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Mexico’s Pandemics: Polarization, Crime, and COVID-19

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“COVID-19 intersects with and exacerbates other, more hidden, societal crises in Latin America. In the case of Mexico, this intersection offers crucial insight into the government’s erratic response to the virus.”

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A Mexico City daily represents the neoliberal elite. A magazine has not "behaved well" with his government. A civil society group should be investigated for its alleged ties to adversaries of the government.

Two years in power, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador continues to dizzy Mexicans with his nonstop media presence. Every day at 7 a.m., Mr. López Obrador holds a press briefing at the National Palace in Mexico City. During these long briefings, often more than two hours, the national agenda is set for the day.

The press conferences also serve as staging ground for the various fights the president is constantly picking. Since he assumed office in December 2018, Mr. López Obrador has taken a decidedly confrontational approach with opponents, both real and imagined. He has taken on the private sector, civil society groups, the political opposition and, most notoriously, the nation's press.

Any source of criticism, whether a journalist, another politician or a member of civil society, can count on a barrage of invective from the president, senior members of his cabinet and often from among the millions of the online followers of AMLO, as the president is popularly known.

Any source of criticism, whether a journalist or another politician, can count on a barrage of invective from the president and often from among the millions of López Obrador's online followers.

The Catholic Church has been among the civil institutions worried about the polarization provoked by the president's regular outbursts. In October, Desde la Fe, the magazine of the Mexico City archdiocese, published an editorial, "Let's end the confrontation," that argued: "The division and confrontations between those who think differently only leads to a war between brothers that is desirable to no one."

The president has shown no evidence that he shares that concern. "The polarizing rhetoric is part of a worldwide phenomenon of political populism. You see it with [Recep Tayyip] Erdogan in Turkey, [Donald] Trump in the United States, [Jair] Bolsonaro in Brazil," said Fernando Dworak, a political commentator in Mexico City. "It's a common theme in these regimes-the constant creation of enemies to the cause."

If Mr. López Obrador is to be believed, the enemies to his cause are legion. Swept into office on a wave of popular anger at corruption, criminal violence and a political and business elite seen as out of touch with the concerns of regular Mexicans, the president has made anti-corruption and the fight against inequality the core themes of his rhetorical flights. He calls his government "the Fourth Transformation," a reference connecting it to the struggle for independence, the liberal reforms of the 19th century and Mexico's difficult road to modernity after the Revolution of 1910-1920.

AMLO likes to call himself leftist and progressive and describes those who oppose him as members of the opposite end of the spectrum-conservatives, neoliberals and, on occasion, "fifi," roughly meaning elitist and out of touch with everyday Mexican life.

"He is seeking to create a public opinion in which there are no alternatives to his government, in which the whole world is either with him or against him," said Mr. Dworak.

"Polarization in Mexico isn't a new phenomenon. It started with former president Vicente Fox, who called his opponents 'vipers' and 'black rats.'

Among the president's favorite and frequent targets are civil society groups, especially the media. Mr. López Obrador has singled out individual journalists and publications like the newspaper Reforma and the muckraking weekly Proceso, asking the latter to "pick sides" and accusing the former repeatedly of not being critical of previous administrations. Recently, the president revealed a list of media that received significant amounts of government money through advertising during previous administrations, suggesting that it made them biased toward his government.

Being singled out by the president invariably leads to a storm of harassment on social media. The president's daily press briefings are watched by millions on YouTube and receive close attention from social media users friendly to the president.

Enduring the online abuse can be harrowing, especially in a country where journalists are frequently targets of violence, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (where I am employed as C.P.J.'s Mexico representative).

"It's something that happens every day. The president is constantly looking to provoke, and he has a lot of followers who listen to his every word," Reyna Haydee Ramírez said. A reporter who covers the presidential beat for Pie de Págin, an independent news website, she often sharply questions the president-and suffers the wrath of his followers because of it.

Free-speech advocates are concerned about the president's attacks on the press, which they compare to other populist leaders in the region like Mr. Trump and Mr. Bolsonaro.

"There are millions of people who say that the president represents them and who blindly follow him. They say any decision he makes is the right one," said Ana Cristina Ruelas, a former director of the Mexico office of Article 19, advocates for freedom of expression.

If Mr. López Obrador is to be believed, his enemies are legion. He calls his government "the Fourth Transformation," connecting it to the struggle for independence, the liberal reforms of the 19th century and Mexico's road to modernity.

The president himself and senior members of his cabinet, as well as opinion makers sympathetic to his administration, have denied that Mr. López Obrador's rhetoric is harmful. An AMLO spokesperson, Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, has repeatedly defended the president, arguing that the Mexican government does not impose any kind of censorship and that the president has merely exercised his personal freedom of expression.

"I believe that, even though it's true that the president has the right to reply to criticism, this doesn't mean that he can just disqualify what journalists are saying," Ms. Ruelas countered. "What AMLO does is nullify journalists from a pulpit that is much larger than what the journalists have. He uses his pedestal to [silence] the messenger and make himself the only source of information."

"Polarization in Mexico isn't a new phenomenon," the political commentator Genaro Lozano told America. "It started with former president Vicente Fox, who called his opponents 'vipers' and 'black rats.' He later tried to prevent López Obrador from competing in elections. AMLO benefited from that and made it his modus operandi."

Mr. Lozano said that he does not believe polarization is necessarily a bad thing. "It helps to mobilize people." But it also invites emulators from the right.

Mexico may be establishing the same polarized conditions that contributed to the ascent of Mr. Bolsonaro from the radical right in Brazil in 2018. The Brazilian president, a former military officer, has made aggressive confrontation with minorities, the press and civil society one of the hallmarks of his government. Mr. Lozano fears that if Mr. López Obrador's party loses in 2024, "we'll have a Mexican Bolsonaro."

Political commentator Fernando Dworal said that he does not believe even that prospect will be enough to encourage Mr. López Obrador to change his rhetorical style. "He won't dial it down," he said. "He will continue to undermine all the public and non-public institutions, the judiciary and the media because he believes that his is the voice of the people."

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As Mexico's president attacks his critics and the press, Catholic leaders warn against the danger of polarization

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Any source of criticism, whether a journalist, another politician or a member of civil society, can count on a barrage of invective from the president, senior members of his cabinet and often from among the millions of López Obrador's online followers.

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Deadly attacks by gunmen on targets including an amusement arcade and a group of indigenous musicians returning from a concert have shone a spotlight on the violence which has been plaguing Mexico for years. The murder rate has been on the rise for the past four years. But how widespread is the violence and how risky is it to live or travel to Mexico?

Mexico's homicide rate has been rising every year since 2014 but it remains well below those of other countries worldwide.

Globally, it ranks at number 19 in the list of countries with the highest rate of intentional homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, according to the most recent figures gathered by the United Nations.

At 24.8, Mexico's rate was much lower than that of the top-ranking country worldwide, El Salvador, where 61.8 people out of 100,000 died from violent crime in 2017.

Has it been getting worse?

Yes, the number of homicides in Mexico has been on the rise since 2014. In 2018 the number of people killed was more than four times that in 2007.

Preliminary figures released by Mexico's National Institute for Statistics for the first six months of 2019 suggest a drop of 3.2% in homicides compared to the same period the previous year.

But figures compiled by another official body, the National System for Public Security, suggest that in the whole of 2019 the number of murders was higher than in 2018.

The two bodies use different methods of gathering information, with the National Institute for Statistic using forensic reports which include deaths suspected to be homicides and the National System for Public Security using only those ruled to have been homicides after the investigation is concluded.

Mexican governments have long argued that the majority of the victims have ties to criminal gangs or have somehow become "mixed up" in their illegal business. But with scenes such as those in the city of Culiacán in October, where residents had to take cover as a convoy of heavily armed cartel trucks rolled into the city, being shown on TV, more and more people are questioning whether they may be in danger.

Which are most dangerous areas?

The states with the highest homicide rates are: the tiny western state of Colima in the west, followed by Baja California, Chihuahua in the north and Guerrero, according to figures released by the National Institute for Statistics.

Much of the violence in concentrated in crime hotspots where gangs are either active or fighting over territory. There are many areas which have been relatively untouched by violence. In the popular tourist destination of Yucatán, the homicide rate is only 3 per 100,000 people, lower than that of Thailand.

The states of Aguascalientes, Campeche and Coahuila also are well below the national average and have homicide rates similar to that of Uruguay.

Mexico's location on the southern border of the US means that for decades it has been home to powerful criminal groups smuggling cocaine, heroine, marijuana and methamphetamines north to the United States, the world's largest market for illicit drugs.

These groups do not just deal in drugs but also engage in extortion, money laundering, human trafficking, people smuggling and contract killings. Some are transnational enterprises which operate as far south as Argentina and have off-shoots in Europe.

They often bribe or infiltrate the security forces and pay off or threaten politicians so that they turn a blind eye to their illegal enterprises.

Rival gangs battle for territory and over control of lucrative smuggling routes and often use gruesome tactics such as hanging bodies from bridges and decapitations to spread terror and fear.

While some of the top leaders of the powerful cartels have been arrested or killed in recent years, the result has not been a drop in crime, as officials had hoped. Instead, the vacuum left behind has led to further battles between rival gangs and warring pretenders to the vacant leadership positions.

What is the government doing?

In December 2006, then-President Felipe Calderón launched a "war on drugs", deploying more than 50,000 soldiers and federal police officers. In the six years of his presidency, the official figure of people killed in drug-related violence was 60,000. Many estimate the figure may have been much higher.

His successor in office, Enrique Peña Nieto, at first said that he would tackle the roots of the violence but his policy closely resembled that of Mr Calderón, going after the heads of the most powerful criminal organisations.

His biggest coup was the capture of Sinaloa cartel leader Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán in 2016. But even following his extradition to the US, Guzmán's Sinaloa cartel remains a powerful force.

In October, one of El Chapo's sons, Ovidio Guzmán López, was freed on the orders of the Mexican government after Sinaloa cartel gunmen flooded the city of Culiacán and surrounded security forces to press for their boss's release.

President López Obrador's strategy to create a National Guard has so far not yielded tangible results. Few have signed up for the new force and those who have have been deployed to the southern border to deal with a huge influx of US-bound migrants.

His critics argue that the president's lack of a defined strategy to combat criminal groups has led to a further increase in violence. They say that while the release of El Chapo's son may have saved lives on the day, it set a dangerous precedent and will lead to cartels further flexing their muscles.

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Deadly attacks by gunmen on targets including an amusement arcade and a group of indigenous musicians returning from a concert have shone a spotlight on the violence which has been plaguing Mexico for years. The murder rate has been on the rise for the past four years.

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Deadly attacks by gunmen on targets including an amusement arcade and a group of indigenous musicians returning from a concert have shone a spotlight on the violence which has been plaguing Mexico for years. The murder rate has been on the rise for the past four years. But how widespread is the violence and how risky is it to live or travel to Mexico?

Mexico's homicide rate has been rising every year since 2014 but it remains well below those of other countries worldwide.

Globally, it ranks at number 19 in the list of countries with the highest rate of intentional homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, according to the most recent figures gathered by the United Nations.

At 24.8, Mexico's rate was much lower than that of the top-ranking country worldwide, El Salvador, where 61.8 people out of 100,000 died from violent crime in 2017.

Has it been getting worse?

Yes, the number of homicides in Mexico has been on the rise since 2014. In 2018 the number of people killed was more than four times that in 2007.

Preliminary figures released by Mexico's National Institute for Statistics for the first six months of 2019 suggest a drop of 3.2% in homicides compared to the same period the previous year.

But figures compiled by another official body, the National System for Public Security, suggest that in the whole of 2019 the number of murders was higher than in 2018.

The two bodies use different methods of gathering information, with the National Institute for Statistic using forensic reports which include deaths suspected to be homicides and the National System for Public Security using only those ruled to have been homicides after the investigation is concluded.

Mexican governments have long argued that the majority of the victims have ties to criminal gangs or have somehow become "mixed up" in their illegal business. But with scenes such as those in the city of Culiacán in October, where residents had to take cover as a convoy of heavily armed cartel trucks rolled into the city, being shown on TV, more and more people are questioning whether they may be in danger.

Which are most dangerous areas?

The states with the highest homicide rates are: the tiny western state of Colima in the west, followed by Baja California, Chihuahua in the north and Guerrero, according to figures released by the National Institute for Statistics.

Much of the violence in concentrated in crime hotspots where gangs are either active or fighting over territory. There are many areas which have been relatively untouched by violence. In the popular tourist destination of Yucatán, the homicide rate is only 3 per 100,000 people, lower than that of Thailand.

The states of Aguascalientes, Campeche and Coahuila also are well below the national average and have homicide rates similar to that of Uruguay.

Mexico's location on the southern border of the US means that for decades it has been home to powerful criminal groups smuggling cocaine, heroine, marijuana and methamphetamines north to the United States, the world's largest market for illicit drugs.

These groups do not just deal in drugs but also engage in extortion, money laundering, human trafficking, people smuggling and contract killings. Some are transnational enterprises which operate as far south as Argentina and have off-shoots in Europe.

They often bribe or infiltrate the security forces and pay off or threaten politicians so that they turn a blind eye to their illegal enterprises.

Rival gangs battle for territory and over control of lucrative smuggling routes and often use gruesome tactics such as hanging bodies from bridges and decapitations to spread terror and fear.

While some of the top leaders of the powerful cartels have been arrested or killed in recent years, the result has not been a drop in crime, as officials had hoped. Instead, the vacuum left behind has led to further battles between rival gangs and warring pretenders to the vacant leadership positions.

What is the government doing?

In December 2006, then-President Felipe Calderón launched a "war on drugs", deploying more than 50,000 soldiers and federal police officers. In the six years of his presidency, the official figure of people killed in drug-related violence was 60,000. Many estimate the figure may have been much higher.

His successor in office, Enrique Peña Nieto, at first said that he would tackle the roots of the violence but his policy closely resembled that of Mr Calderón, going after the heads of the most powerful criminal organisations.

His biggest coup was the capture of Sinaloa cartel leader Joaquín "El Chapo" Guzmán in 2016. But even following his extradition to the US, Guzmán's Sinaloa cartel remains a powerful force.

In October, one of El Chapo's sons, Ovidio Guzmán López, was freed on the orders of the Mexican government after Sinaloa cartel gunmen flooded the city of Culiacán and surrounded security forces to press for their boss's release.

President López Obrador's strategy to create a National Guard has so far not yielded tangible results. Few have signed up for the new force and those who have have been deployed to the southern border to deal with a huge influx of US-bound migrants.

His critics argue that the president's lack of a defined strategy to combat criminal groups has led to a further increase in violence. They say that while the release of El Chapo's son may have saved lives on the day, it set a dangerous precedent and will lead to cartels further flexing their muscles.

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Deadly attacks by gunmen on targets including an amusement arcade and a group of indigenous musicians returning from a concert have shone a spotlight on the violence which has been plaguing Mexico for years. The murder rate has been on the rise for the past four years.

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World Report 2022: Rights Trends in Mexico

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Human rights violations—including torture, enforced disappearances, abuses against migrants, extrajudicial killings, gender-based violence, and attacks on independent journalists and human rights defenders—have continued under President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who took office in December 2018.…

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Related Research Article

Hong, S., & Kim, S. H. (2016). Political polarization on twitter: Implications for the use of social media in digital governments. Government Information Quarterly, 33(4), 777-782.

Political use of Social Media and Political Polarization

Social media is attracting considerable attention for its potential to increase polarization of political views. Online media platforms foster the creation of networks among people with similar beliefs. We were interested in social media's role in partisan politics and sought evidence using all members of the 111th U.S. House of Representatives in our study sample.

Because House members are elected every two years, they engage with their electorate actively, particularly through social media. At the time of data collection (May 30, 2010), most politicians in the sample had Twitter accounts. Their presence on Facebook and blogs was not as prevalent.

"Twitter has emerged as a key platform on which anyone with a smartphone can engage in political discourse," observed Michelle Nguyen in her article entitled "Twitter's Role in Politics" in The Northwestern Business Review ( https://northwesternbusinessreview.org/twitters-role-in-politics-b3ed620465c9). She noted that a TV ad "can cost millions of dollars" but "a single post can reach the same number of people just as quickly for a tiny fraction of the cost."

In our study, we collected the following data regarding politicians' Twitter activities: when a politician joined Twitter, his/her number of tweets, and the number of followers on his/her Twitter account. We were particularly interested in the association between the political ideologies of members of the 111th House of Representatives and their social media activities. We measured politicians' association with citizens by the size of their online readership.

Evidence from our empirical investigation indicated that politicians with extreme ideologies generally attracted a larger public audience than their moderate peers. We refer to the "echo chamber" effect of social media: messages reflecting extreme views may be more likely to be noticed and circulated by the public. Daily, citizens share information published via government Twitter accounts, and the content may be fragmented or customized. Furthermore, the trend for information to be shared in this way may not be easily reversed.

Results of our study suggest that political polarization may be problematic in social media and can impact governmental practices related to the digital age. In a "60 Minutes" interview with correspondent Lesley Stahl following his election to the presidency in 2016, President Trump stated that he uses social media as "a method of fighting back" when he believes a news story is inaccurate. Reena Flores, in the related CBS News articledated November 12, 2016, reported that President Trump had over 14 million Twitter followers at the time ( https://www.cbsnews.com/news/donald-trump-60-minutes-interview-weighs-twitter-use-as-president/). His continued use of Twitter generates enthusiasm among his followers and frequently provokes angry tweets from those with opposing ideological or political views.

In our article, "Political polarization on twitter: Implications for the use of social media in digital governments" (reference below), we stated our concern that "the increasingly polarized public opinion expressed via social media may influence the process and integrity of government decision-making." We considered the possibility that online platforms used to collect and analyze the opinions of citizens could be biased toward extremist opinions and that governmental policymakers relying on data from these platforms may be giving more weight to extreme ideologies because their proponents appear to have greater popularity on social media.

Thoughthis study was focused on Twitter activities of members of the 111th U.S. House of Representatives, we suggest that our findings have broader implications about the use of social media by political and administrative institutions. Results of our study are cautionary for governments and policymakers who use social media to collect and interpret the voices of citizens because the preferences of citizens expressed through social media may be directed more toward contentious political issues rather than toward solving challenging problems.

The capacity of social media to personalize information appears to be contributing to greater levels of extremism, and online political polarization is increasing. Therefore, institutions and governmental entities must develop a process for gathering a wider range of opinions (and greater online participation) from the public and simultaneously discern which voices represent extremist views.

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Political Polarization on Twitter: Social media May Contribute to Online Extremism

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Related Research Article Hong, S., & Kim, S. H. (2016). Political polarization on twitter: Implications for the use of social media in digital governments. Government Information Quarterly, 33(4), 777-782. Political use of Social Media and Political Polarization Social media is attracting considerable attention for its potential to increase polarization of political views.

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Stay on top of Mexico latest developments on the ground with Al Jazeera's fact-based news, exclusive video footage, photos and updated maps.

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The ruling party uses the polls to try to cover the sun with a finger and deny that the presidential narrative has polarized Mexico with its daily diatribes of "us against them, against the conservatives."

True, President López Obrador arrives with an acceptance of 65% and a rejection of 34%, but despite all his efforts, he has not managed to convey that approval to his Party.

Reality reflected by the June elections. Morena and her allies added 47% and 44% their adversaries. The real Mexico was polarized by the binary presidential narrative, like the most recent "it will not move me to the center."

Strengthen the IMSS, which cannot be postponed

77 years after its founding, the Mexican Social Security Institute has survived crises, political ups and downs, ideological experiments and three presidential alternatives and remains a fundamental pillar factor for the political and social stability of Mexico.

Zoe Robledo, general director of the IMSS assured that the financial viability of the institute is guaranteed for the next twelve years, that is until 2033, but did not report any government plan to extend that term.

No grandiose projects are needed, just well-planned smart investments to strengthen Social Security, and ensure its viability unless by Franciscan austerity they undermine that pillar of Mexico's political and social stability.

Will state and local police last?

The Secretary of Security and Citizen Protection Rosa Icela Rodríguez defended the policy of "hugs, not bullets" and assure that it has avoided more innocent victims, which is, being generous, an imprecision contradicted by the official figures.

This policy, described by whoever writes this as "laizzes faire", letting go, letting go, has not reduced criminal violence and, for all practical purposes, has neutralized local and state police in almost all entities, except in the more prosperous.

The selective federalization of security has distorted any effort to strengthen local and state police forces, and worst of all, they are complicating the possibility that there will be better and new police in the Republic. At the time.

Swirling notes

In the discussion about the benefits of increasing minimum wages, sometimes they seem to ignore the opinion of small companies, for which fair increases are usually an onerous burden ... Who was charged with pending the authorization of the US regulatory authorities? of Mexico's purchase of the Deer Park refinery in Texas? The year is almost over and approval is still bogged down ... Mrs. Rosario Piedra Ibarra's dismantling of the CNDH structure makes one wonder if she is following orders or being vindictive ... Today the Senate will ratify the presidential appointment of Victoria Rodríguez to be the governor of the Bank of Mexico ... Abraham Lincoln gave a warning: "Almost all men can overcome adversity, but if you want to test the character of a man, give him Power" ...

Jose Fonseca Political Journalist
Mexico Daily Post

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Polarization in Mexico, an undeniable reality - Mexico Daily Post

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The ruling party uses the polls to try to cover the sun with a finger and deny that the presidential narrative has polarized Mexico with its daily diatribes of "us against them, against the conservatives." True, President López Obrador arrives with an acceptance of 65% and a rejection of 34%, but despite all his efforts, [...]

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From searching on social media on the topic of political polarization in Mexico, I found that most actors who post on the topic are not actually heavily involved in the issue. I found many examples such as the one on the twitter page of individuals who will post on the subject and then post silly unrelated memes or about sports games. I could not find any series social media accounts which held a stance on the position or aimed to educate the public on what is going on in mexico

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Reuters appears to be an unbiased news source. In this article, it is discussing Mexico's inflation decreasing which may have an effect on the polarization issues.

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By Natalia Siniawski

MEXICO CITY (Reuters) -Mexico's headline inflation decelerated more than forecast by analysts in early February, data from the national statistics agency showed on Thursday.

Annual headline inflation in the first half of the month came down to 7.76% from 7.94% a month earlier, while economists polled by Reuters had forecast 7.80%. Meanwhile the core index, which strips out some volatile food and energy prices, hit 8.38% on an annual basis, with a surprise of -0.04%.

However, annual inflation still remains above the Bank of Mexico's target rate of 3%, plus or minus one percentage point.

Consumer prices rose 0.30% during the first half of February, the national statistics agency said on Thursday, while the closely watched core price index climbed 0.35% in the period.

The pick-up in services inflation "will continue to concern policymakers" at the central bank, analyst Jason Turvey of Capital Economics said in a note.

It may take another three to six months for the core index to come back down, analysts at Pantheon Macroeconomics said, due to "tight financial conditions, slowing domestic demand, the rebound of the (Mexican peso) and falling raw input prices."

Banxico, as the central bank is known, has raised its key interest rate by 700 basis points since its rate-hiking cycle started in June 2021. This month, it raised the rate by a larger-than-expected 50 basis points to 11%.

Central bank deputy governor Jonathan Heath told Reuters last week that the bank's monetary tightening cycle is nearing its end and nominal interest rates could top out at between 11.25% and 11.75%, at which point rates would be kept steady to allow them to take effect.

(Reporting by Natalia Siniawski; Editing by Steven Grattan and Will Dunham)

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Mexico's inflation decreases slightly more than forecast

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By Natalia Siniawski MEXICO CITY (Reuters) -Mexico's headline inflation decelerated more than forecast by analysts in early February, data from the national statistics agency showed on Thursday. Annual headline inflation in the first half of the month came down to 7.76% from 7.94% a month earlier, while economists polled by Reuters had forecast 7.80%.

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The news source ABC has a left bias towards their opinions, in this case, Mexico's senate approving electoral reform. ABC is considered to be only slightly left slanted though.

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MEXICO CITY -- Mexico's Senate on Wednesday approved a reform of the country's electoral institute, a move that opponents say will undercut democracy but which the president contends will save money and reduce political privileges.

Lawmakers voted 72-50 in favor of the controversial overhaul of the body overseeing Mexico's election s. Opponents immediately said they will challenge the changes in the supreme court. Protests are planned in multiple cities.

The reform still needs to be enacted by President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, but that is seen as a formality since he backs the initiative, which would reduce the size of the institute and limit its supervisory and sanctioning powers.

Some opposition lawmakers held up posters reading: "Morena wants to steal the elections," referring to López Obrador's ruling Morena party. Mexico has presidential elections scheduled for next year.

The legislative initiative, known as "Plan B", was proposed by the president in December after he did not obtain enough votes in Congress for a constitutional reform that carried deeper electoral changes.

The president has repeatedly denied that the reform package could put the elections in Mexico at risk, saying the initiative seeks to cut the National Electoral Institute's large budget and end its privileges.

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Mexico's Senate approves controversial electoral reform

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MEXICO CITY -- Mexico's Senate on Wednesday approved a reform of the country's electoral institute, a move that opponents say will undercut democracy but which the president contends will save money and reduce political privileges. Lawmakers voted 72-50 in favor of the controversial overhaul of the body overseeing Mexico's election s.

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Mexico Today is your top source for news about Mexico

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About midway through the three-day North Capital Forum in Mexico City's Centro Histórico last week, I started having the most

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Both Mexicodaily.com and Mexicotoday.com are local news sources in Mexico. They also contain links to supposedly trusted reporters and journalists in Mexico who are featured on these sites such as Andres Martinez.

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When researching political polarization generally, educational sources such as Harvard are the most common sources on information about the political polarization in Mexico.