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Redistricting resources and how to protect and fight for redistricting efforts after they have passed.

The place of protest in the struggle for democratic voting rights.

Attending the voting rights of the unhoused, incarcerated, etc....

Speaking up, as necessary practice in the struggle for democracy.

Overcoming fear, practicing values, relational organizing etc-> as part of GOTV efforts.

Gentrification and its suppression of Democracy.

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The Struggle for Democracy: history overview

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The Struggle for Democracy: history overview

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The right to vote—and who may exercise it—has changed continuously over the course of United States' history. While states have traditionally determined requirements for voting, the federal government has taken several actions that have altered those requirements in an attempt to create more equity and equality in the process. Today, in order to vote in federal elections, one must be a United States citizen, at least 18 years old by the date of the general election, and a resident of the state in which one votes. However, these requirements used to be more restrictive.

Voting After the American Revolution

Following the American Revolution, the new country transitioned from a period of being under British rule to developing its own government. After the failure of the Articles of Confederation, the country adopted the United States Constitution in 1787. Article 1 of the Constitution empowers state legislatures to oversee federal elections. Suffrage, or the right to vote, was granted exclusively to white, land-owning men. Since they were at such an early stage of the republic, the founders believed these men’s economic ties to the country were valuable.

However, a growing number of men began to champion an expansion of

suffrage

during the early 1800s. Following a period that lacked political parties or choices for voters, the 1820s saw the return of a two-party political system, as well as a renewed interest in

suffrage

. White men continued to move West in search of available land, but many did not feel that ownership should be a requirement for voting. Many states removed that requirement, opening the door for complete white male

suffrage

.

Voting After the Civil War

While the country celebrated the expansion of voting rights for white men of all economic levels, the electorate still lacked diversity. Gender and race exclusions still restricted the ability of many citizens living within the United States to exercise the right to vote. Following the conclusion of the American Civil War in the 1860s, the Radical Republicans controlled Congress. These men were primarily white Northerners who wanted to restrict the political power of the South following its rebellion against the U.S. federal government. As a result of the 13th Amendment, a large number of African Americans living in the South were freed from slavery, in addition to the many living in the North. Radical Republicans saw this as an opportunity not only to help their own cause, but also to extend

suffrage

to African American men. In 1870, the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution was ratified, declaring that the "right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude."

The ratification of the

15th

Amendment

, which affirmed the right of African American men to vote, followed that of the 14th Amendment, which classified anyone born in the United States a citizen. The 14th

Amendment

also granted "the equal protection of the laws" to all citizens. While this

amendment

became the basis for citizenship, along with the Indian Citizen Act of 1924 (this allowed for Native Americans to vote but did not enforce the right; it would take 40 more years until all U.S. states granted full

suffrage

to Native Americans), it would also be cited more than any other in litigation. The

14th

Amendment

would also be at the center of the civil rights movement, which attempted to combat discrimination African Americans faced for nearly a century after its passage.

African Americans faced Supreme Court challenges (Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896) that condoned separation of the races, as well as challenges at the polls. Having to pay a poll tax and pass a literacy test were just some examples of legalized state

discrimination

that African Americans faced in their attempts to exercise their right to vote. Many also faced threats of violence, lynching, and other scare tactics. It was not until the 1960s that the federal government more effectively protected their right to vote. After a series of speeches, sit-ins, and marches in Selma, Alabama, and other cities in the South, the 24th

Amendment

—which abolished poll taxes—and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 protected the right to vote for African Americans and others. In the 2013 case Shelby County v. Holder, the Supreme Court weakened the Voting Rights Act. Specifically, the court struck down a section of the law that required states with a history of race-based voter discrimination to gain federal approval before changing their election rules.

The Fight for Women’s Suffrage

Women were important supporters of the abolition movement in the mid-19th century, as they saw parallels with their own inequality during the period. A women’s rights movement developed around the 1840s under the leadership of women such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott. At the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848 they introduced the “Declaration of Sentiments,” which included a revision to the Declaration of Independence, that “all men and women are created equal.” While their attempts to achieve women’s

suffrage

were unsuccessful at the time, they inspired future campaigners.

Wyoming was the first state to give women the right to vote in 1869, but it was not until 1920 that white women were granted the ability to vote nationwide. African American women continued to face obstacles to vote for many years following the 19th Amendment. The Progressive movement’s reforms and women’s work in industry during World War I helped drive support. The National American Woman

Suffrage

Association’s constant protests, campaigning, and marches finally gained support from prominent politicians, such as President Woodrow Wilson, following the war. It was a catalyst that led more women to become involved in politics and government.

The ratification of the 26th

Amendment

in 1971 lowered the voting age to 18, extending

suffrage

to more young adults.

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Voting Rights Throughout United States History | National Geographic Society

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Voting rights in the United States have not always been equally accessible. African Americans and women of all ethnicities have fought, and continue to fight, especially hard to have their voices heard.

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Over the last 20 years, states have put barriers in front of the ballot box - imposing strict voter ID laws, cutting voting times, restricting registration, and purging voter rolls. These efforts, which received a boost when the Supreme Court weakened the Voting Rights Act in 2013, have kept significant numbers of eligible voters from the polls, hitting all Americans, but placing special burdens on racial minorities, poor people, and young and old voters.

The Brennan Center fights vote suppression on every front. Our lawsuits have blocked or weakened some of the worst suppression schemes, including Texas's strict voter ID law. And our groundbreaking research has helped win the battle for public opinion. We have shown that voter fraud and illegal voting - often cited to justify regressive voting laws- aren't a systematic and widespread occurrence; racial minorities are much more likely than whites to lack accepted voter ID; and that there is a growing threat of voter roll purges, which risk disenfranchising large numbers of eligible voters.

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Vote suppression has a long and ugly history in the United States, and over the last two decades, it has resurfaced with a vengeance. Through research, lawsuits, and advocacy, the Brennan Center is fighting vote suppression on every front.

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https://vote.narf.org/

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Attorney: Matthew L. Campbell, Jacqueline De León

A History of Native Voting Rights

The right to vote is considered a fundamental right within our democracy; however, for Native Americans, the fight to obtain voting rights is couched in a long history of racism and struggle. When the Fourteenth Amendment was passed in 1866, making all persons born in the United States citizens, Indians on reservations were specifically excluded. Michigan Senator Jacob Howard opined, "I am not yet prepared to pass a sweeping act of naturalization by which all the Indian savages, wild or tame, belonging to a tribal relation, are to become my fellow-citizens and go to the polls and vote with me..." (Congressional Globe. May 30, 1866). page 2895). There were pragmatic reasons, beyond racism, to keep Native Americans from voting; given their large numbers, votes by Native Americans at the time would have wielded significant political power.

It was more than half a century later that the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 ensured all Native Americans born within the United States citizenship. However, the Act did not automatically enforce the right to vote. While the Fifteenth Amendment declared that a citizen's right to vote could not be denied on account of race, many states were able to find other reasons to deny Native peoples the vote-residing on a reservation, tribal enrollment, taxation, and incompetency were all used as reasons for denying Native citizens in some states the right to vote. One outcome being that, thousands of Native veterans, including American Indian Code Talkers returning from World War II, found themselves prohibited from participating in basic civil liberties in the nation that they fought to protect.

The Voting Rights Act of 1965 finally outlawed exclusionary practices that "deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color." However, despite these protections and subsequent legislation, discriminatory practices continue to this day. Since its inception in 1970, NARF has worked on cases to ensure equal and fair access to voting for Native citizens. Repeatedly we have encountered voting rights abuses against Native Americans in Alaska, South Dakota, Montana, Arizona, New Mexico, and other states with significant Native American populations. In addition, in the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court's 2013 decision striking down parts of the Voting Rights Act, numerous state legislatures have passed new election laws that impose significant barriers to Native voters.

The Native American Voting Rights Coalition

In January 2015, NARF proposed an ambitious new project: gathering voting rights advocates, lawyers, civil rights experts, and tribal advocates into one room to discuss current problems with voting in Indian Country and begin to develop solutions to these problems. Previously, individuals and organizations working to protect Native voting rights did so independently, with no coordinated strategy in place. Often, the work was reactive-in response to an immediate threat-rather than proactive or planned in advance of an election. That is what NARF's project was meant to change. Thus, the Native American Voting Rights Coalition (NAVRC) was formed.

The NAVRC includes, among others: Native American Rights Fund (NARF); National Congress of American Indians (NCAI); American Civil Liberties Union, Voting Rights Project (ACLU); Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights (LCCR); Fair Elections Center; Western Native Voice; and Four Directions. NAVRC is organized into three working groups: legislation and policy issues (led by NCAI); litigation (led by NARF); and capacity building and education issues (led by LCCR).

The project's main goal is to remove barriers to Native American voter registration and voting, increase Native civic engagement, and foster a more informed and active Native electorate. With mounting evidence of voter suppression and violations of voting rights laws, NAVRC has accelerated its work. This work includes: (1) planning for redistricting related to the 2020 census; (2) addressing violations observed in the 2016 elections; and (3) overseeing the largest survey of Native voters ever conducted to discover the state of voting in Indian Country.
Visit vote.narf.org to learn more about the Native American Voting Rights Coalition and its current activities.
Read More: Promote Native American Human Rights

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Native American Voting Rights Coalition - Native American Rights Fund

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Attorney: Matthew L. Campbell, Jacqueline De León The right to vote is considered a fundamental right within our democracy; however, for Native Americans, the fight to obtain voting rights is couched in a long history of racism and struggle.

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https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/voting-rights/how-the-native-american-vote-continues-to-be-suppressed/

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Despite the passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924, many Native Americans living on reservations continued to be excluded from the democratic process. In 1948, Native Americans in New Mexico and Arizona successfully litigated their right to vote. Utah and North Dakota became the last states to afford on-reservation Native Americans the right to vote in 1957 and 1958, respectively. When the right to vote was finally secured, voter suppression laws kept Native Americans from voting and seeking elected office. In Arizona, for example, Native Americans could not fully participate in voting until 1970 when the Supreme Court upheld the ban against using literacy tests ( Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 U.S. 112 (1970)). Today, the right to vote continues to be challenged through the passage of new laws and practices that either fail to consider, disregard, or intentionally target Native American voters.

In order to understand the challenges faced by Native American voters, one must recognize the vast differences in experiences, opportunities, and realities facing on-reservation voters as compared to off-reservation voters.

I will never forget the Navajo grandmother who spoke only Navajo and could not vote after Arizona passed its voter ID law in 2004. She tried several times to obtain an Arizona ID on her own but was denied because she was born at home in a hogan, and the boarding schools changed her Navajo name to English. She lived in a modest home on the Navajo Reservation without electricity and running water, and lived a traditional lifestyle taking care of her sheep. She was embarrassed and devastated when she was turned away from the polls for not having an ID. Working with her, a team from the Indian Legal Clinic traveled five hours to meet her at multiple agency offices to obtain her delayed birth certificate; we then went to two separate Motor Vehicle Division Offices. The first one did not issue same-day photo IDs, and the other initially denied her request. The office rejected her delayed Navajo birth certificate, until I was able to intervene and demonstrate to them that it was an acceptable document. The system failed to consider her reality as a Navajo woman and failed to value her as a voter. Fortunately, she was persistent in exercising her right to vote, but not all voters are, nor should they have to be.

This example helps explain why voting can be difficulty for Native American voters. Turnout for Native Americans is the lowest in the country, as compared to other groups. While a number of issues contribute to the low voter turnout, a study conducted by the Native American Voting Rights Coalition found that low levels of trust in government, lack of information on how and where to register and to vote, long travel distances to register or to vote, low levels of access to the internet, hostility toward Native Americans, and intimidation are obstacles. Isolating conditions such as language barriers, socioeconomic disparities, lack of access to transportation, lack of residential addresses, lack of access to mail, and the digital divide limit Native American political participation. Changes to voting processes further frustrate the ability of Native Americans to vote.

As part of their socioeconomic reality, Native Americans face obstacles when making choices about feeding their families or expending resources that might affect their right to vote. This could include renewing their P.O. box, replacing an ID to update a residential address, or driving a considerable distance to register to vote or vote. Nationally, the poverty rate of Native Americans is 26.8 percent. Native Americans are more likely to work multiple jobs, lack reliable transportation, and lack adequate childcare resources, thus making voting pragmatically difficult.

An additional problem affecting many Native Americans is homelessness or near homelessness due to extreme poverty and lack of affordable housing on many reservations. A study by the Department of Housing and Urban Development found that between 42,000 and 85,000 people in tribal areas are couch surfers, staying with friends or relatives only because they have no place of their own. This lack of permanent housing impacts the ability of these tribal members to have a permanent physical address, yet this should not impede their ability to exercise their right to vote.

Nontraditional Addresses, Voter Registration, and Voter ID Laws

Something as simple as not having a residential address impacts all aspects of voting, including getting your mail, registering to vote, and complying with ever-increasing voter ID laws.

While 84 percent of the U.S. population lives in urban areas, many Native Americans and Alaska Natives live in rural communities that lack residential addresses. Homes are usually described in terms of landmarks, crossroads, and directions. Numerous roads on reservations are unimproved dirt or gravel roads in poor quality and are often unnamed. After storms, many roads are impassable. Due to these poor conditions, the U.S. Postal Service does not deliver mail to the majority of the reservation residents at their homes.

Due to the lack of residential addresses, most residents rely on P.O. boxes in a nearby town or get their mail through a trading post or other location. Some reservation residents have to travel up to 70 miles in one direction to receive mail. In Arizona, for example, only 18 percent of reservation voters outside of Maricopa and Pima Counties have residential addresses and receive mail at home. The Navajo Nation, the largest reservation in the United States-larger than West Virginia-does not have an addressing program, and most people live in remote communities. Similarly, many other reservations lack home mail delivery. On the Tohono O'odham Reservation, there are 1,900 P.O. boxes and some cluster mailboxes. Residents may check their mail every two weeks, and some only once per month.

Through no fault of the voter, the lack of a residential address can result in the political subdivision placing the voter in the wrong precinct, the voter's ID address not matching the voter rolls, and/or the voter not receiving election mail timely, if at all.

While many Americans can register to vote through the click of a button from the comfort of their homes, that is simply not the case for reservation residents. For reservation voters, there are few opportunities to register or update their voter registration due to location of voter registration services, the lack of residential addresses, and lack of broadband capability. Less than half of the homes on tribal lands have reliable broadband access. Even if a voter has access to broadband on the reservation, most online voter registration systems require a state ID to register to vote and do not accept tribal IDs. In Arizona, for example, an individual must have a state ID and a residential address on file with the Department of Motor Vehicles to register online, eliminating this option for most reservation residents.

Registering to vote online or driving somewhere to register to vote, or voting itself, can be logistically challenging if not economically infeasible. For example, in Arizona, the lack of residential addresses resulted in registered voters having their IDs rejected at the polls or being included on a suspense list, meaning the voter is not placed in a voting precinct. While county offices may offer in-person voter registration during normal business hours, this can be challenging for Native American voters who may live 100 miles or more from the county seat. Further, for some Native American and Alaska Natives, oral translations must be provided for voter registration and voting.

Voter ID laws further complicate this issue. Native Americans are less likely to have a form of ID compliant with voter ID laws requiring residential addresses because in addition to states failing to consider tribal IDs when passing these laws, there are also socioeconomic and institutional factors that keep reservation residents from obtaining IDs. Although many tribes issue IDs, not all tribal IDs include addresses. Even if a tribal member has an ID with an address, because reservation voters lack residential addresses, the ID may have a P.O. box or descriptive address. Nontraditional addresses do not fit into county database systems, resulting in counties reassigning addresses to voters. This may result in the ID being rejected due to insufficient poll worker training or because it does not match the residential address in the voter file. This has resulted in voters being denied a regular ballot because the address on their IDs did not match the addresses assigned by the counties for the voter registration database.

A voter ID law requiring a residential address went into effect in North Dakota right before the 2018 midterm elections that expressly excluded the use of P.O. boxes as residential addresses. Over 5,000 Native Americans lacked the requisite form of ID to vote, as no reservation had residential addresses. The tribes searched for solutions prior to Election Day. The North Dakota Secretary of State informed tribal leaders that voters could call the county 911 coordinator to receive an address. This was a meager solution given that most of the tribal reservations span multiple jurisdictions, creating inconsistencies and confusion for tribes. For Sioux County, where the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe is located, the 911 coordinator is the county sheriff, which posed a deterrent for community members wary of law enforcement. When a Standing Rock Sioux tribal member called to determine her residential address, the sheriff told her that he was transporting prisoners and could not assign addresses that day. Another voter was assigned a residential address corresponding to a nearby bar, exposing that tribal member to fraud if he voted based on that address.

As a result, North Dakota tribes had to create emergency plans to produce residential addresses and corresponding IDs for their members. They kept their offices open for extended hours and began providing free IDs to tribal members, to the point where the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa's ID machine overheated. Although the Secretary of State never explicitly endorsed the tribes' plan, the tribes were left with no other options and had to undertake the extraordinary effort in order to ensure that their tribal members could vote.

While tribes took actions to issue free tribal IDs meeting the new requirements, they expended resources they did not have in order to assist their tribal members. Tribal members in North Dakota have high unemployment and poverty rates. At Spirit Lake, almost 50 percent of the tribal members live below the poverty line; and at Turtle Mountain, the unemployment rate is almost 70 percent. Native American voters living on reservations have the same constitutional right to vote as any other citizen. In this instance, tribal governments had to expend their own resources to ensure that tribal members could vote in state and federal elections.

Access to In-Person Polling Locations and the Vote-By-Mail Movement

If a Native American or Alaska Native voter living in a rural community overcomes the inherent barriers of nonstandard addresses, voter registration barriers, and manages to have the correct ID, the voter may be further burdened by the vote-by-mail system or the lack of available polling places. Voting by mail is often unreliable and not as accessible for Native Americans living on reservations as it is for off-reservation voters. Native American voters are less likely to have mail delivered to their homes, especially when living on tribal lands. Many on-reservation voters live in rural areas where it is common for mail to arrive late or not at all. Non-Hispanic whites are 350 percent more likely to have mail delivered to their homes than Native Americans in Arizona. The difficulties accessing mail make voting by mail difficult because traveling to the P.O. box to pick up your ballot and then returning it can be an all-day task; without a car, it may be impossible. Similar concerns exist for Alaska Native voters in rural villages who rely on shared P.O. boxes, and at times, mail delivery may take up to three weeks due to weather. In addition, many Native American languages are oral; therefore, language assistance to Native American voters requires in-person translations, which cannot be done through mail.

Because of increased urbanization, many people and policymakers do not understand why it can be difficult for individuals to get to a polling location or to vote by mail. For some, voting by mail has given them more choices and made voting more convenient. However, we need to think about the effects on minority and language minority populations when we eliminate or move polling locations because a right as sacred as voting should not be lost for minority populations in search of convenience for other populations.

The following examples illustrate how decisions made by elected officials affect the ability of Native voters to participate in the democratic process. In 2008, the Alaskan government eliminated polling locations for Alaska Native villages as part of a "district realignment" that resulted in voters having to travel by plane in order to vote. In 2016, the Pyramid Lake and Walker River Paiute Tribes in Nevada filed a lawsuit prior to the 2016 general election in order to get polling locations on the reservation. In 2016, San Juan County, Utah, switched a mail-only voting system and offered in-person early voting only in the majority white part of the county; the Navajo Nation sued to ensure in-person locations and compliance with the language assistance requirements under Section 203 of the Voting Rights Act.

For the Kaibab Paiute Tribe in Arizona, voters had to travel 280 miles one way in 2016 and 2018 in order to vote early in person. When Pima County closed early voting on the Pascua Yaqui Reservation in 2018, Pascua Yaqui voters reported that it took over two hours to participate in early voting using public transportation. Recently, the closure of polling locations on the Mandan Hidatsa Reservation in North Dakota resulted in voters having to travel 80-100 miles in order to cast a ballot. These examples demonstrate the extreme distances voters must travel and obstacles they must overcome in order to vote. The prevalence of these barriers undermines our democracy and contributes to low voter participation among Native Americans.

Native American Voting Rights Act

Congress introduced the Native American Voting Rights Act of 2019 (H.R. 1694; S. 739) to remove voting barriers and improve access to voting for Native American and Alaska Native voters. The legislation would provide resources and oversight to ensure that Native Americans have equal access to the voting process. In furtherance of the trust responsibility, the bill would require the Department of Justice to consult annually with tribes on voting issues. Key elements of the bill include improving access to voter registration sites and polling locations, approving the use of tribal IDs for election purposes, and requiring jurisdictions to consult with tribes prior to closing voter registration or polling locations on Indian lands. The bill explicitly states that a tribal ID need not include a residential address or expiration date for voting purposes. The bill would also create a Native American Voting Task Force grant program to provide much needed funding for voter outreach, education, registration, and turnout in Native American communities.

Conclusion

Legislation suppressing the right to vote purports to be neutral; however, in many instances it undermines the most basic right to participate in our democracy. The loss of the right to vote is the loss of a voice in the democratic process. We should do more to ensure that all Americans, including Native Americans, can exercise this right easily and with undue hardship.

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How the Native American Vote Continues to be Suppressed

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Despite the passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924, many Native Americans living on reservations continued to be excluded from the democratic process. In 1948, Native Americans in New Mexico and Arizona successfully litigated their right to vote. Utah and North Dakota became the last states to afford on-reservation Native Americans the right to vote in 1957 and 1958, respectively.

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The Fight for rights and Democracy in Legacies

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The Fight for rights and Democracy in Legacies

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https://gotvmi.org/

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Promote The Vote Michigan: Coalition of Community Partners

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Promote The Vote Michigan: Coalition of Community Partners

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ACLU of Michigan

America Votes-Michigan

Center for Secure and Modern Elections

MI League of Women Voters

NAACP State Conference

Michigan Voice

Progress Michigan

All Voting is Local

Michigan Protection and Advocacy

People with Disabilities Voting Rights Working Group

Campus Voter Project

Center for Civic Design

The Democracy Initiative

Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights Under Law

Demos

Brennan Center for Justice

Voteriders

Vote.org

SiX

The Impact Fund

Civic Engagement Partners

ACCESS

Emgage

Ezekiel Project

Detroit Action

We the People

MI League of Conservation Voters

Voters Not Politicians

Michigan United

ROC – Michigan

Equality Michigan

Just Leadership

Nation Outside

Economic Justice Alliance of Michigan

A. Phillip Randolph Institute

New American Leaders

Rising Voices of Asian American Families

APIA-Vote

MOSES

Chaldean Community Foundation

Detroit Hispanic Development Corporation

NextGen

Sunrise Movement

482 Forward

Turn Up Turn Out

Planned Parenthood

Clean Water Action

MI Liberation

We the People

For Our Future

Michigan Faith in Action

Detroit Disability Power

Warriors on Wheels

MI AFL-CIO

AFT

UAW

SEIU

AFSCME

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American Association of University Women of Michigan (AAUW)

ADL Michigan (Anti-Defamation League)

Detroit Change Initiative

Emergent justice

Empower MI Vote

Gray Panthers of Metro Detroit

Interfaith Action of SW Michigan

League of Women Voters Saginaw County

Michigan Coalition for Human Rights

Royal Oak Area Democratic Club

Southeast Michigan Jobs with Justice

Individuals

Adrianna Duchene

Alexandria N Franz

Alisa Stewart

Andy Ross

Barbara E Phillips

Bobbie Gaunt

Carl Blassingame

Charles DeGryse

Charles Thomas

Charles Thomas

Chauntelle Shearer

Christine Gerace

Cindy C Johnston

Connie Feuerstein

Connie Feuerstein

Cynthia Miller

Dave Sarkipato

David Ball

David Barnosky

David Bruneel

Felicity McKay

Gerald Nichols

Gloria Mills

Holly Fine

Ilene Sommers

Ira Frank Lourie

JAN PEER

Janet Kiley

Jay S Johnson

Jessica Reiser

Joseph Verreau

Joseph Verreau

June Picard

Kelly Ferry

Ken Neumann

Ken Peterson

Kristin Jager

Larry Bush

Larry Feldman

Latrelle Burk

Linda Michaels Gruber

Lori A. Wenrich

Martha Woodruff

Marti Spieth

Mary Kay Schueneman

Michael D Volker

Mike Hawley

Mindy LePere

Nancy M Johnson

Nick Ciaramitaro

Olivia Howard

Paul Chuba

Philip Coon

Renee Stout

Robert Barker

Robert Bethune

Robin Danek

Samantha Meinke

Sharon Fay

Stephen Buckley

Tom Weeks

Walter Holmes

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American Association of University Women of Michigan (AAUW) ADL Michigan (Anti-Defamation League) Detroit Change Initiative Emergent justice Empower MI Vote Gray Panthers of Metro Detroit Interfaith Action of SW Michigan League of Women Voters Saginaw County Michigan Coalition for Human Rights Royal Oak Area Democratic Club Southeast Michigan Jobs with

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 The effects of the Prison-Industrial Complex in the Struggle for Democracy

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 The effects of the Prison-Industrial Complex in the Struggle for Democracy