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Today we are reading about ways to stay healthy mentally and physically. For me that is yoga!

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I made chicken tikka masala and rice! I love Indian food!

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My step mom and i made a dutch apple pie and ate it for dessert it was really good

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Dork diaries by Rachel Renee Russell

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One of my favorite female authors of color is Yaa Gyasi.  Her book Homegoing is one of the best books I've read recently! I can't wait to read her new book Transcendent Kingdom

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I just finished Death on the Nile, a murder mystery.  I'm super excited because there is a movie version coming out later this year!

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Blackouts are caused by storms with lightning, and I don't have a compleatly black outfit. (This is best I got)

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I was reading middle school the worst years of my life to my brother

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I am reading the giver and it is a good book. This is my favorite book

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Silly hair and a favorite book! I LOVE reading mysteries :)

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I am reading insignificant events in the like of a cactus about a girl who was born with out arms and is afraid of being judged

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Today we are reading something written by someone with a different background than ourselves. I am reading an essay from Trevor Noah's book Born a Crime. He was born in South Africa during Apartheid.

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2 people in it are women. 1 during revelutionary war acted as a spy for us. She was unknown. 2 during WW1 took a disguise and worked to help end war, she was in belgium and was a jew.

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This article was most recently revised and updated by

Susan B. Anthony, (born February 15, 1820, Adams, Massachusetts, U.S.-died March 13, 1906, Rochester, New York), American activist who was a pioneer crusader for the women's suffrage movement in the United States and was president (1892-1900) of the National Woman Suffrage Association. Her work helped pave the way for the Nineteenth Amendment (1920) to the Constitution, giving women the right to vote.

Early life

Anthony was reared in the Quaker tradition in a home pervaded by a tone of independence and moral zeal. She was a precocious child and learned to read and write at the age of three. After the family moved from Massachusetts to Battensville, New York, in 1826, she attended a district school, then a school set up by her father, and finally a boarding school near Philadelphia. In 1839 she took a position in a Quaker seminary in New Rochelle, New York. From 1846 to 1849 she taught at a female academy in upstate New York.

Abolition, temperance, and women's suffrage

Anthony subsequently settled in her family home, now near Rochester, New York. There she met many leading abolitionists, including Frederick Douglass, Parker Pillsbury, Wendell Phillips, William Henry Channing, and William Lloyd Garrison. Soon the temperance movement enlisted her sympathy and then, after meeting Amelia Bloomer and through her Elizabeth Cady Stanton, so did that of women's suffrage.

The rebuff of Anthony's attempt to speak at a temperance meeting in Albany in 1852 prompted her to organize the Woman's New York State Temperance Society, of which Stanton became president, and pushed Anthony farther in the direction of women's rights advocacy. In a short time she became known as one of the cause's most zealous, serious advocates, a dogged and tireless worker whose personality contrasted sharply with that of her friend and coworker Stanton. She was also a prime target of public and newspaper abuse. While campaigning for a liberalization of New York's laws regarding married women's property rights, an end attained in 1860, Anthony served from 1856 as chief New York agent of Garrison's American Anti-Slavery Society. During the early phase of the Civil War she helped organize the Women's National Loyal League, which urged the case for emancipation. After the war she campaigned unsuccessfully to have the language of the Fourteenth Amendment altered to allow for woman as well as African American suffrage, and in 1866 she became corresponding secretary of the newly formed American Equal Rights Association. Her exhausting speaking and organizing tour of Kansas in 1867 failed to win passage of a state enfranchisement law.

In 1868 Anthony became publisher, and Stanton editor, of a new periodical, The Revolution, originally financed by the eccentric George Francis Train. The same year, she represented the Working Women's Association of New York, which she had recently organized, at the National Labor Union convention. In January 1869 she organized a women's suffrage convention in Washington, D.C., and in May she and Stanton formed the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA). A portion of the organization deserted later in the year to join Lucy Stone's more conservative American Woman Suffrage Association, but the NWSA remained a large and powerful group, and Anthony continued to serve as its principal leader and spokeswoman.

In 1870 she relinquished her position at The Revolution and embarked on a series of lecture tours to pay off the paper's accumulated debts. As a test of the legality of the suffrage provision of the Fourteenth Amendment, she cast a vote in the 1872 presidential election in Rochester, New York. She was arrested, convicted (the judge's directed verdict of guilty had been written before the trial began, and she called the proceedings "the greatest judicial outrage history has ever recorded"), and fined, and although she refused to pay the fine, the case was carried no farther. She traveled constantly, often with Stanton, in support of efforts in various states to win the franchise for women: California in 1871, Michigan in 1874, Colorado in 1877, and elsewhere. In 1890, after lengthy discussions, the rival suffrage associations were merged into the National American Woman Suffrage Association, and after Stanton resigned in 1892, Anthony became president. Her principal lieutenant in later years was Carrie Chapman Catt.

By the 1890s Anthony had largely outlived the abuse and sarcasm that had attended her early efforts, and she emerged as a national heroine. Her visits to the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago in 1893 and to the Lewis and Clark Exposition in Portland, Oregon, in 1905 were warmly received, as were her trips to London in 1899 and Berlin in 1904 as head of the U.S. delegation to the International Council of Women (which she helped found in 1888). In 1900, at age 80, she retired from the presidency of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, passing it on to Catt. Anthony died in 1906, 14 years before the Nineteenth Amendment was passed.

Writings, dollar coin, and museum

Principal among Anthony's written works are the first four volumes of the six-volume History of Woman Suffrage, written with Stanton and Matilda J. Gage. Various of her writings are collected in The Elizabeth Cady Stanton-Susan B. Anthony Reader (1992), edited by Ellen Carol DuBois, and The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony (1997), edited by Ann D. Gordon. With the issue of a new dollar coin in 1979, Anthony became the first woman to be depicted on United States currency, although the honour was somewhat mitigated by popular rejection of the coin because its size was so similar to that of the 25-cent coin.

The opening in 2010 of the Susan B. Anthony Birthplace Museum in Adams, Massachusetts, on the occasion of the 190th anniversary of Anthony's birth, stirred controversy when the owner of the property and president of the museum led with an exhibit presenting Anthony as an antiabortion feminist in 21st-century terms. Further controversy followed in 2020 when U.S. Pres. Donald Trump pardoned Anthony for her 1872 conviction. The move was criticized by historians and others who argued that Anthony did not believe she had committed a crime and that the pardon validated the trial.
The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
Amy Tikkanen.

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Susan B. Anthony | Biography, Accomplishments, Dollar, Suffrage, & Facts

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Susan B. Anthony, American activist who was a pioneer crusader for the women's suffrage movement in the U.S. and was president (1892-1900) of the National Woman Suffrage Association. Her work helped pave the way for the Nineteenth Amendment (1920) to the Constitution, giving women the right to vote.

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I have the book she's holding, it's great. You should read it.

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Today I'm reading this article about Ruth Bader Ginsburg. She is one of my heroes!

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When Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg began her legal career in 1959, the United States was a nation of gender apartheid. Women were formally regarded as second-class citizens whose duties consisted of finding a husband, raising children, and maintaining a home. They were barred from countless professions, frequently denied access to an education, and paid substantially less than men-openly and legally-who did the same work. And they had no right to control their reproductive lives. Both state and federal law viewed women as vulnerable creatures in need of protection from their own ambitions. Even Chief Justice Earl Warren's famously liberal Supreme Court unanimously upheld Florida's exclusion of women from mandatory jury service in 1961, reasoning that "woman is still regarded as the center of home and family life."

Ginsburg, who died on Friday at the age of 87, saw this paternalistic head-patting for what it was: rank discrimination based on stereotypes that degraded everyone involved. She devoted her life to dismantling this caste. Later in life, the justice would say that she did not fight for "women's rights," but for "the constitutional principle of the equal citizenship stature of men and women." At the start of her career, this principle seemed to be a distant dream. Today, it is the law of the land-and under constant attack from reactionaries who will see, in Ginsburg's death, the opportunity to erase her legacy. The impact of that legacy on the nation she served is almost impossible to overstate.

When Ginsburg began litigating sex discrimination cases in the early 1970s, the timing appeared to be inauspicious: The court veered rightward under President Richard Nixon, seeming to bring the liberal revolution of the 1960s to a close. Yet that revolution had done little for women's equality. The Warren Court never applied the 14 th Amendment's equal protection clause to strike down a law that discriminated on the basis of sex. Feminists, fearing the Supreme Court would never recognize constitutional protections against sex discrimination, persuaded Congress to approve an Equal Rights Amendment in 1972 to make gender equality an undeniable constitutional right.

Ginsburg supported the ERA, but she also believed that right already existed; she simply had to help the Supreme Court's nine male justices see it. To do so, she found cases involving laws that discriminated against men, a brilliant strategy that scored her a string of SCOTUS victories beginning in 1971. Ginsburg recognized that the justices' judgment might be too clouded by their own biases to see how laws that ostensibly helped women-by, for instance, "protecting" them from working or owning property-actually harmed them. So she attacked laws that injured men to illustrate how sex discrimination in either direction is fundamentally irrational. One case challenged a Social Security rule that granted survivor's benefits to widows caring for minor children but denied benefits to widowers in the same situation. She described the case as "the perfect example of how gender-based discrimination hurts everyone"-a fact recognized by the court, which pointed out that Congress' sexist assumptions about parenting harmed fathers and children as much as women.

With remarkable speed, Ginsburg and her colleagues at the ACLU's Women's Rights Project-which she co-founded in 1972-persuaded the court to apply heightened scrutiny to laws that discriminate because of sex. This rule ended lawmakers' ability to justify these measures with resort to sexist stereotypes. The court acknowledged in 1973 that such "romantic paternalism" had the "practical effect" of putting women "not on a pedestal, but in a cage." Once on the court, Ginsburg would further heighten the amount of scrutiny applied to sex discrimination. In 1996's U.S. v. Virginia, she invalidated the Virginia Military Institute's male-only policy, holding that the government must put forth an "exceedingly persuasive justification" for sex discrimination. Later, in 2017, she again invoked this standard in Sessions v. Morales-Santana, clarifying that this justification must remain persuasive " today," because "new insights and societal understandings can reveal unjustified inequality ... that once passed unnoticed and unchallenged."

Over the decades, Ginsburg was constantly broadening her understanding of "unjustified inequality" beyond her own experience. The justice's explanation of "unjustified inequality" in Sessions drew from the Supreme Court's 2015 decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, which recognized same-sex couples' fundamental right to marry. Her connection between sex discrimination and anti-gay discrimination was prescient. A few months after Obergefell came down, Ginsburg noted that feminism and marriage equality are deeply intertwined. "It's a facet of the gay rights movement that people don't think about enough," the justice said. "Why suddenly marriage equality? Because it wasn't until 1981 that the court struck down Louisiana's 'head and master rule,' " which gave husbands total control over marital property. "Marriage was a relationship between the dominant, breadwinning husband and the subordinate, child-rearing wife," Ginsburg continued. States locked both partners into gender roles based on a stereotyped vision of what marriage means. "What lesbian or gay man," the justice asked, "would want that?"

Five years later, in Bostock v. Clayton County, the Supreme Court affirmed 6-3 that anti-LGBTQ discrimination is a form of sex discrimination. Ginsburg, vindicated, did not write the majority opinion. Nor did she write Obergefell. The justice was happy to let her (male) colleagues author watershed opinions safeguarding equal rights. She did not hog the spotlight and eagerly compromised to reach the proper result. The result, after all, was what mattered to her and to the country. After all, as she put it, she was not a queen, and she would not let purity get in the way of progress.

In her last term on the bench, Ginsburg saw moresetbacks.

Victories like Bostock should not obscure the fact that Ginsburg's tenure was marked by substantial setbacks for the causes she championed. After Justice Samuel Alito replaced Justice Sandra Day O'Connor in 2006, the court began retreating from reproductive rights. In 2007's Gonzales v. Carhart, the court relied on overtly sexist logic to uphold a ban on a common second-trimester abortion procedure.* The five men in the majority reasoned that the government may need to protect women from obtaining a procedure they may later regret, declaring that "respect for human life finds an ultimate expression in a mother's love for her child." (In dissent, Ginsburg castigated her colleagues for relying upon "ancient notions about women's place in the family and under the Constitution" that have "long since been discredited.")

In her last term on the bench, Ginsburg saw more setbacks. Chief Justice John Roberts diminished the constitutional right to abortion access-a right that is now in even graver peril. The court built upon its disastrous 2014 decision in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, which exempted religious corporations from the duty to provide contraceptive coverage, by upholding the Trump administration's dramatic expansion of that exemption. It also expanded the "ministerial exception" to civil rights laws, allowing religious employers to discriminate against workers on the basis of sex.

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Despite these disappointments, Ginsburg remained a relentless optimist-perhaps because she understood how far the nation has come in a relatively short period. In 2019, speaking at a sold-out arena in Little Rock, Arkansas, Ginsburg reminded spectators of the Constitution's opening line: "We the people of the United States in order to form a more perfect union." She then challenged her audience to consider how empty those words were at the time.

"Think about how things were in 1787," the justice said. "Who were 'We the people'? Certainly not people who were held in human bondage, because the original Constitution preserves slavery. Certainly not women, whatever their color, and not even men who own no property. It was a rather elite group." But over time, Ginsburg continued, "the concept of 'We the people' has become ever more inclusive," growing to encompass "slaves, women, men without property, Native Americans." Today, all these groups have won their right to participate in American democracy. And, the justice concluded, "we are certainly a more perfect union as a result of that."

The justice understood constitutional equality was an ongoing project, and she spent her life expanding equal citizenship to all Americans. That project remains unfinished, and her death will make it harder, but not impossible, to complete.

Correction, Sept. 18, 2020: This article originally misspelled Gonzales in the court case Gonzales v. Carhart.

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When Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg began her legal career in 1959, the United States was a nation of gender apartheid. Women were formally regarded as second-class citizens whose duties consisted of finding a husband, raising children, and maintaining a home.