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Welkom op de Padlet van het Dutch Caribbean Heritage Platform (English below)

Hier vind je alle webinars en belangrijke informatie voor erfgoedprofessionals in het Caribisch gebied.

Hoe werkt het?

De pagina bestaat uit kolommen. In elke kolom staan de opnames van de webinars, de presentaties en andere relevante informatie. Gebruik de scrollbar rechts om binnen een kolom naar beneden te scrollen. Met de scrollbar onderaan de pagina blader je van links naar rechts tussen de kolommen.

Vragen?

Stuur een e-mail naar info@erfgoedacademie.nl

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Ga hier naar de webinars van 2025

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DCHP - THEMA 4 Tweede wereldoorlog. Herdenken en verhalen vertellen 

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DCHP - THEMA 4 Tweede wereldoorlog. Herdenken en verhalen vertellen

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DCHP - 11 Erfgoedparticipatie | 19 maart 2024

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Faro Verdrag, De Waarde van Cultureel Erfgoed voor de Samenleving
 door Michaela Hanssen, Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel Erfgoed

Pilot Open Monumentendag in het Caribisch Gebied 
door Harald de Boer, Nederland Monumentenland

Betrokkenheid erfgoedgemeenschap bij bedreigd erfgoed slavernijverleden Sint Eustatius Caribisch Nederland 
door Petra Ploeg, St. Eustatius Afrikan Burial Ground Alliance 

Revision of Draft Cultural Policy Plan Saba 
door Sharifa Balfour, Directeur Saba Heritage Center

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Presentatie Margyene Booi - Erfgoedparticipatie en het Openbaar Lichaam Bonaire

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Presentatie Margyene Booi - Erfgoedparticipatie en het Openbaar Lichaam Bonaire

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Coming soon

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Mentimeter - Webinar 1 Slavernijverleden (22 nov '22)

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Presentatie Harald de Boer - Pilot Open Monumentendag Aruba / Bonaire

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Presentatie Harald de Boer - Pilot Open Monumentendag Aruba / Bonaire

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Presentatie Michaëla Hanssen - Het Verdrag van Faro

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Presentatie Michaëla Hanssen - Het Verdrag van Faro

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Opname webinar Instandhouding van monumenten

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Opname webinar Instandhouding van monumenten

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DCHP - THEMA 10 Instandhouden van monumenten (onderhoud) | 28 februari 2024

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Restauratie en herbestemmen van monumenten is van groot belang. Maar daarmee is het niet klaar. Om gerestaureerde en/of herbestemde monumenten duurzaam in stand te houden en te beheren, is ook regelmatige inspectie en onderhoud nodig. Maar hoe doe je dat? En wat betekent dat voor het financiële beheer van je monument maar ook voor het technische beheer ervan? En wat komt er allemaal kijken bij een meerjarenonderhoudsplan? Hoe maak je het en hoe zet je het in? En hoe bereid je je voor op wisselende omstandigheden, zoals klimaatverandering? 

 In dit webinar spreken we hierover met experts uit Nederland en van het Caribisch gebied en met elkaar. Eefje van Duin, directeur-bestuurder van de Monumentenwacht Fryslân neemt ons mee door nut en noodzaak van inspectie en onderhoud. Experts van de eilanden nemen ons mee naar de praktijk in het Caribisch gebied. Dit webinar is voor iedereen die geïnteresseerd is in duurzaam beheer en onderhoud van monumenten op de Nederlandse Cariben.

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First Aid to Cultural Heritage in Times of Crisis is a two-part publication created for the various actors involved in an emergency. It provides a practical method and a set of ready-to-use tools for securing endangered cultural heritage, both tangible and intangible. The user-friendly workflows help readers to plan and implement coordinated cultural rescue and risk reduction operations that involve local communities, heritage custodians, emergency responders and humanitarians.

Written with the key guiding philosophy of ensuring an inclusive attitude and respect for diversity while at the same time interlocking humanitarian assistance with cultural heritage first aid, this resource provides an essential, ethical framework that will lead to successful outcomes.

The resource has multiple uses: it will help to improve emergency preparedness within cultural heritage institutions, serve as a reference to train others, and act as a guide for planning and implementing coordinated cultural heritage first aid.

Who will be interested in reading it?

Cultural heritage professionals and institutions that would like to develop coordinated emergency plans.

Community-based organizations and humanitarian aid professionals who are working to enhance disaster resilience in-risk prone regions of the world.

Civil protection, civil defence and military personnel, firefighters, and others in charge of protecting communities and their assets during disasters and conflicts.

Read also: First Aid to Cultural Heritage in Times of Crisis - Handbook

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first aid to cultural heritage in times of crisis - handbook

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First Aid to Cultural Heritage in Times of Crisis - Toolkit

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First Aid to Cultural Heritage in Times of Crisis is a two-part publication created for the various actors involved in an emergency. It provides a practical...

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20 sept 2023 | DHCP - THEMA 6 Erfgoed en leefomgeving

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20 sept 2023 | DHCP - THEMA 6 Erfgoed en leefomgeving

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Podcastserie: De vergeten klimaatcrisis, door John Samson

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Podcastserie: De vergeten klimaatcrisis, door John Samson

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Podcast

1. Podcasts

2. De Vergeten Klimaatcrisis

Veel mensen in Nederland maken zich zorgen om de klimaatcrisis. Maar hoe zit het met onze Caribische eilanden? Houden mensen daar zich bezig met klimaatverandering? En wat merken ze ervan? John Samson neemt jou mee op reis.

Op het platte BONAIRE zien we boven en onder de zee al wat verandering. Wat doet de hitte met mensen, kinderen en toeristen op ARUBA? Waarom vervuilen veel mensen hun 'dushi' CURAÇAO eigenlijk? En SABA... wat staat het enige regenwoud van Nederland te wachten?

Op SINT-EUSTATIUS dreigen de effecten van klimaatverandering in een versnelling terecht te komen door geiten. En SINT-MAARTEN werd in 2017 door verwoest door orkaan Irma. Nog steeds wachten ouderen op de reparatie van hun huis.

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Veel mensen in Nederland maken zich zorgen om de klimaatcrisis. Maar hoe zit het met onze Caribische eilanden? Houden mensen daar zich bezig met klimaatverandering? En wat merken ze ervan? John Samson neemt jou mee op reis. Op het platte BONAIRE zien we boven en onder de zee al wat verandering.

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The Caribbean Regional Branch of the International Council on Archives

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Chen - The Caribbean Regional Branch of the International Council on Archives

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Caribbean Heritage Emergency Network - a network of professionals willing to provide training and response missions in affected areas

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When disasters strike, local communities are the first to try to safeguard their cultural heritage; however, their ability to intervene is often greatly reduced during complex and multi-faceted humanitarian crises. At the same time, first responders may not always be aware of what is culturally important, and they often lack the training to handle heritage objects and structures, and meet the specific needs those who bear traditional knowledge.

First Aid to Cultural Heritage in Times of Crisis is a two-part publication created for the various actors involved in an emergency. It provides a practical method and a set of ready-to-use tools for securing endangered cultural heritage, both tangible and intangible. The user-friendly workflows help readers to plan and implement coordinated cultural rescue and risk reduction operations that involve local communities, heritage custodians, emergency responders and humanitarians.

Written with the key guiding philosophy of ensuring an inclusive attitude and respect for diversity while at the same time interlocking humanitarian assistance with cultural heritage first aid, this resource provides an essential, ethical framework that will lead to successful outcomes.

The resource has multiple uses: it will help to improve emergency preparedness within cultural heritage institutions, serve as a reference to train others, and act as a guide for planning and implementing coordinated cultural heritage first aid.

Who will be interested in reading it?

Cultural heritage professionals and institutions that would like to develop coordinated emergency plans.

Community-based organizations and humanitarian aid professionals who are working to enhance disaster resilience in-risk prone regions of the world.

Civil protection, civil defence and military personnel, firefighters, and others in charge of protecting communities and their assets during disasters and conflicts.

Read also: First Aid to Cultural Heritage in Times of Crisis - Toolkit

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first aid to cultural heritage in times of crisis - toolkit

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disaster risk management of cultural heritage

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First Aid to Cultural Heritage in Times of Crisis - Handbook

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When disasters strike, local communities are the first to try to safeguard their cultural heritage; however, their ability to intervene is often greatly reduced during complex and multi-faceted humanitarian crises. At the same time, first responders may not always be aware of what is culturally important, and they often lack the training to handle heritage objects and structures, and meet the specific needs those who bear traditional knowledge.

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Congres on Climate Change (also online available)

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Congres on Climate Change (also online available)

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Registration - Resilient Heritage (resilientheritagett.com). This conference takes place in the same week as our webinar with the same theme. Via this link you can register, also for online attendance.

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Please note that, due to limited seating, please complete the following form to request one of our limited seats. A confirmation email will be sent to confirm your seat at the conference. Deadline to Register for the In-person Conference is Feb 28th. Deadline to register for Livestreaming is March 12th. This event is sponsored by the US State Department

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Please note that, due to limited seating, please complete the following form to request one of our limited seats. A confirmation email will be sent to confirm your seat at the conference. Deadline to Register for the In-person Conference is Feb 28th. Deadline to register for Livestreaming is March 12th.

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Training Remember Statia, starts March 26

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Training Remember Statia, starts March 26

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Remember Statia: Tracing Our Origins

Target group: Persons of Afrikan ancestry with roots in St. Eustatius

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DCHP - Webinar 3 | Klimaatverandering en crisismanagement | 21 maart 2023

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DCHP - Webinar 3 | Klimaatverandering en crisismanagement | 21 maart 2023

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Marlon heeft verteld over 100 raffinaderijen op Curacao.

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Een Nationaal Slavernijmuseum in Nederland, hoe ziet dat eruit? Input vanuit Caribisch gebied.

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Met welke families en welke instituten moeten de kwartiermakers spreken in het Caribisch gebied?

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Hoe werken Nederland en het Caribisch gebied samen op de weg naar een Nationaal Slavernijmuseum? Hoe kan het museum activiteiten in het Caribisch gebied ontsluiten?

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Presentatie Clarissa Peny, Fulfilling Wishes

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Presentatie Clarissa Peny, Fulfilling Wishes

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Circulair bouwen op de Cariben

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Presentatie Peggy Brandon en John Leerdam - kwartiermakers Nationaal Slavernij museum 

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Presentatie Peggy Brandon en John Leerdam - kwartiermakers Nationaal Slavernij museum 

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Nationaal Slavernijmuseum - Peggy Branson

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Een Nationaal Slavernijmuseum. Welke verhalen moet het vertellen? Wat is een verhaal of groep die steeds onderbelicht is gebleven. Hoe kan het activiteiten in het Caribisch gebied ontsluiten?

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Presentatie Liam Borger en Albert Reinstra (RCE) 

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Presentatie Liam Borger en Albert Reinstra (RCE) 

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Presentatie over onderzoek religieus erfgoed op de Cariben, als onderdeel van programma Toekomst Religieus Erfgoed

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Presentatie Amaris Richardson - St Maarten Heritage Foundation & Museum

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Presentatie Amaris Richardson - St Maarten Heritage Foundation & Museum

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Amaris Richardson - Slavery on Sint Maarten

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ReFoMo reduces the footprint of unique heritage buildings, by bridging the gap between the energy performance of heritage buildings and the potential energy savings.

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ReFoMo reduces the footprint of unique heritage buildings, by bridging the gap between the energy performance of heritage buildings and the potential energy savings. The project aims to develop the market for climate-proof refurbishment by:

1. assessing the demand for climate-proof refurbishment;

2. assessing and developing products and services.

Significant reduction of the energy usage of heritage buildings is highly desirable because energy costs and lack of comfort form the bottlenecks for healthy exploitation and thus sustainable management and protection of these buildings. Despite the huge market - 10% of EU's building stock can be considered as heritage buildings - we do not see a breakthrough in large scale climate-proof refurbishment of heritage buildings, because:

Where energy-efficiency of regular buildings can work with rules of thumb, historic buildings have a different thermal behaviour, due to their building technology, their form and architecture. Irreversible damage must be prevented, and experiments are not allowed in listed buildings.

Owners and heritage experts are not aware of the possibilities for climate-proof refurbishment (or may even oppose against). Until recently, it was thought that retrofitting of historic buildings was not possible and desirable because of the integrity and the historic values of the buildings.

There are no rules or standards and historic buildings form an exemption in the EU Energy Performance of Buildings Directive (EPDB 2010).

With partners from Spain, Italy, Hungary and the Netherlands, ReFoMo will deliver innovative technical and knowledge-based solutions based on the analyses of three case studies. An in-depth market analysis will identify market obstacles and feasible solutions. Because market acceptability is essential, end users and heritage specialists are involved from the beginning.

Read more:
>> three cases >> project partners

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ReFoMo reduces the footprint of unique heritage buildings, by bridging the gap between the energy performance of heritage buildings and the potential energy savings. The project aims to develop the market for climate-proof refurbishment by: assessing the demand for climate-proof refurbishment; assessing and developing products and services.

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Presentatie Valery Eshuis, Zarja Architects

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Presentatie Valery Eshuis, Zarja Architects

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Duurzaamheid: Klimaatadaptatie bij Monumenten

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Presentatie Angelique Kamsteeg, BK Consult en ABT Ingenieursbureau

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Presentatie Angelique Kamsteeg, BK Consult en ABT Ingenieursbureau

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Verduurzamen van Caribisch Erfgoed: Onderzoekend Ontwerpen.

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Valery Eshuis

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Presentatie Cristan Emden, Herdenken in het Koninkrijk

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Presentatie Cristan Emden, Herdenken in het Koninkrijk

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1. Christian_ Herdenken in het koninkrijk

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Presentatie Saskia Luckmann - Meijer, Jewish Heritage Center Curaçao 

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Presentatie Saskia Luckmann - Meijer, Jewish Heritage Center Curaçao 

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2. DEF PresentatieSaskia Jewish Heritage Center_def

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Presentatie Anja van Bergen, Vrijheidsmaaltijden - Freedom Meals op de Caribische eilanden.

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Presentatie Anja van Bergen, Vrijheidsmaaltijden - Freedom Meals op de Caribische eilanden.

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Freedom Meals (freedom-meals.com)

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The Caribbean Islands of the Dutch Kingdom, come together and celebrate Liberation day, Dia di Libertat, Bevrijdingsdag

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Presentatie Paulien ter Meulen - werven en behouden vrijwilligers 

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Presentatie Paulien ter Meulen - werven en behouden vrijwilligers 

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DCHP | THEMA 7 | Werven en behouden vrijwilligers  | 16 okt 2023

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DCHP | THEMA 7 | Werven en behouden vrijwilligers  | 16 okt 2023

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Presentatie Sefanja Amidjojo en Ernest Ronny Arends

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Presentatie Sefanja Amidjojo en Ernest Ronny Arends

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Presentatie Liesbeth Tonckens - vrijwilligersmanagement - 6 B's 

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Presentatie Liesbeth Tonckens - vrijwilligersmanagement - 6 B's 

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Presentatie Jeanne Henriquez - Museum Tula en erfgoedvrijwilligers 

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Presentatie Jeanne Henriquez - Museum Tula en erfgoedvrijwilligers 

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Conference on climate change in Aruba May 10-12th 2023

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Conference on climate change in Aruba May 10-12th 2023

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Nederland en Aruba organiseren Klimaatconferentie op Aruba | Nieuwsbericht | Rijksoverheid.nl

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Nieuwsbericht | 20-03-2023 | 17:00

Kleine eilanden, zoals in Caribisch Nederland, zijn extra kwetsbaar voor klimaatverandering en merken nu al de negatieve effecten. Nederland en Aruba willen de samenwerking op klimaatactie tussen kleine eilanden wereldwijd bevorderen. Van 10 tot en met 12 mei organiseren zij de eerste Caribbean Climate & Energy Conference (CCEC) op Aruba.

Nederland en Aruba willen van de eilanden in het Caribisch gebied een voorbeeld maken voor de klimaataanpak op kleine eilandstaten. Op uitnodiging van premier van Aruba Evelyn Wever-Croes en minister voor Klimaat en Energie Rob Jetten, komen vertegenwoordigers van landen en organisaties samen op Aruba. Het gaat hier om vertegenwoordigers van eilanden uit de Caribische regio zelf, maar ook uit relevante partijen daarbuiten, zoals eilandstaten in de Stille Oceaan, VN organisaties, kennisinstituten en financiële instellingen.

De eerste dag van de conferentie staat in het teken van de klimaat- en energietransitie binnen het Nederlandse Koninkrijk. De Caribische eilanden van het Koninkrijk bespreken wat nodig is aan samenwerking om de klimaatdoelen van Parijs te halen. Dag twee van de conferentie is internationaal georiënteerd; dan gaat een breed panel aan landen en organisaties met elkaar in gesprek over de klimaatactie die nodig is voor eilanden wereldwijd. Op de derde dag bezoeken de deelnemers energieprojecten op Aruba en gaan ze in gesprek met jongeren over de klimaat- en energietransitie op het eiland.

Tijdens de klimaattop in Sharm-el-Sheikh (COP27) heeft Nederland zich ingezet om de klimaat- en energietransitie op kleine eilandstaten, zoals die in het Caribisch deel van het Koninkrijk te versnellen. Hiertoe heeft Nederland zich aangesloten bij initiatieven zoals het Local2030 Islands Network en het SIDS Lighthouse Initiative. Met de Caribbean Climate & Energy Conference op Aruba wil het kabinet hierop voortbouwen.

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Nederland en Aruba organiseren Klimaatconferentie op Aruba

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Kleine eilanden, zoals in Caribisch Nederland, zijn extra kwetsbaar voor klimaatverandering en merken nu al de negatieve effecten. Nederland en Aruba willen de samenwerking op klimaatactie tussen kleine eilanden wereldwijd bevorderen. Van 10 tot en met 12 mei organiseren zij de eerste Caribbean Climate & Energy Conference (CCEC) op Aruba.

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Uitgebreide informatie over aanvallen en slachtoffers van de zes Caribische eilanden in het koninkrijk. Onderzocht door Jos Rozenbug. Meer informatie in zijn boek 'De Antillen in de Tweede Wereldoorlog'

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Aruba Bonaire Curaçao Saba Statia St. Martin

During World War 2 a large part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands was occupied by the enemy. Nazi Germany invaded the Netherlands and Japan forced the Netherlands East Indies to surrender. But one part of the Kingdom remained free and would become vital to the war effort and the ultimate Allied victory. The Netherlands West Indies, then consisting of Suriname and the six Antillean islands Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao, Saba, St. Eustatius and St. Martin, seemed like a safe haven from all the violent warfare, but nothing was further from the truth.

Suriname delivered most of the world supply of bauxite, main element for the production of aluminium, from which the entire Allied airfleet was constructed. Curaçao and Aruba were home to the main oil refineries still in Allied hands, and the Venezolan crude oil that was refined there was vital to keep the Allied forces flying, rolling and sailing.

German submarines attacked both islands with heavy grenades, fired from their deck guns, and launched an intense hunt on all shipping around the islands and in the Caribbean Sea. Thousands of young Antillean men and women were called to serve and protect the islands, others served in the Army and Navy worldwide and hundreds risked their lives every day on merchant ships which were sailing on all oceans.

After the end of the war, a committee led by Shon Cai Winkel presented a list of 129 Antillean warvictims. Later research increased this number to 166.

This website is dedicated to all victims of World War 2 on and around the Antillean islands, both our own and our Allied partners.
Also the names of the Schutters and Merchant Seamen are mentioned here, so that their contribution to our freedom is not forgotten.

Every year on 4 May, we honour all victims of World War 2 on Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao, Saba, St. Eustatius and St. Martin, as has become our tradition since 1945. But 1957 was a special year, because on all the islands WW2 monuments were unveiled. The names of the warvictims were engraved on the monuments.
When the war monument in Willemstad was presented to the population, His Excellency Dr. E. Jonckheer, the first Prime Minister of the Netherlands Antilles, spoke these words about the ones we lost:

"For we all realise that so many were charged by the ideal of saving their fellow men for the destruction of civilisation. Civilisation of countries overseas, our civilisation and your civilisation, they exist and flourish because of our victory in a war in which they had such a great part. The monument that has just been unveiled has been erected on Curaçao, part of the Netherlands Antilles, quietly reflected in the waters of the Waaigat. Every year we will gather here, but we can not restrict ourselves to the victims of Curaçao alone. My thoughts go out to all our victims in the Netherlands Antilles, who fell during WW2, to our victims in the Kingdom of the Netherlands and to the victims of other nations, who fought this war shoulder to shoulder with us. Every year we will remember those who fell as soldiers, as sailors or as civilians in other circumstances. We spend only a few moments here, but their deeds will last eternally, as they are immortal"

The content of this website is organised as follows:

HOME page provides general information and guides the visitor through the subjects.

NAME INDEX page is designed to allow for a specified search for a certain person.

NEWS page shares related newsitems and announces new developments on the website contents.

WAR VICTIMS page is dedicated to the officially recognised Antillean warvictims.

OTHER VICTIMS page gives the details of our own and Allied persons, both military and civilian, who lost their lives in non-combat circumstances.

WAR CHARTS page gives an overview of significant acts of war that took place on and around the islands between 1940 and 1945.

SUBMARINE ATTACKS page is a testimony to the Allied personnel on ships who lost their lives in U-boat attacks.

AIRCRAFT ACCIDENTS page lists the US aircraft and their crews that were lost on and around the islands.

SURVIVORS page shows information on survivors of enemy attacks.

CSM STRIKE page relates the tragic events that ended a strike of Chinese crewmembers of CSM tankers.

USS ERIE page tells the story of the attack on this ship and the fate of her crew.

SCHUTTERS page display the names of the many young Antillean men who were called to serve and protect

SAILORS page lists Antillean sailors who received a medal for serving on Allied ships during wartime, for a period of at least six months.

THE BOOK page provides information on the book about the history of the Antillean islands during WW2.

This site is supported by the National Archives of Curaçao and Aruba.

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During World War 2 a large part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands was occupied by the enemy. Nazi Germany invaded the Netherlands and Japan forced the Netherlands East Indies to surrender. But one part of the Kingdom remained free and would become vital to the war effort and the ultimate Allied victory.

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Presentatie Like Bijlsma  - Erfgoed als leefomgevingswaarde

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Presentatie Like Bijlsma  - Erfgoed als leefomgevingswaarde

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Presentatie Dimitri Cloose - Herensia ta Awe - Nieuw Nederland

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Presentatie Dimitri Cloose - Herensia ta Awe - Nieuw Nederland

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Opname webinar Beschrijven en beschermen van monumenten

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Opname webinar Beschrijven en beschermen van monumenten

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DCHP - THEMA 5 - Beschrijven & beschermen van monumenten  | 30 mei 2023

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DCHP - THEMA 5 - Beschrijven & beschermen van monumenten  | 30 mei 2023

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Reactie Karel van der Linden (een van de deelnemers aan de webinar)

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Reactie Karel van der Linden (een van de deelnemers aan de webinar)

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Hi Erfgoedacademie,

Following the webinar about volunteering I wanted to pass along a few suggestions and comments:

In the US it is very important to have volunteering experience included on college and job applications. Applications to universities look at an applicant’s social life and contribution to society and that focus is growing. I do not know if this plays a role on the islands but maybe this should be discussed and promoted. My two sons ran food pantry campaigns, not only because the community needed it and they wanted to get involved, but also because they were able to include it on their applications for college and scholarships. Companies are being approached on a regular basis by different charities so instead of giving some to several organizations our company has elected to work with only one, Communities In Schools that assists children from low income households to have the things they need for school and even food on the weekends through a backpack program. Each year through an event held at the airport we manage, we hold an open house for the community raising approximately $15,000 every year. I also serve as vice-chairman of the charity and everyone on the board donates personally on a monthly basis ($60/month). My donation is tax deductible.

Also, I liked one of speaker’s suggestions to have an agreement with the volunteers. Here background checks are done at most of charities and not only do you need to sign an agreement but also read the rules for the charity. Accurate financial reporting is also very important in order for an organization to keep receiving funding.

Saludos.

Karel Van Der Linden

Director, Fly High Inc.

Airport Manager, Davidson County Airport – KEXX

1673 Aviation Way

Lexington, NC 27292

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De gemeente Zutphen wil meer panden monumentenstatus geven. Dit om de cultuurhistorische waarden van de Hanzestad beter te bewaren. Daartoe wordt de lokale monumentenlijst, voor het laatst geactualiseerd in 2017, uitgebreid. De plaatselijke overheid betrekt haar inwoners direct bij de samenstelling.

Volgens wethouder Sjoerd Wannet (Cultuur en Erfgoed) zijn Zutphenaren terecht trots op hun stad. "Het historische centrum is uniek; het toont ons het prachtige verleden en kent tal van monumenten. Maar er zijn meer panden en objecten waardevol in cultuurhistorisch perspectief. Die moeten we behouden en beschermen, voor de toekomst".
Oproep om mee te doen
Volgens Wannet is dat niet louter de verantwoordelijkheid van eigenaren, maar ook van inwoners, bezoekers, de gemeente en erfgoedinstanties. "Daarom roep ik iedereen op mee te doen in het samenstellen van de monumentenlijst. Geef ideeën voor nieuwe monumenten door".

Zutphen telt op het ogenblik 430 rijks- en 480 gemeentelijke monumenten. Om te voorkomen dat belangrijke monumentale waarden achter de voorgevel verwijderd zouden worden zijn in 2008 tachtig panden in het stadshart gemeentelijk monument geworden. Sindsdien zijn er slechts sporadisch monumenten bijgekomen.

De gemeente Zutphen wijst erop, dat de inzichten over erfgoed de afgelopen 30 jaar zijn veranderd. Een reden temeer om samen met haar inwoners op zoek te gaan naar verborgen parels en onbeschermd erfgoed.
Participatie inwoners
Voor het aanwijzen van nieuwe monumenten kunnen Zutphenaren suggesties doen. Dat kan gaan om een oud gebouw, jong erfgoed, historische elementen in een pand, een vergeten grenspaal of groen erfgoed. Voorwaarde is, dat het object een positieve bijdrage levert aan de kwaliteit van de leefomgeving.

Alle suggesties worden beoordeeld door de Vakgroep monumentaal erfgoed. Hierin zitten lokale en landelijke erfgoedinstellingen waaronder Bond Heemschut, het Cuypers Genootschap en de Historische Vereniging Zutphen.

Kansrijke suggesties worden voorgelegd aan burgemeester en wethouders. Het college besluit uiteindelijk over het wel of niet aanwijzen van een monument. Daarbij is het standpunt van de eigenaar belangrijk, net als dat van de Erfgoedadviesraad.

Hoeveel nieuwe monumenten worden aangewezen is nog niet te zeggen. Zutphenaren die een suggestie willen doen kunnen die richten aan erfgoed@zutphen.nl. Lees meer informatie over het aanwijzen van een gemeentelijk monument.
Financiële ondersteuning
Elk monument is anders. Aanwijzing tot monument kan voor een eigenaar voordelen hebben. Maar dat hoeft niet altijd zo te zijn. Het maken en beoordelen van plannen is altijd maatwerk, voor de eigenaar, voor de aannemer en voor de gemeente.

"Dat een suggestie besproken wordt door de Vakgroep monumentaal erfgoed betekent dan ook niet automatisch dat iets ook monument wordt. De beoordeling gebeurt zorgvuldig".
Verduurzaming
Het gaat overigens niet slechts om bescherming en behoud van het oude, benadrukt de gemeente Zutphen. De lokale overheid stimuleert ook het verduurzamen van monumenten. Een beleidskader dat in ontwikkeling is en dit jaar uitkomt gaat hierover duidelijkheid geven.

Wannet: 'De eigenaar kan dan via de investeringssubsidie duurzame energie en energiebesparing (ISDE) subsidie aanvragen voor isolatie van de woning. Specifiek voor gemeentelijke monumenten kunnen eigenaren bij de gemeente ook onderhoudssubsidie aanvragen. Sinds kort kunnen zij bovendien een hypotheek met gunstige rentevoorwaarden afsluiten bij het Nationaal Restauratiefonds (NRF). Dat geldt zowel voor verduurzaming van het monument als voor restauraties en herbestemmingen. Een groot deel van het geld voor Gelderse monumenteneigenaren komt van het Gelders Monumentenfonds ".
Foto: Blik op de historische daken in de Zutphense binnenstad en de torens van de Walburgiskerk en de Drogenapstoren.

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Inwoners Zutphen mogen nieuw erfgoed aandragen - MONUMENTAAL magazine

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De gemeente Zutphen wil meer panden monumentenstatus geven. Dit om de cultuurhistorische waarden van de Hanzestad beter te bewaren. Daartoe wordt de lokale monumentenlijst, voor het laatst geactualiseerd in 2017, uitgebreid. De plaatselijke overheid betrekt haar inwoners direct bij de samenstelling. Volgens wethouder Sjoerd Wannet (Cultuur en Erfgoed) zijn Zutphenaren terecht trots op hun stad....

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Wat kan ik verwachten van dit webinar?

In het Caribisch deel van het koninkrijk is een grote diversiteit van religies die zijn ontstaan door de diverse bewoners, die zich van verschillende landen rond de wereld en eilanden in de Cariben zijn gaan vestigen op de zes eilanden. Behalve kerkgebouwen zijn er ook veel andere gebouwen en locaties die samenhangen met religie. Denk daarbij aan begraafplaatsen, scholen en kloosters. Deze monumenten maken deel uit van de samenleving en worden in veel gevallen nog actief gebruikt. Deinstandhouding van dit erfgoed is kostbaar en vereist kennis en kunde om op een duurzame en passende manier onderhoud, restauraties en renovaties uit te voeren. Wereldwijd is een ontwikkeling te zien waarbij religieus erfgoed, dat minder of niet meer gebruikt wordt voor de eredienst, een nieuwe bestemming krijgt. Of dat het gebruikt wordt om het verhaal van de geschiedenis van een plaats te vertellen in de vorm van een museum of expositie. In Nederland is er veel ervaring met deze ontwikkeling en is er al veel onderzoek op dit terrein gedaan. Op de Cariben is er minder inzicht. Tijd om ook op de Cariben dit erfgoed in een nieuw licht te gaan bekijken! In 2024 zal Liam Borger, in het kader van zijn studie aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam en in samenwerking met de Rijksdienst Cultureel Erfgoed, een start maken met inventarisatie en onderzoek van het religieus cultureel erfgoed op de ABC eilanden. In het webinar zal hij zijn onderzoek toelichten. Daarnaast zullen andere, lokale experts spreken over onderhoud, restauratie en herbestemming. Met dit webinar willen we aandacht geven aan deze categorie van erfgoed, ervaringen delen en advies geven over hoe hiermee om te gaan.

Onze gastsprekers vertellen over het aanstaande onderzoek en delen ervaringen op de eilanden. Daarnaast kijken we ook naar voorbeelden vanuit Nederland. We bespreken ook de Nederlandse regelingen voor religieus erfgoed en in hoeverre deze van toepassing zijn op het Caribisch deel van het koninkrijk.

Is dit webinar iets voor jou?

Ben je werkzaam als erfgoedprofessional, architect of adviseur, werkzaam bij de overheid, die dit soort erfgoed in eigendom heeft of heb je op een andere manier interesse in religieus erfgoed? Dan nodigen we je van harte uit om mee te doen!

Hoort en zegt het voort!

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Religieus Erfgoed in de Cariben: inventarisatie en behoud - 24 januari 2024 | ErfgoedAcademie

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Webinar Tweede Wereldoorlog in de Dutch Caribbean: Verhalen vertellen en herdenken. Maandag 17 april

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Kerkgebouwen worden toegankelijk voor iedereen ...

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Grootste Museum van Nederland

In het buitenland is het heel normaal indrukwekkende synagogen en kathedralen, eeuwenoude tempelcomplexen of grootse moskeeën te bezoeken. Toch lopen veel mensen er in Nederland ongemerkt aan voorbij. En dat terwijl ze in heel het land te vinden zijn en Nederlandse gebedshuizen adembenemend mooi zijn. Ze herbergen de prachtigste voorwerpen in magistrale decors. Met elkaar vormen ze het Grootste Museum van Nederland en zetten ze de deuren open. De verborgen schoonheid van Nederlandse kerken, synagogen, tempels en moskeeën wordt zo toegankelijk gemaakt voor iedereen.

Bekijk alle locaties

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De mooiste gebedshuizen van Nederland, samen één museum. Bij jou om de hoek.

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Een vast onderdeel van onze vakantie in het buitenland is voor velen een bezoek aan een kerk. Maar waarom doen we dat in eigen land niet? Kerkinterieurs in Nederland laat zien dat de rijkdom van het Nederlandse kerkinterieur minstens zo indrukwekkend en divers is. Kenmerkend is de middeleeuwse kerk met een protestantse inrichting. Maar we hebben ook barokke schuilkerken, uitbundig gedecoreerde negentiende-eeuwse katholieke kerken, en strakke naoorlogse kerkinterieurs. In alle perioden van onze bewogen geschiedenis zijn de beste kunstenaars, interieurarchitecten, beeldhouwers, houtsnijders en schilders ingeschakeld om onze kerken van binnen te verfraaien.

Museum Catharijneconvent, de Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel Erfgoed en vele wetenschappelijke en kerkelijke partners geven deze schoonheid nu de aandacht die het verdient. In Kerkinterieurs in Nederland worden de honderd meest opmerkelijke kerkinterieurs belicht, verspreid over het land en alle gezindten. De kerkinterieurs worden door meer dan vijftig specialisten beschreven en zijn door fotograaf Arjan Bronkhorst subliem in beeld gebracht. Het Nederlandse kerkinterieur is het nieuwe standaardwerk over Kerkinterieurs in Nederland.

De volgende kerken zijn opgenomen in Kerkinterieurs in Nederland:

Alkmaar, Remonstrantse Kerk
Almere Haven, De Goede Rede
Amsterdam, Heilige Martelaren van Gorcumkerk
Amsterdam, HH. Johannes- en Ulsulakerk
Amsterdam, Oude Kerk
Amsterdam, Portugese Synagoge
Amsterdam, Raw Aron Schuster Synagoge
Amsterdam, Sint-Nicolaaskerk
Amsterdam, Thomaskerk
Amstelveen, Kruiskerk
Andijk, Gereformeerde Kerk
Apeldoorn, Grote Kerk
Alphen aan den Rijn, Goede Herderkerk
Alphen aan den Rijn, Oudhoornse Kerk
Bergen op Zoom, Ontmoetingskerk
Bleiswijk, Dorpskerk
Breda, Grote of Onze-Lieve-Vrouwekerk
Breukelen, Pieterskerk
Britsum, Johanneskerk
Cuijk, Sint-Martinuskerk
Den Haag, Pastoor van Arskerk
Dordrecht, Groto of Onze-Lieve-Vrouwekerk
Dordrecht, Christelijk Gereformeerde Kerk
Edam, Grote Kerk
Enkhuizen, Zuiderkerk
Enschede, Synagoge
Geldrop, H. Brigidakerk
Gouda, Sint-Janskerk
Grave, H. Elisabehtkerk
's Gravenhage, HH. Jacobus en Augustinuskerk
's Gravenhage, Sint-Jacobuskerk
's Grevelduin-Capelle, Hervormde Kerk
Groningen, Nieuwe Kerk
Groningen, Sint-Jozefkerk
Groot Genhout, Sint-Hubertuskerk
Kampen, Sint-Nicolaas- of Bovenkerk
Katwijk aan Zee, Nieuwe Kerk
Kimswerd, Laurentiuskerk
Krewerd, Dorpskerk
Haarlem, Doopsgezinde Kerk
Haarlem, Kathedrale Basiliek Sint-Bavo
Haarlem, Nieuwe Kerk
Haarlem, Sint-Bavokerk
Hall, Ludgeruskerk
Helmond, Sint-Lambertuskerk
Heilig Landstichting, Cenakelkerk
's Hertogenbosch, Sint-Janskathedraal
Hilvarenbeek, Sint-Petrus' Bandenkerk
Hoorn, Kerk van de Evangelisch-Lutherse Gemeente (PKN)
Houthem-Sint Gerlach, Sint-Gerlachuskerk
IJmuiden, Nieuwe Kerk
Leiden, HH. Fredericus- en Odulfuskerk
Leiden, Kerk van Evangelisch-Lutherse gemeente (PKN)
Leiden, Sint-Anna Aalmoeshuis
Maassluis, Grote Kerk
Mantgum
Middelstum, Sint-Hippolytuskerk
Midwolde, Dorpskerk
Montfoort, Grote of Sint-Janskerk
Neeritter, H. Lambertuskerk
Nederweert, H. Gerardus Majellakerk
Nisse, Mariakerk
Noordwolde, Dorpskerk
Ochten, Hervormde Kerk
Oldenzaal, Basiliek van de H. Plechelmus
Oudenbosch, Basiliek van de HH. Agatha en Barbara
Pieterburen, Petruskerk
Roermond, Onze-Lieve-Vrouwe-Munsterkerk
Rotterdam, Arminiuskerk
Rotterdam, Waalse Kerk
Sexbierum, Sixtuskerk
Scheveningen, Antonius Abtkerk
Scheveningen, Nieuwe Badkapel
Sint-Annaparochie
Sittard, Basiliek van Onze-Lieve-Vrouw van het Heilig Hart
Ter Apel, Kloosterkerk
Thesinge, Gereformeerde Kerk
Thorn, Kapel van Onze-Lieve-Vrouw onder de Linden (Loretokapel)
Thorn, Sint-Michaëlkerk
Udenhout, Sint-Lambertuskerk
Utrecht, Domkerk
Utrecht, Huiskapel van de rooms-katholieke aartsbisschop van Utrecht
Utrecht, Gertrudiskathedraal
Utrecht, Pieterskerk
Utrecht, Sint-Willibrorduskerk
Vaals, Abdijkerk Sint-Benedictusberg
Veenhuizen, Koepelkerk
Velp, Kapel van het kapucijnenklooster Emmaüs
Venray, Sint-Petrus' Bandenkerk
Vierakker, Sint-Willibrorduskerk
Waalwijk, Sint-Jan de Doperskerk
Waspik, Sint-Bartholomeuskerk
Watergang, Hervormde Kerk
Westzaan, Zuidervermaning
Workum, Doopsgezinde Kerk
Zaandam, H. Maria Magdalenakerk
Zeist, Kerkzaal Evangelische Broedergemeente
Zutphen, Walburgiskerk

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Het Nederlandse kerkinterieur is het nieuwe standaardwerk over Kerkinterieurs in Nederland. De kerkinterieurs worden door meer dan vijftig specialisten beschreven en zijn door fotograaf Arjan Bronkhorst subliem in beeld gebracht.

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Essay Erfgoed als leefomgevingswaarde - Planbureau voor de Leefomgeving

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Essay Erfgoed als leefomgevingswaarde - Planbureau voor de Leefomgeving

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Ruim anderhalf jaar na het aanvaarden van de opdracht leveren kwartiermakers John Leerdam, Peggy Brandon en David Brandwagt het oprichtingsplan voor een Nationaal Slavernijmuseum in Amsterdam op. Dit plan neemt u mee op de letterlijke en spreekwoordelijke reis die is afgelegd. Er is veel gebeurd. Er zijn heel veel verschillende stappen gezet. Soms zichtbaar, soms subtiel, soms flink, soms klein. Het zijn al die stappen bij elkaar die ons leidden naar dit concrete plan voor de oprichting en realisatie van het Nationaal Slavernijmuseum in Amsterdam.

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Presentatie Petra Ploeg - St. Eustatia Afrikan Burial Ground Alliance

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Presentatie Petra Ploeg - St. Eustatia Afrikan Burial Ground Alliance

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Betrokkenheid erfgoedgemeenschap bij bedreigd erfgoed slavernijverleden Sint Eustatius De St. Eustatius Afrikan Burial Ground Alliance wil de betrokkenheid van de inwoners van Statia vergroten bij (bedreigd) erfgoed van het slavernijverleden. Het merendeel van de bevolking van het Caribische eiland stamt af van tot slaaf gemaakten. Toch ontbreekt dit perspectief nu in de zorg voor (archeologisch) cultureel erfgoed in het algemeen en herbegrafenis/herdenking van Afrikaanse voorouders in het bijzonder. De initiatiefnemers willen de gemeenschap helpen een eigen perspectief te vormen. Ook wordt een protocol ontwikkeld voor ‘descendant community engagement’ en wordt ingezet op de vorming van een community van vrijwilligers die bijvoorbeeld rondleidingen gaat verzorgen op erfgoedlocaties. Korte motivering waardering: Het initiatief is ontstaan vanuit urgente zorgen over de aantasting van slavenmuren, begraafplaatsen en archeologische resten van dorpen van tot slaaf gemaakten. Het initiatief draagt bij aan bewustwording van het vraagstuk en helpt inwoners om een visie op de actuele ontwikkelingen te vormen. Hiermee ontstaat er ook een gesprek over de identiteit van nu. Het erfgoedveld kijkt met interesse hoe het initiatief groepen betrekt die op dit moment beperkt deelhebben in de besluitvorming over erfgoed. Het vraagstuk speelt ook op eilanden die voorheen een Portugese, Franse of Spaanse kolonie waren. Het project kan ook hen tot inspiratie dienen.

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Het Verdrag van Faro (Raad van Europa, 2005) draagt de titel De Waarde van Cultureel Erfgoed voor de Samenleving. De Raad van Europa benadrukt met dit verdrag een ander perspectief op erfgoed. Veel Europese landen hebben de afgelopen decennia vooral geïnvesteerd in het erfgoed zelf en de kwaliteit van erfgoedzorg. Het Verdrag van Faro stelt de mens en de samenleving centraal en hún relatie met erfgoed. In Nederland sluit het verdrag goed aan bij ontwikkelingen in de erfgoedzorg die te maken hebben met meerstemmigheid, co-creatie, burgerinitiatief en burgerexpertise.

Het verdrag stelt dat erfgoed meer dan nu een functie kan hebben voor de samenleving. Niet alleen de historische plek zelf, het voorwerp, de traditie enz. is belangrijk, maar vooral ook de verschillende betekenissen en het gebruik ervan. Erfgoed is bovendien een bron voor ruimtelijke, sociale, economische en democratische ontwikkeling als alle belanghebbenden daar een betrokkenheid bij hebben.

Aanvulling op andere verdragen

Het Verdrag van Faro is een "kaderverdrag". De bepalingen van het verdrag zijn geen juridische verplichtingen, maar een oproep tot beleidsvorming. Het verdrag komt niet in de plaats van andere internationale verdragen die toezien op de instandhouding van erfgoed. Het is daar een aanvulling op en roept op om na te denken over de vraag: waarom bewaren we erfgoed, voor wie, hoe zijn mensen betrokken en hoe komt erfgoed ten goede aan de hele samenleving? Het Faro-gedachtegoed sluit in die zin goed aan op Universele Verklaring van de Rechten van de Mens, de Sustainable Development Goals, internationale verdragen inzake het landschap en immaterieel erfgoed, de nieuwe museumdefinitie en de missie van UNESCO Werelderfgoed om het erfgoed te laten bijdragen aan het welzijn van mensen en wederzijds begrip tussen mensen en volkeren.

Faro in Europa

Najaar 2023 hebben 24 lidstaten het Verdrag geratificeerd: Armenië, België, Bosnië en Herzegovina, Estland, Finland, Georgië, Hongarije, Italië, Kroatië, Letland, Luxemburg, de Republiek Moldavië, Montenegro, Noord-Macedonië, Noorwegen, Oekraïne, Oostenrijk, Polen, Portugal, Servië, Slovenië, de Slowaakse Republiek, Spanje en Zwitserland. Daarnaast hebben vier lidstaten het Verdrag ondertekend: Albanië, Bulgarije, Cyprus en San Marino. Kijk hier voor de actuele stand van zaken.

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Het Verdrag van Faro (Raad van Europa, 2005) draagt de titel De Waarde van Cultureel Erfgoed voor de Samenleving. De Raad van Europa benadrukt met dit verdrag een ander perspectief op erfgoed. Veel Europese landen hebben de afgelopen decennia vooral geïnvesteerd in het erfgoed zelf en de kwaliteit van erfgoedzorg.

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Het Faro-Platform: registreer en leer en doe mee!

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Het Faro-Platform: registreer en leer en doe mee!

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Op dit platform kan iedereen die betrokken is bij cultureel erfgoed meepraten over het Verdrag van Faro en het proces naar ondertekening. Dit is een proces van, door en voor het brede erfgoedveld.
De afgelopen jaren is verkend hoe Nederland uitvoering kan geven aan het Faro-verdrag van de Raad van Europa. Deze verkenningsfase is eind 2022 afgerond. In de Uitvoeringsagenda Faro geeft het erfgoedveld aan hoe naar het verdrag wordt gekeken en welke ambities er zijn. De agenda is het startpunt van een volgende fase. Het erfgoedveld is in de loop van 2023 aan de slag gegaan met de ambities. De Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel Erfgoed heeft een ondersteunende rol en brengt op dit platform alles en iedereen samen.

Het Verdrag van Faro is een uitwerking van Artikel 27 van de Universele Verklaring van de Rechten van de Mens. Het benadrukt de maatschappelijke en verbindende waarde van cultureel erfgoed, en het belang van betrokkenheid en deelname door de samenleving. Niet het erfgoed zelf, maar de mens en menselijke waarden staan centraal.

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Op dit platform kan iedereen die betrokken is bij cultureel erfgoed meepraten over het Verdrag van Faro en het proces naar ondertekening. Dit is een proces van, door en voor het brede erfgoedveld. De afgelopen jaren is verkend hoe Nederland uitvoering kan geven aan het Faro-verdrag van de Raad van Europa.

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Sharifa Balfour, Saba Cultural Heritage Center: Info project Revision Draft Cultural Policy Plan Saba 2023 - 2030

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Sharifa Balfour, Saba Cultural Heritage Center: Info project Revision Draft Cultural Policy Plan Saba 2023 - 2030

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Revision of draft cultural policy plan Saba 2023-2030 Het eilandbestuur en het Saba Heritage Center stellen samen met de inwoners van Saba een beleidsplan op voor cultuur en erfgoed (tot 2030). Op Saba wonen veel verschillende bevolkingsgroepen en nationaliteiten. Het plan moet de culturele ambities en behoeften van alle lagen en culturele achtergronden van de bevolking weerspiegelen in haar doelstellingen, strategieën en initiatieven. Met oog voor historisch gemarginaliseerde stemmen en perspectieven. Doordat de participatie en betrokkenheid van de gemeenschap centraal staat, wordt besluitvorming over en behoud van erfgoed een collectieve verantwoordelijkheid van inwoners en autoriteiten samen. De initiatiefnemers willen erfgoed transformeren van een passief overblijfsel uit het verleden naar een dynamische kracht voor culturele, sociale en economische ontwikkeling. Korte motivering waardering: Het is bijzonder dat de bewoners in een zo vroeg stadium al actief betrokken worden bij het vormen van een langetermijnbeleidsstrategie. Ze kunnen zelf aangeven wat voor hen erfgoed is en hoe hiermee moet worden omgegaan. Het bevorderen van eigenaarschap en medeverantwoordelijkheid voor het Sabaanse erfgoed heeft een blijvend effect, ook na de looptijd van het beleidsplan. Omdat er geen beleids-voorgeschiedenis is, kan het nieuwe beleid van de grond af aan worden ontwikkeld vanuit een breed erfgoedbegrip. Daarmee kan het een bron van inspiratie zijn voor het hele Caribische gebied (ook buiten het Koninkrijk) en de Europees-Nederlandse context.

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Adaptive Strategies for Water Heritage - onderdeel van Sofia's presentatie

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Adaptive Strategies for Water Heritage - onderdeel van Sofia's presentatie

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Show authors

Abstract

The creation of new heritage at Splashdowncentre Grand Turk: commemorating the splashdown of the Friendship 7 capsule off the island's coast in 1962, Supersudaca, released under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license

While the impact of cruise shipping is largely mitigated by the consolidated and diverse economies of port cities, such as Hamburg, Tokyo, and Seattle, it is a key issue in the current transformation of the Caribbean cruise destinations that increasingly depend on tourism. This chapter illustrates how cruise tourism has triggered spatial and sociocultural changes in urban form and architectural heritage in the Caribbean region. It argues that those transformations fall into a path dependency thread, and that we are at a critical juncture whose stakes include the risk that cruise lines might soon just leave heritage sites altogether. The chapter also gives a broader reading of the contemporary modes of cruise tourism exploitation. The " Introduction" describes how previous economic dependencies shaped and conditioned the built heritage (urban form, urban function, and heritage architecture) of Caribbean port cities and how spatial relationships of port, city, and hinterland ultimately followed the spatial logics of colonial exploitation. It describes how this historically established (hence path-dependent) economical patterns are still visible in the current operating modes of cruise tourism in the region. The section " How Historical Political and Socio-economic Dependencies Shaped Both Caribbean Port City Heritage and Current Operating Modes of Cruise Tourism" describes the role of heritage architecture of port cities, in the context of cruise lines' economic interests. The section " Heritage Architecture of Caribbean Cities and Cruise Lines' Economic Interests " looks more specifically at how the cruise lines' original interest in heritage preceded their actual disinterest. If the cruise lines were the first actors to add economic value to Caribbean heritage, the Caribbean cruise experience now sidesteps-if not actually fakes-local culture, cities, and economy.

Keywords

Path dependency

Cruise tourism

Heritage

Caribbean

Cruise impact

Destination

Destination resilience

Economic lock-in

Expenditures

Economic benefits

Spatial economics

Socio-spatial impact

Waterfronts

Introduction

Since the early sixteenth century, economic considerations have influenced the built heritage of Caribbean port cities. The similarity of the colonial exploitation model and the current operating modes of cruise tourism unveils how historical patterns are repeated in new forms and the essence of power relations-in which the main economic decisions are still in the hands of foreign investors-remains identical. We coined the pun feritage to show simultaneously how contemporary Caribbean cruise destinations are distorting the uses of heritage architecture while resembling spatial and economic practices of colonial times. The title of the paper feritage is a reference to the ongoing deformation of the use of heritage for the purposes of the cruise industry. For example, the constant improvements of replicas are challenging what local tourist boards considered essential and irreplaceable for the tourist purpose of visit: to experience authentic places.

Cruise ship tourism is one of the fastest growing and most stable industries (Rodrigue et al. 2013; Rodrigue and Notteboom 2013), and the landside tourism it generates has transformed urban form, urban function, and heritage architecture around the world (Hein 2013, 2016). Scholarly research on cruise tourism has nevertheless focused on isolated aspects of the cruise industry, notably economics, or on the need for tourist-geared adaptation of the historic built environment and the port facilities; it has not engaged with heritage debates (McCalla 1998; Vaggelas and Pallis 2010; Gui and Russo 2011). In turn, most literature that does explore cruise tourism and heritage is focused on preserving these values in the face of increasing economic pressures (Avrami 2013). The relationship between (cruise) tourism and cultural heritage values of local communities is only starting to be looked at by academics, including Hein ( 2016) and more briefly Epler Wood ( 2017). The sociocultural challenges that cruise lines bring to the shores of their destinations and attempts to formulate planning solutions have only recently been explored (Epler Wood 2017). But locals comment strongly and express concern on the impact of cruise shipping on heritage values of local communities, notably in the media. Venice and Barcelona have been at the forefront of recent protests against cruise tourism (Corcoran 2017; Coldwell 2017). Social media has also covered and commented on these protests, but those conversations have yet to be studied.

Dowling ( 2006) probably offers the most comprehensive overview of academic work on cruise shipping, but the stress in such studies on the industry rather than its destinations is remarkable. A range of significant studies on destination evolution under the influence of tourism (Saarinen 2004; Jaakson 2004) identifies the area in the port visited by tourists as a "tourist bubble" (Jaackson 2004) consisting of a core and a periphery. Nonetheless, a need remains for a more comprehensive investigation of the effects of cruise shipping on historical urban areas (Hein and Hillmann 2013, 2016), and of the transformative effect of the cruise industry on the spatial relations between city, port, and hinterland (Weaver 1993). Through various research formats, our research group of architects and planners, Supersudaca ( Sudaca is a pejorative term among Spanish people for a Latin American), has investigated the impact of the latest business model of cruise tourism and the spatial relation between city, port, and hinterland in the Caribbean (Saavedra Bruno 2007; Supersudaca 2014); more recently, Supersudaca was asked to advise the government of Turks and Caicos (Saavedra Bruno et al. 2017). In our report, we aimed to unveil the mechanisms behind the changing spatial relationship of the cruise pier with the urban territory as a dynamic relation of interdependence between local and foreign actors; we concluded that new policies are needed to improve and integrate cruise shipping with the local population and their economy. Meanwhile, heritage remains sidelined by strategic positioning of the pier far from the historic center. Yet the role of tourism and heritage within the larger relationships between actors has not yet been investigated. In this chapter, we explore how heritage debates today play out in discussions on cruise ships on the Caribbean Waterfronts.

Over the last twenty years, some of these debates have created a distinctive power balance in which policymakers and planners focus on the economic side of the cruise ship industry and consider urban form and heritage architecture only as supporting elements of the tourist offer instead of seeing heritage as an integral part of the cultural values of the local population. The dominant discourse often adopts a short-term perspective that supports this approach, mainly looking at tourist arrivals and expenditures, leaving aside local actors, their agendas, their interest in urban form and heritage, and their specific identity concerns. But the complex interaction of (cruise) shipping with port, city, and hinterland requires a multifaceted approach that acknowledges long-term development (Hein 2016).

With scholars of historical institutionalism, we argue that the current model of cruise tourism contains a pattern of historical development with trajectories that are inherently difficult to reverse, so-called path dependencies (Hacker 2002; Pierson 2004; Mahoney and Thelen 2010; Sorensen 2015). The decision points during which new institutional configurations are established and new developmental trajectories are launched-usually referred to as "critical junctures"-are crucial to the future direction of each destination (Collier and Collier 1991; Capoccia and Kelemen 2007). In line with Musterd ( 2012), we propose that city region's attraction to the creative sectors and their potential economic development is influenced by the path of historical developments. Using the concept of path dependence theory and including the built environment as another actor, we analyze the influence of cruise shipping on the development and architectural heritage preservation of port cities in the Caribbean islands.

How Historical Political and Socioeconomic Dependencies Shaped Both Caribbean Port City Heritage and Current Operating Modes of Cruise Tourism

Historical political and socioeconomic dependencies shaped Caribbean port city heritage-both urban form and architectural production-in ways that are still visible in the current operating modes of cruise tourism. This is in part due to the continuation or resurgence of geopolitical structures of the past, but perhaps more interesting is the current relevance of spatial strategies for the cruise industry from that distant past that had as its primary objective the control of flows of capital in the Caribbean. Cruise tourism in Caribbean port cities relies on principles of mercantilism and monopoly control that were normal practice in the region in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (see Map 19.1).

What we perceive as the oldest heritage now represents, sometimes in diagrammatic clarity, the economic and cultural policies intended to create an urban system that facilitated trade, security, and stability. Furthermore, the spatial configuration of Caribbean port cities-their grid systems and fortifications-expresses how the market did not allow competition from other places. Culturally, port cities appeared to be neutral spaces but a closer look reveals that they were highly hierarchical, pushing local indigenous populations to the fringes of the system. Emerging models of tourism today echo several of these dynamics.

The mostly European built heritage of the Caribbean islands dates to the beginning of the sixteenth century. This legacy is closely interrelated with the history and interests of the colonial exploitation of the region. The colonization model follows a pattern of discovery and conquest, after which colonizers identified resources to exploit, and, depending on their importance, protect them militarily with city fortifications and (later) force on the high sea. More specifically, once colonizers had discovered a new place, they founded a city: distributing land among conquistadores, building up the infrastructure of extraction, organizing and distributing forced labor, and setting up the logistics of trade to bring the products of exploitation back to the metropole. The model involved the private sector, with strong support and guidance from the state, paralleling today's private-public partnerships to some extent. The newly founded cities might then grow or collapse, depending on the presence and quantity of metal and available labor.

In general, the first phase of Spanish colonization lasted from 1492 until the conquest of Mexico in 1520 and Peru in 1532 (Williamson 1972). The discovery of vast reserves of silver and gold in Mexico and Peru meant drastic change for Caribbean islands and ports, which had to refocus their economies on other activities, such as sugar and tobacco production. As Caribbean port cities became key nodes of logistic trade, bringing precious metals to Europe and importing European products to the colonizers (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983), they accumulated treasures themselves and became more attractive to pirates. This all pushed port cities into a new phase of vulnerability at the end of the sixteenth century. The most drastic change of this phase came in the seventeenth century, after the conformation of the Triple Alliance of 1596 between France, England and the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands. The Treaty of The Hague recognized the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands for the first time, and it implied a common enemy in the Caribbean: Spain. Not long after the French, Dutch, and English too began to claim territory and establish plantations in the region.

From a spatial point of view, the built heritage of several Caribbean port cities corresponds to that of a fortress, most filled with gridded streets. Yet most of these locations did not have fortifications in the first decades of conquest. San Juan de Puerto Rico is a clear example of this, being an open, unwalled city for 130 years and based on an old reference to Plato's disdain for walled cities (Pabón-Charneco 2016). Historically, before the Spanish conquest of America, the port cities of Canary Islands were open structures, that is, unwalled ports promoting a message of free trade in a harbor city. Leonardo Torriani, a sixteenth-century Italian naval engineer, described San Cristobal de La Laguna in Gran Canaria, San Juan's most prominent precedent, as "a city made from peace for peace. No fortresses and no walls" (Pabón-Charneco 2016). The now so-called Ciudad de La Paz ( City of Peace), also known as Ciudad Maritima ( Maritime City) was characterized by the presence of a main square facing the sea (Plaza del Mar), which a grid linked to the main square (plaza mayor) containing the main civic buildings and the church. Later, the Spanish conquistadors used this grid to lay out their new open city, probably for reasons of speed, order, and the availability of rudimentary tools such as cord and ruler (Hardoy 1975; Morris 1994; Lejeune 2005).

The system of colonization moved from a standard strategy of founding cities to one of specializing ports. This had to do more with central planning of the region from Spain rather than with local demands. Ports that dealt with export-import duties to Spain had their duties drastically reduced to single tasks: Veracruz became the ancillary port of Mexico City that controlled the flows of silver from Mexico; Nombre de Dios (also known as Portobelo) in the Panama isthmus controlled the resources (mainly metals) coming from Peru by way of the Pacific Ocean; Cartagena de Indias (now Colombia) served as a stopping point for refueling ships and eventually a hub for trading slaves from Africa. Havana meanwhile was the port where ships coming from Peru and Mexico joined the Spanish naval escort to return to Spain (Williamson 1972). Some ports suffered from this re-configuration: San Juan and Santo Domingo for instance lost some or most of their early importance.

The Ciudades de La Paz model was eventually tested by Spain's enemies. British, French, and later Dutch pirates damaged key ports. In 1572, Sir Francis Drake attacked Portobelo; in a turning point in the politics of city defense (Williamson 1972), the Spanish king Philip II responded by commissioning an engineer specialized in fortifications, Battista Antonelli, to improve the security of Portobelo and other key cities, especially of those ports on the main route of import-export monopoly known as the Carrera de Indias: Cartagena, San Juan de Ulua, Havana, and San Juan in Puerto Rico (Williamson 1972). Thus the built heritage in the Caribbean port cities has historically been a product of the Spaniards, who designed cities first to maximize speed of construction and the efficiency of water trade and later for defense and customs.

Today that same heritage is being recycled to maximize cruise tourism, another product of foreign exploitation. Although the theory of path dependency normally refers to a continuous sequence of events, it is worth noting the similarities between these two phases, colonial exploitation and cruise tourism, despite the time that separates them. In colonial times, most of the economies of the Caribbean relied mainly on a single form of exploitation at the regional scale, protected by the monopoly of the market regulated by the Spanish crown through its Casa de Contratación, fortress architecture, and naval escort. The relatively recent emergence of tourism in the Caribbean as the main source of the economy also offers one type of product for the region (see Map 19.2). Recent cruise centers in a few Caribbean destinations strikingly recall the fortress strategies of colonial times, and like them are aimed at maximizing control of the economic benefits of the enterprise.

At the same time, it is important to observe the differences between these histories. Tourism differs from mining and sugar industries, with many more economic sectors affecting the business. Cruise tourism is what scholars call a vertical industry, in which giant companies control several sectors of the economy (Supersudaca 2006; Sweenay 2002). That means that we are not talking of monopolistic control of one product but of intensive concentration and deformation of the market by few companies. Flows and success or failures of port cities related to cruise tourism are linked to the decisions of foreign-controlled industries, mainly located in Florida. The majority of cruises sail to the Caribbean and serve a primarily North American market, but not a single ship that cruises the Caribbean is Caribbean-owned or for that matter US-owned. Company headquarters are often on US soil, but to avoid taxation most companies sidestep US incorporation and go offshore. Carnival (#1 in terms of market share), which owns Holland America Line (#4), is incorporated in Panama; Royal Caribbean (#2) is "based" in Liberia; and Norwegian Cruise Line (#3) is registered with the Genting Group in Malaysia. It's a matter of economics for the host countries as much as for the cruise companies (Supersudaca 2014). As journalist Elizabeth Becker noted, "during its two-decades-long civil war, Liberia earned at least $20 million every year by acting as the offshore registry for foreign ships" (Becker 2013: 140). Thus historical patterns returned in new forms while the essence of actor power relation remains identical: The main economic decisions are still in hands of foreign investors, whose interest might prevail above local agendas of preservation.

Two foreign-owned cruise lines, each formed by multiple associated brands, monopolize the Caribbean cruise market. Together they hold 70% of the world market share (Sprague-Silgado 2017), and their turnover sometimes triples the GDP of local Caribbean countries. Their power to stabilize economic dynamics in the long run can be termed economic lock-in. As in colonial times, the benefits for the region are clearly not the foreign investors' priority. Although the Caribbean islands are the most active cruise tourist region of the world, the revenues do not correspond to the size of the business. A 2004 report from World Travel and Tourism Council stated that "Given that the Caribbean attracts around 50% of the world cruise market, its contribution to overall tourism earnings for the region is nonetheless relatively insignificant-accounting for between 8 and 10% of international tourism receipts only" (p. 23). Cruise tourists constituted about 42% of all tourists to the Caribbean in 2000, yet the same report stated that they accounted for only 12% of overall tourist expenditures. Nor is the news always good for all destinations. As competition increases so do the problems of growth. Continuous growth of the industry does not automatically guarantee success for all players.

Against the criticism of scarce economic benefits for the region, the report makes the argument that cruise tourism "presents destinations with the opportunity to convert cruise visitors (many of whom admit to being on a familiarization tour of the Caribbean) into future stay over tourists." It calls for "further research as to market perceptions of the two products (cruise and land base tourism), the degree of direct competition and demand substitution between them, and the extent of conversion to stay over visit" (p. 65). But the theory of conversion goes against the current trend of tourists spending less time on shore, which diminishes the chances of the destination to promote itself. Besides cruise lines are controlling shore excursions more and more, as "another source of income for the cruise industry that provide solid revenue for the cruise line in form of sales commission" (Ross 2013, p. 47). The waterfronts and ports catering to mass tourism from the cruise industry are becoming a product controlled by the cruise tourist industry that with its "status as a single sector economy raises the spectre of future regional ruination" (Brouderet al. 2016, p. 03).

Cruise ships are always becoming bigger "floating theme parks" (Wood 2000, p. 358), requiring ports of call to invest more and more money to build, maintain, and modernize big piers. When some Caribbean ports are unable to afford these ballooning expenses, tour operators look elsewhere for destinations that can meet burgeoning demand or they negotiate anchoring fees down to meager sums. In some cases, cruise companies share responsibility and investment for upgrading infrastructure with local partners. In other-more profitable-cases, they develop, manage, and operate ports themselves. Cruise line operators now sometimes work like infrastructure banks, offering loans to governments at local destinations to fund cruise-based infrastructure projects. In 2007, Carnival Corporation PLC and St Maarten signed a $34.5 million agreement for the enlargement of their pier, anticipating that bigger ships will revive the tourist economy in the British Virgin Islands. The loans are calculated based on the head taxes that the governments receive from the flow of cruise tourists. With growing congestion in the Caribbean and stiff competition from emerging economies worldwide, a port unable to upgrade can face abandonment. This threat leaves ports paralyzed: Investing large sums of money to upgrade facilities only risks subsequent obsolescence, but not upgrading means no business at all. (Supersudaca 2014) Once again, as in colonial times, the control of the demand and supply is in foreign hands, but the destinations have no choice: "upgrade their piers or die" (Supersudaca 2014, p. 20).

Heritage Architecture of Caribbean Cities and Cruise Lines' Economic Interests

Since cruise ship tourism depends on heritage, the first actors that were interested in heritage conservation were the cruise industries. Therefore, the preservation strategies for heritage buildings and urban spaces play a major role in marketing the Caribbean islands and are closely related to the attractiveness of the cruise ship industry. In Curacao, for example, the world-famous Dutch canal house-style facades of the waterfront street, the Handelskade, have always attracted cruise tourists, but on the other hand, the Curacao Government learned from a marketing study that their city should appeal to what the tourists have in mind for a "Caribbean" location. They planted palm trees along the public areas near the terminal-but those palm trees are not actually indigenous species of the island, so the government is importing them from Cuba, as payment on an earlier debt. The supposedly Caribbean landscaping of the passage that guides the cruise tourists into the shopping district has led to the "situation that on the same square (Brionplein) two sorts of lamps are used: those paid for by the tourist industry along the path of the cruise tourists and the old and the less kitschy public lamps that remain standing on the square"-all this reflects the absence coordination among the local tourism and planning authorities (Saavedra Bruno 2007, p. 106).

Some of the shops on St Maarten's Front Street literally turned their orientation 180° to face a new walking boulevard for cruise tourists, reorienting urban form; at the same time, when four cruise ships in St Maarten simultaneously unload, their 10,000 passengers instantly cause a traffic jam (Saavedra Bruno 2007, p. 104). In Curacao, the design of public space guides the cruise tourists carefully from the Megapier through a shopping center onto the "swinging old lady" bridge to Punda, the old city center that is now full of luxury duty-free shops. This route literally turns its face away from the main shopping street for locals in Otrabanda, whose "shopkeepers have always expressed that they want to keep orienting themselves to the local client, considering it a more stable factor" (Saavedra Bruno 2007, p. 104).

At first, the interest of the cruise industry in heritage was not only ethical but economically driven, therefore more stable. Yet recent cases point in a different direction, indicating that the cruise industry is comparing the costs and benefits of this model to those of a new model of total control in which they fabricate "heritage" assets elsewhere, preferably far from the city and authentic heritage (see Photo 19.1 a, b).

The cruise lines have constructed cruise line-owned shopping destinations in no-man's-lands and leased (or sometimes bought) beaches, creating tourist bubbles (Jaakson 2004) disconnected from actual heritage sites, real cities, and local lives. According to Caroline Cheong, a Ph.D. candidate in planning and geography writing for the World Monument Fund in the Charleston report, "port communities may be more predisposed to commodify their heritage for tourists given the concentration of tourist activity and the revenues generated in the "tourist bubble". She quotes Wood ( 2000), noting that increased interaction between visitors and local communities furthers "processes of globalization and homogenization," processes that according to Cheong "are sped up within the host community when the number of visitors exceeds that of the local community, a process that Brida ( 2010) and the UNWTO ( 2010) note is especially prevalent in the Caribbean" (Cheong 2013, p. 29).

In some isolated islands of the Caribbean, the population spikes in the high season. Cockburn Town, in the Turks Islands, for example, quintuples during peak cruise season, with neither conflict nor negotiation (Supersudaca 2014, p. 22). If the main attraction was first heritage sites, it then became itineraries and ports and later the ship itself in combination with beach and water-related activities, often on leased islands in the middle of nowhere. Yet, according to Cheong, despite cruise lines' separate shopping and beach areas for their passengers, "real heritage sites remain a main attraction for cruise tourists" (Cheong 2013, p. 27). Nonetheless, she notes, "though cruise itineraries and ports of call remain main motivators for cruise travelers (CLIA 2006; Andriotis and Agiomirgianakis 2010)-acknowledging the need to provide satisfactory offshore experiences-the literature indicates that there is a summer-driven shift toward the ship itself acting as the primary attraction" (Cheong 2013, p. 124). Our recent analysis of Caribbean excursions on shore reveals that this tendency goes hand in hand with the tendency that most current excursions ashore in the Caribbean region focus on water and the beach rather than heritage (see Fig. 19.1).

Contemporary Modes of Cruise Tourism in the Caribbean and their Impact on the Heritage of Caribbean Port Cities and their Hinterland

It is hard to shake the impression that cruise ships have become entirely self-sufficient. The exponential increase in ship sizes has turned into a metaphor for the cockiness of the cruise industry: The bigger the boats, the less the companies seem to care about the quality, variety, or authenticity of destinations. If cruising in the Caribbean not long ago meant wandering old colonial cities like San Juan, walking beach promenades in Cozumel, buying goods near the pier, or having a taste of local cuisine of Santo Domingo, the latest cruise development has tended to diminish the importance of destination-specific values.

As cruise companies have succeeded in engineering a diversity of life on board, they call into question the relevance of destinations. The plurality, potential insecurity, and lack of guarantees in real places surely overshadowed any advantage they might offer. In places such as Cozumel, where tourists still are able to reach the local shops, cruise directors warn passengers to avoid the uncertified and unsafe shops of the locals. It even seems that ships could just stop anchoring at local nodes.

One apparently insignificant shift is actually a crucial move changing the role of destinations in the power game of tourist spatial economics. Originally, the pier was the extension of the local economy of a touristic destination. As the extension of the touristic destination, the cruise pier had to lead tourists carefully to the destination charms, seducing then to spend as much time and money as possible in locally owned shops during their short stay. As the cruise industry is now financing, building, and deciding the position of new piers, "the piers have today become extensions of ships" (supersudaca 2014, p. 18).

The dominant new model for handling cruise tourism ashore is to provide a fenced bus terminal and a shopping area attached to the cruise pier, sometimes far from the city or on an unexploited island. This cruise village immediately attached to the cruise pier is providing leisure and (often cruise line owned) shopping wrapped up in duplicates of historical villages, divorced from existing cities and their economies (see Fig. 19.2).

With the new piers increasingly far from historic destinations, the tourist has fewer options to venture into town (and they run the risk of not catching the cruise when it departs). It is easier and easier to stay on the secure grounds of the new ports of call that are under industry control. It is estimated that "at each arrival of the boat to the port, 15% of the passengers never leave the cruise ship" (Lems 2010, p. 51). But this move could not be completed without a revolution on the ship itself. The transformation of the boat has been so massive that many tourists now decide that destinations are less crucial to their experience than in the past.

As ships grew, they "decreased dependence of the ports of call as the ship itself has become the destination" (Wood 2000, p. 358). This has enabled cruise lines to maximize their benefits for the cruise industry. The only remaining role of real places is fulfilling the few tourist wishes unattainable on the boat: authentic experiences of a tropical colonial city, pre-Hispanic archaeological ruins, and an unspoiled beach. Even this remaining niche is now also being contested by the cruise industries that are creating "fantasyscapes on board and on land" (Wood 2000, p. 361). Colonial port destinations where the cruise industry is a big lobby, such as Curacao, control the routing of tourists in a nearly perfectly orchestrated choreography; and to "some extent Caribbean destinations are imitating the cruise ships, introducing theming in port city landscapes (such as in Aruba, whose main street feels very much as a theme park) and creating manmade, artificial attractions, divorced from the geographical environment as in St Maarten" (Wood 2000, p. 363). To meet tourists' demand for exotic architecture, the cruise industry has built a place called "Costa Maya" from scratch and in the middle of nowhere (see Photo 1, Photo 2). It includes a shopping area and restaurants in neo-Mayan style, owned and operated by the industry, while a plaster church tower recalls Spanish colonial times. Fake "stone sculptures and Indian dancers on the shopping plaza recall Mayan culture" (Sofia Saavedra Bruno 2007, p. 106). Not only did Grand Turk promote a replica of the Nasa Friendship 7 capsule, which splashed into the Atlantic in 1962 a few short miles from the island, as one of the island's main excursion attractions on land, but it copied it again when it built the Grand Turk cruise terminal and center. To a significant degree, Wood points out, by extending "the fantasy environment of the ship" the ports also "reproduce in new form the enclave development long characteristic of the region" (Wood 2000, p. 363). Furthering this tendency, the Caribbean region has been a laboratory since the 1970s for the development of all-inclusive resorts, a world parallel to the cities where the locals live.

Ports of call like Curacao and Aruba, where the tourists can walk directly from the terminal into the old city center, became quite exceptional in the Caribbean. When mapping the cruise terminals and their direct surroundings, we found that "most emerging cruise terminals are situated several kilometers away from the closest inner city (see Fig. 19.3)" (Saavedra Bruno 2007, p. 106). But in order to get the local beach environment that tourists demand, one of the last remaining niche for destinations, "cruise lines are also reducing the days in port by buying, or leasing islands or by anchoring at a deserted stretch of beach" (Wood 2000, p. 361). Of the eight major lines that now operate in the Caribbean, 10 own private islands (Supersudaca 2014, p. 18). Royal Caribbean owns Coco Cay in Bahamas, for example, and leases Labadee in Haiti-which they tell tourists is Fantasy Island, in order to not spoil their holidays (Patullo 1996, p. 164)

As cruise companies have developed and refined their business models, they have affected the spatial relation between the city, port, and hinterland by strategically positioning docks in new places outside the old city. Their new constructions and new uses affect the historic spatial development of both urban form and heritage (local identity). But neither public actors-local politicians, tourist agencies, planners, heritage actors-nor citizens themselves have been involved in the ongoing transformation.

Conclusion

Cruise tourism has rewritten the urban form and architectural heritage of the Caribbean region and their functions in the last 20 years with urban form thematization (often disneyfication of the historic inner cities, including waterfronts) and simulations of historic ports. We have analyzed how the most recent cruise business model has affected both urban form and heritage architecture by (1) strategically positioning docking at new places outside of the old city or in the middle of nowhere, (2) reproducing heritage architecture, objects, and landscapes in replicas and simulations, and (3) recodifying heritage to suit the demands of the tourists and to exclude local economies.

The rapid growth of the cruise industry and its concentration in a few companies has established distinctive power relationships between the cruise industry and Caribbean governments. We understand that this emerging dynamics follow path dependencies (Hacker 2002; Pierson 2004; Mahoney and Thelen 2010; Sorensen 2015), so what now seems like a dynamic process could actually be heading toward a static relationship among the key actors over time, making change increasingly difficult. As Capoccia and Kelemen have argued, "long periods of path dependent institutional stability and reproduction are punctuated occasionally by brief phases of institutional flux-referred to as critical junctures - during which more dramatic change is possible" (Capoccia and Kelemen 2007, p. 341).

We are currently at such a "critical juncture," in which local actors and heritage institutions can both prevent the cruise lines from seizing complete control of heritage areas while simultaneously luring them to stay in heritage sites (and not abandon them altogether). Caribbean governments are increasingly recognizing the role that heritage plays in attracting cruise tourists and the role that cruise tourism could play in preserving heritage and making it valuable in the future. In Havana, for example, the government has increasingly tied the renewal of the waterfronts to cruise tourism. A new port has taken over large-scale transport activities, leaving behind the historic port, which is being redeveloped primarily for cruise tourism. That process had already started, but the recent political opening of Cuba has accelerated it (INTI 2015, p. 24). Similarly, according to the Winning the Future report (Croes 2011) Aruba has recently recognized the power of cruise tourism and has decided to invest part of the revenues from it directly into preserving heritage. The cruise lines are often behind the scenes, still deciding where that money is being invested. The government of Grand Turk, for example, planned to use revenues from cruise tourism to turn an old building in the historic center into Carnival's welcoming cruise center, but the cruise line would not use it without the guarantee that cruise revenues on the other side of the island would be high enough (Saavedra Bruno et al. 2017, p. 45).

Cruise tourism triggers new institutional configurations in Caribbean cruise destinations, including collaboration between heritage and water-related planning institutions to ensure the future of historic port cities and to keep inherited patterns from further distorting uses of heritage architecture and urban form.

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Rotterdam, The Netherlands

Sofia Saavedra Bruno, Martin Delgado & Felix Madrazo

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Supersudaca

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Correspondence to Sofia Saavedra Bruno .

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Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment, Technical University Delft, Delft, Zuid-Holland, The Netherlands

Prof. Dr. Carola Hein

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Supersudaca., Saavedra Bruno, S., Delgado, M., Madrazo, F. (2020). From HERITAGE to Feritage: How Economic Path Dependencies in the Caribbean Cruise Destinations Are Distorting the Uses of Heritage Architecture and Urban Form. In: Hein, C. (eds) Adaptive Strategies for Water Heritage. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-00268-8_19

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From HERITAGE to Feritage: How Economic Path Dependencies in the Caribbean Cruise Destinations Are Distorting the Uses of Heritage Architecture and Urban Form

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While the impact of cruise shipping is largely mitigated by the consolidated and diverse economies of port cities, such as Hamburg, Tokyo, and...