family, greatly disturbed by their son's association with a cadet holding compromising political views, ordered Camillo to terminate it-not without provoking his indignation and bitterness. This interference of the family was dictated by expediency, for in July 1824 the marchese Michele had obtained for Camillo the appointment as personal page to Charles Albert. His lack of enthusiasm for the court position and his open ridicule of the page-boy's uniform he was obliged to wear caused a scandal and confirmed the growing suspicions about the rebellious disposition of the young count Cavour. The insulted Charles Albert banished Camillo from court and-vainly-tried to persuade King Charles Felix to strip Camillo of his commission. The episode created an irreparable break between Camillo and the hereditary prince and for about 20 years made it impossible for Cavour to take any part in official political life.

Development of political ideals

His military career began in the engineers. He was first stationed in Turin, then in various frontier posts, where fortifications were being constructed; yet, wherever he was, Cavour remained dissatisfied. In 1830 he was sent to Genoa, where he met Anna Giustiniani Schiaffino, an ardent advocate of ultrademocratic and republican ideas, whose salon was frequented by many members of the Carbonari, the secret revolutionary society whose guiding force then was Giuseppe Mazzini. Cavour's fervent radicalism was inspired by his love for Anna Schiaffino and by his renewed friendship with Severino Cassio, now a fellow officer in the engineers at Genoa.

The French revolution of July 1830, which overthrew the last Bourbon, Charles X, and installed Louis-Philippe, "the citizen king," also played a great part in strengthening Cavour's revolutionary ardour. Under the direction of Severino Cassio, he studied English in order to follow more easily the newspapers reporting political events in Europe. He was influenced by the liberal ideas of the French writers Benjamin Constant and François Guizot, and his adversaries remained those of his childhood: paternalistic absolutism; legitimist reactionaries representing the landed interests, the aristocracy, and the clergy; and the union of throne and altar. Of necessity this attitude pitted him consciously against the caste to which he belonged.

The influence of the events in France on the temperamental Cavour once again aroused official suspicions, and this time he was subjected to police surveillance. As usual, his father's intervention helped to avert more serious consequences; in this case he was simply transferred to a remote mountain fort. It had become obvious, however, that he could no longer remain in the army, from which he resigned in 1831. His father found him a sort of occupation: he was appointed mayor of a village south of Turin and also became the administrator of extensive holdings in the vicinity belonging to his uncles.

Although these modest occupations served to fill his time and to insulate him from his family, they aggravated his despondency over what appeared to be the end of his political ambitions. Social interests began to absorb him: the problems of poverty and of prisoner education became the subjects of his researches. In 1834 he wrote a memoir on poverty in Piedmont, which was published the following year in London in the Report from His Maj esty's Commissioners for inquiring into the Administration and practical Operation of the Poor Laws. A second pamphlet on the history of the Poor Laws in England was edited and published by Cavour in 1835 at Turin.

During those years he was at last able to make his first long-awaited visit to Paris and London, thus widening his knowledge of Europe. He now came to know the two greatest and most advanced Western capitals-both ruled by constitutional and liberal regimes (however much they differed in character) and both attempting to effect the boldest economic and social changes. He took a feverishly active interest in the parliamentary life of England and France; he attended university lectures and visited factories, railways, ports, hospitals, schools, and prisons. The experience he acquired in the two Western capitals and in Geneva set him firmly on the path he had already instinctively chosen: always to follow the "golden mean." He was repelled equally by the revolutionaries who wished to destroy society through terror in order to construct a better one without realizing that their methods would defile human dignity, and by the reactionaries, who, in blindly opposing all progress, eventually provoked revolutionary uprisings. Rejecting all extremes, he wanted above all to be a good European. Yet Cavour always remained a patriot. When his worth and his great ambition were acknowledged in France and one of his friends invited him to abandon the petty and wretched Piedmont of Charles Albert for a brilliant career in France, Cavour rejected the invitation.

In 1835, after his return from his travels, he began to engage in a fruitful series of enterprises that helped him to accumulate a considerable fortune. He also achieved a certain reputation with his writing. Even without directly facing the question of Italy's future political structure, all his writings proclaimed social or economic principles that could in no way be reconciled with the prevailing conditions in Italy. Above all, the economic measures and the construction of railroads proposed by Cavour would have transformed the Italy of that period beyond recognition.

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Camillo Benso, count di Cavour | Piedmontese statesman

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Camillo Benso, count di Cavour, (born August 10, 1810, Turin, Piedmont, French Empire-died June 6, 1861, Turin, Italy), Piedmontese statesman, a conservative whose exploitation of international rivalries and of revolutionary movements brought about the unification of Italy (1861) under the House of Savoy, with himself as the first prime minister of the new kingdom.