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Tré Ventour Ed | Twitter, Instagram, Facebook | Linktree

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View treventoured's Linktree. Listen to their music on YouTube, Spotify here.

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GAIKA: The Tragic Stories of the 1919 Race Riots (2019) 

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GAIKA: The Tragic Stories of the 1919 Race Riots (2019) 

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The tragic stories of the 1919 race riots | Alt History - BBC

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'What White Looks Like: African-American Philosophers on the Whiteness Question' (ed. George Yancy, 2004)

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'What White Looks Like: African-American Philosophers on the Whiteness Question' (ed. George Yancy, 2004)

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In the burgeoning field of whiteness studies, What White Looks Like is the first volume in which the subject is addressed by African-American philosophers. George Yancy has brought together a group of thinkers who address the problematic issue of whiteness as a category requiring serious analysis. What does white look like when viewed through philosophical training and African-American experience? In this volume, Robert Birt asks if whites can 'live whiteness authentically'. Janine Jones examines what it means to be a "goodwill white." Joy James tells of beating her 'addiction' to white supremacy, while Arnold Farr writes on making whiteness visible in Western philosophy. What White Looks Like brings a badly needed critique and philosophically sophisticated perspective to a central issue of contemporary society.

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What White Looks Like: African-American Philosophers on the Whiteness Question

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In the burgeoning field of whiteness studies, What White Looks Like is the first volume in which the subject is addressed by African-American philosophers. George Yancy has brought together a group of thinkers who address the problematic issue of whiteness as a category requiring serious analysis.

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'Black and White: The Negro Society and English Society, 1555-1945' (James Walvin, 1973)

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'Black and White: The Negro Society and English Society, 1555-1945' (James Walvin, 1973)

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Black and White: The Negro and English Society, 1555-1945

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Black and White: The Negro and English Society, 1555-1945 | James Walvin | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'No More Black Messiahs: Let Black History Bask in Ordinariness: Thinking About Black Excellence in the Life of Walter Tull' (Tre Ventour-Griffiths, Leeds Beckett)

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'No More Black Messiahs: Let Black History Bask in Ordinariness: Thinking About Black Excellence in the Life of Walter Tull' (Tre Ventour-Griffiths, Leeds Beckett)

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'LONG-READ: The Alternative History to the Windrush Scandal' (Tre Ventour, 2021)

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'LONG-READ: The Alternative History to the Windrush Scandal' (Tre Ventour, 2021)

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Working with Norfamton these past weeks on the Windrush Doorstep Befriending Team, it was interesting talking to Shereen on how the original critiques of the Scandal did not go far enough in their primary challenges to the Home Office.

My family history in Britain goes back to the 1960s. L-R: Great-Grandma Toiley, Cousin Rita , Grandma Cathy, Great-Auntie Rosie, and Great-Auntie Mona (front) (Source: Noel Family Archive)

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LONG READ: The Alternative History Behind the Windrush Scandal

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LONG READ: The Alternative History Behind the Windrush Scandal. Working with Norfamton these past weeks on the Windrush Doorstep Befriending Team, it was interesting talking to Shereen on how the....

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'Walter Tull, 1888-1918 Officer, Footballer' (Phil Vasili, 2010)

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'Walter Tull, 1888-1918 Officer, Footballer' (Phil Vasili, 2010)

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Walter Tull 1888-1918 Officer Footballer

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Walter Tull 1888-1918 Officer Footballer book. Read reviews from world's largest community for readers.

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The Construction of Racial Difference in Twentieth-Century Britain: The Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925 (Laura Tabali, 1994)

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The Construction of Racial Difference in Twentieth-Century Britain: The Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925 (Laura Tabali, 1994)

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Kenneth Little wrote that the "police were under a complete misapprehension" about the legalities of the order (see p. 87); Typical is Peter Fryer's account, based solely on Brown's report in the Keys: "The local police, high-handedly and quite illegally, placed their own interpretation on the Aliens Order of 1920 and the Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925. In the eyes of the police, these measures automatically made every black seaman in Cardiff an alien, regardless of any documentary evidence a man might produce to prove he was British" (). Ron Ramdin, who derived the bulk of his data from Little and union mascot Captain Edward Tupper, fell victim to the same interpretation, speaking of the "wilful misapplication" of the order and emphasizing the role of local police, pp. 75-77, 102, 113, 491-92. Also see Walvin, pp. 209-10. Only Scobie commented on the order's obviously racist intent (p. 161).

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The Construction of Racial Difference in Twentieth-Century Britain: The Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925 | Journal of British Studies | Cambridge Core

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Kenneth Little wrote that the "police were under a complete misapprehension" about the legalities of the order (see p. 87); Typical is Peter Fryer's account, based solely on Brown's report in the Keys: "The local police, high-handedly and quite illegally, placed their own interpretation on the Aliens Order of 1920 and the Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925.

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'The Unwanted: The Secret Windrush Files' (David Olusoga, 2019)

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'The Unwanted: The Secret Windrush Files' (David Olusoga, 2019)

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David Olusoga opens secret government files to explore the Windrush scandal.

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' (David Olusoga, 2017)

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' (David Olusoga, 2017)

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A vital re-examination of a shared history, published to accompany the landmark BBC Two series. In Black and British, award-winning historian and broadcaster David Olusoga offers readers a rich and revealing exploration of the extraordinarily long relationship between the British Isles and the people of Africa.

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'White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack' (Peggy McIntosh, 1988)

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'White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack' (Peggy McIntosh, 1988)

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The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919' (Roy May and Robin Cohent, 1974)

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The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919' (Roy May and Robin Cohent, 1974)

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The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919 | May, R.; Cohen, R. | download

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The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919 | May, R.; Cohen, R. | download | BookSC. Download books for free. Find books

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Manual of Military Law (War Office, 1914)

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Manual of Military Law (War Office, 1914)

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Manual of military law. War Office, 1914.

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Manual of military law. War Office, 1914.

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'Comment: We Must Resist the Government's ‘Racist’ Borders Bill' (Tre Ventour, NN Journal)

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'Comment: We Must Resist the Government's ‘Racist’ Borders Bill' (Tre Ventour, NN Journal)

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This piece was written for NN Journal by local writer and educator Tre Ventour. For more news and features straight to your inbox sign up to NN Journal today By Tre Ventour
Demonstrators gathered outside Downing Street at the weekend in protest against the government's Nationality and Borders Bill.

Some of the key concerns about the bill, which will be debated in the House of Lords at its second reading in January, are new measures which effectively criminalise people seeking asylum in the UK and powers to revoke the British citizenship of anyone born overseas or has dual nationality. This would impact up to six million people.

Since February 2021, with my friend and colleague Shereen Ingram, I have been working on Windrush projects under her charity NorFAMtoN. We have begun doing interviews for our book on the subject, and our hampers scheme (which are given out to members of the Windrush community) has resumed and we are looking for new volunteers. The children of this generation, (like my parents) are some of the people this bill will impact.

It's not hard to see why critics are calling it a 'racist bill'. Writing for Media Diversified, psychologist Guilaine Kinouani writes "arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet in the history of UK politics has introduced possibly the most racist and regressive pieces of legislation this country has seen in decades." She goes on to discuss how this should force us to rethink 'representation' narratives if we have not already and "...to accept many of the premises that sustain the quest for 'equality' are ill-conceived."

What she is saying is that representation is not worth its salt when we see how governments have weaponised representation to deliver one of the most violent pieces of legislation in many years.

As Labour MP for Slough Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi in his speech against the bill stated:

"What's even more galling ... is that the prime minister is getting someone with a brown skin colour to do his dirty work, with a bill that could have disastrous consequences for Black and Brown people. No wonder there are accusations of tokenism from within the Asian, African, and Caribbean British communities. What's the point of having Black and Brown people as cabinet ministers, sitting on those Conservative frontbenchers, if they are going to directly act against the interests of Black and Brown people, just so they may hold ministerial office?"

The criminalisation of refugees comes attached to the fact many would not be refugees should Britain not be flexing its muscles in these countries. Nations that in many cases are former colonial territories, including Afghanistan and Sudan (south).

Clause nine of the bill would allow the government to take a person's citizenship without warning if it would "not be reasonably practicable" to inform them first or in the interests of national security, diplomatic relations or otherwise in the public interest. When we see how the Home Office is still treating the Windrush Generation, many dying before gaining compensation, there is cause for grievance.

These may be Conservative proposals but I do not want to lay this at the Tories exclusively, even if this horror show is of their making. It is useful to understand the racist thinking that sits imbued in British party politics in general. Just look back at some of the political conversations happening around the time of Windrush in the 1940s. Then Labour prime minister Clement Atlee wanted to divert the HMT Empire Windrush to East Africa so people from the Caribbean could "pick peanuts."

Amelia Gentleman, the journalist who broke the story of the Windrush scandal to a wider audience, writes in her book Windrush Betraya l:

"On the day [the Empire Windrush] reached England, eleven Labour MPs had sent a letter to Clement Attlee proposing controls on black immigration. The British people were, they wrote, 'blessed by the absence of a colour racial problem ... An influx of coloured people domiciled here is likely to impair the harmony, strength, and cohesion of our people and social life and cause discord and unhappiness among all those concerned.' The government should introduce legislation to 'control immigration in the political, social, economic, and fiscal interests of our people'."

And as historian David Olusoga writes in the Guardian:

"What followed was a two decade-long political struggle to change Britain's immigration law and reduce the flow of immigrants from the so-called New Commonwealth. This is the other side of the Windrush story. In 1971, a new immigration act finally achieved that aim and stemmed the flow of migrants from the New Commonwealth. The same law granted those who had already arrived indefinite leave to remain."

This latest bill further sits on top of home secretary Priti Patel's suggestion of sending refugees to Ascension Island and government ministers refusing to rule out the use of 'wave machines' to stop them crossing the English Channel. And who could forget when Theresa May sent out vans telling migrants to go home or face arrest while saying "we can deport first and hear appeals later" or David Cameron describing refugees as a " swarm "?

What we know about state violence like this is that whilst it starts with Black and Brown people, it will not end with us. They came for the Windrush Generation and now they're coming for the children. Am I next? Will they then come for allies? The people that stand up for the rights of neighbours, friends, and colleagues.

The erosion of our human rights protections compounded with anti-protest laws backed by billionaire-owned media speaks to a mandate for this and to silencing.

Guilaine Kinouani finishes her article by saying "...solidarity without resistance is not solidarity, it is complicity." Indeed. For white people reading this I would say tell your friends, colleagues, and relatives to take two sets of notes. The notes you need to assure your safety while you resist, and the notes you need to resist.

There are always opportunities to resist. For me this starts with deconstructing the diversity agenda and what that looks like within institutional spaces. In terms of the Nationality and Borders Bill, following the threads of history and diversity reminds me how nobody is safe if we do not raise the baseline. I understand not everyone is not wired this way, but we all have skills valuable to social justice movements. It's simply a task of finding out what!

To question and challenge helps everybody in the long and short-term. For the children and young people that might be feeling a little hopeless now in probably the worst of times in their living memory, I tell you to disrupt. There can be joy in activism, and to love in the face of adversity is a political act.

Love openly, feel all your feelings in full, love Black women too; as the late bell hooks wrote, "It is essential to our struggle for self-determination that we speak of love. For love is the necessary foundation enabling us to survive the wars, the hardships, the sickness, and the dying with our spirits intact. It is love that allows us to survive whole."
If you enjoyed this article sign up to our paid subscription to access all our content Or if you think somebody else would enjoy our news and features, why not buy them a subscription to NN Journal as a Christmas present? Give a gift subscription

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Comment: We must resist the government's 'racist' Borders Bill

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This piece was written for NN Journal by local writer and educator Tre Ventour. For more news and features straight to your inbox sign up to NN Journal today By Tre Ventour Demonstrators gathered outside Downing Street at the weekend in protest against the government's Nationality and Borders Bill.

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'The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial Nostalgia, Fascist Resurgence and Social Control' (Guilaine Kinouani, Media Diversified)

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'The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial Nostalgia, Fascist Resurgence and Social Control' (Guilaine Kinouani, Media Diversified)

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In this searing critique of the UK government's implementation of the Nationality and Borders Bill, Guilaine Kinouani argues that it lays bare the dangers of superficial 'diversity and inclusion' at the highest levels of government and makes the case for how we must resist border violence as social control

Arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet in the history of UK politics has introduced possibly the most racist and regressive pieces of legislation this country has seen in decades. The Nationality and Borders Bill should force us all to rethink representation politics - if we have not already, and to accept many of the premises that sustain the quest for 'equality' are ill-conceived.

As part of this, recognising that we are all capable of reproducing racism within systems and indeed, that systems cannot function without the participation - passive or active - of those it harms, is crucial. We all need, and this may hurt even more, to come to terms with the fact, 'diversity', 'equality' and 'inclusion' will not save us. In fact, they are today more likely to do many of us harm, than to help us achieve any semblance of justice.

Any tool for social transformation eventually gets corrupted or employed in the service of protecting the very power structures they were designed to disrupt. Representation in high office has proven the point. And so, the 'Equality, Diversity and Inclusion' industrial complex has become the neoliberal palatable face of white supremacy. A desire for 'equality' that keeps inequality going. Think black squares on Instagram, safety pins and smiley liberal faces in the midst of Black and brown migrant bodies silently drowning at sea.

The harm of the 'equality agenda' we had in fact encountered this summer with the so-called Sewell Report. A report by a group of primarily Black and brown 'experts' in their own fields (although mostly non-experts in race and racism) who found no evidence of structural or institutional racism in the UK.

An unsurprising and convenient finding which was wholly consistent with the government's on-going crusade against Critical Race Theory and, with members of the Commission's publicly aired comments prior to their appointment, that there was indeed no such thing as structural racism.

"The outdated and oversimplified notion that racism = prejudice + power (which is usually taken to mean within western contexts that people of colour do not have the social power to enact racist violence) has a lot to answer for. It continues to lead to failure to recognise issues of complicity, of intersectionality and dynamics related to proximity to power"

Those of us wary of such fortuitous alignments of fate or perhaps trained in the 'scientific method', may see in this alleged lack of evidence, actual evidence of structural racism or at least an egregious flaunting of basic principles of impartiality, non-partisanship, 'neutrality' and 'objectivity'. Principles I do not generally engage with uncritically but, I restate here because of the scientific claims the authors made to sustain their outlandish findings. More to the point, let's be clear that a white group of investigators, could not have got away with this report.

If you doubt this, consider the Equalities Minister - herself a Black woman - deploying the racial backgrounds of these 'non-experts-experts' to deflect accusations of racism levelled against the report. What we have here is the normalisation of a particular discursive manoeuvre; race as alibi or as shield against racism. The weaponisation of racialisation to pursue racist agendas tells us all we need to know about the central role black and brown bodies play within this administration.

The outdated and oversimplified notion that racism = prejudice + power (which is usually taken to mean within western contexts that people of colour do not have the social power to enact racist violence) has a lot to answer for. It continues to lead to failure to recognise issues of complicity, of intersectionality and dynamics related to proximity to power, here whiteness. But it pays to support systems of domination, materially above all else, and because it pays, there are and there will always be oppressed groups involved in forms of collaboration.
Fascist resurgence and imperial nostalgia
Although last summer the country was apparently free of structural racism, just a few months later well in to winter, the Nationality and Borders Bill was passed in the House of Commons. The legislation, which gives the Home Secretary the power to deprive British people of citizenshipm enshrined in law a two-tier (some have said apartheid) citizenship system along racial lines, the very definition of... structural racism.

The outrage surrounding the bill on racialised grounds concerns primarily the provisions around the notice of deprivation. According to clause nine of the bill, notice of the decision to deprive a person of citizenship may NOT be given, if;

- The state does not have the information needed to be able to give notice under that subsection,

- It is not reasonably practicable to give notice

- It is not in the interests of national security

- It is not in the interests of the relationship between the United Kingdom and another country, or

- It is not otherwise in the public interest

These provisions were the subject of sustained public discontent. There were attempts to disrupt the bill by getting clause nine removed by a petition signed at the time of writing by over 200,000 people. And I agree these provisions are worrisome given the very large scope they leave for interpretation. However, to me, the core of the issue is beyond the notification point - although the point is an important one. We have as a country decided that some citizens, who are primarily Black and brown, based on some constructed alleged traceable foreign ancestry and thus often assumed eligibility for some alternative nationality, may be disowned as citizens, if the state deems it in its interest to do so.

A dangerous precedent had already been set when Shamima Begum was stripped of her citizenship because of her alleged 'radicalisation', a 'radicalisation' which occurred in the context of her being groomed, abused and traumatised as a child then later as young adult. She was rendered stateless, with Bangladesh essentially pressured to take her in, although she was not a citizen of the country, was born in London but had some ancestry there. One can easily imagine given geopolitical power asymmetries, how nations in the global south may suffer similar fates and be forced to take in non-citizens with ancestral connections varying in their distance, while the UK flexes its neo-colonial powers at home and abroad, to disown its own.

The point that I am making is not that there should be no attempt to hold people to account or put them on trial for criminal activities and/or acts of complicity in terror when issues of agency, consent and responsibility are complex regardless of mitigation; rather as many have argued, that our racial background, ancestry or religion should have zero bearing in the process of justice. Of course we know they always have. Now the law tells us, it is right, proper and lawful that they do.

There are strong and chilling echoes of the past, we are continuing to ignore. The re-inscription of ' le droit du sang ' - blood rights within contemporary legislation in Britain is chilling to me. This is foundational to fascist iteration of the nation-state, of belonging and alien control. A principle with a strong Nazi pedigree.

Sceptics may argue the reference is inappropriate or alarmist. However, linking the current administration's on-going dismantlement of our freedom to protest or freedom to dissent, masked by faux concerns over the alleged erosion of ' free speech '; to the present bill, helps us see that the wish to quieten and control the masses, also central to fascism, is present here.

Exaggerated concerns over 'security' have been leveraged to sustain both sets of political agendas, the right to protest and the right to citizenship. Both strongly reflect the kind of paranoia filled fantasies which have always provided the fuel for fascism and authoritarianism. There is a long history though of ignoring fascist violence directed at non-white bodies. Even though we know their bodies have always been the training ground for later tyrannical violence on bodies racialised as white.

On social control and the management of dissent
Fascism and colonialism have long been deeply entangled. The bill reminds us of this historical reality kept alive by structures that sustain border and frontier violence. Only nationals imagined as second-class citizens, as disposable bodies and as subservient subjects could ever be expected to show uncritical gratitude and deference to the state or risk being bordered out of their own home. This is the small print.

We already have evidence that PREVENT has had a perverse effect on Muslims' ability to express their political beliefs freely. I know people amongst my family and friends who refuse to discuss politics particularly issues related to the Middle East and Palestine within institutions for fear of being maligned and referred to authorities. Concerns have long been raised about the implementation of the strategy. Of particular relevance here, are the creation of 'suspect' or once more, alien communities and the formations of enemies within. Discourses propagated within all the sections of the press and which have led to increased anti-Muslim racism, hatred and Islamophobia. Also of concern has been expanding constructions of what may be classed as 'extremism'.

This narrowing of that space for legitimate critique of State apparatuses and their operationalisation on British soil and on foreign lands is consistent with increased contempt towards human right protections, protections we still go and lecture other nations deemed inferior, on.

"And so the bill reinstates powerful yet insidious normative expectations that Black and brown people must watch what they say, how we behave. We must be compliant as the State may decide our country is no longer our country and dispossess us of our home."

The implementation of this culture of suspicion has led to perverse and absurd stories of children being suspected of 'radicalisation'. After my son (who is Muslim) then aged five or six proclaimed in class he wanted to marry a Muslim girl, I was required to attend an urgent meeting with the school head to discuss the origin of his 'concerning' views. I was threatened with a Local Authority investigation. I managed to navigate my way out of the threat. I am sure it helped that I am not Muslim myself.
Whiteness, silence and complicity
And so what an incredible powerful form of social control the bill is. See, who is given unconditional right of abode is usually also given 'freedom of speech'. The territoriality of whiteness therefore is not only about physical frontiers on lands and border control, it is also about bordering thoughts and bordering their expression.

And so the bill reinstates powerful yet insidious normative expectations that Black and brown people must watch what they say, how we behave. We must be compliant as the State may decide our country is no longer our country and dispossess us of our home. And ship us back like unwanted cargos to lands we have for the most part, no tie, save in some collective imaginary. Associations made mainly because of the colour of our skin.

This is what makes the bill a tool of social control and silencing. It's all, once more in the small print. If you doubt that, remember the Windrush elders deported to their death and the many others born British often over several generations who were so whimsically deprived of their right of above in the UK as they could not 'prove' their Britishness. Needing to prove we belong lies at the centre of the issues. The precariousness of British citizenship when one is racialised as Other holds melanin as the prima-facie case is of belonging 'elsewhere'.

As I wrote the thread that inspired this article, many came to offer solidarity. As they did so, they located racism, dysfunction, and corruption in the government. Whilst true, this kind of lazy and self-serving logic is deeply problematic. We are a country of what? Some 67 million people or so, primarily white. When unsavoury actions are carried out by marginalised individuals, all marginalised folks are held to account and expected to protest, denounce and distance themselves from the said acts.

Arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet has introduced the most violently racist & regressive pieces of legislations this country has seen in decades. I really hope you are rethinking your representation politics & accept once & for all we are all capable of reproducing racism.
- Guilaine Kinouani (@KGuilaine) December 11, 2021

Yet, we are quick to lodge social pathology in a group of what? Two dozen individuals or so as to deny the collective forces at play and the role we play in the same. But acts carried out by the state on behalf of the country engage everyone. Particularly those who directly benefit from the violence, here of white territoriality and inland border logics; 60 millions or so of white folks.

But imagine this... what if only 10 percent of this population took a stand, protested, denounced and sought to distance themselves from the bill? I really doubt it would stand. But here we are. As I said on Twitter, what we do not oppose which is done by the state, is done by us. Racism by omission is still racism. Racism by bystanderism is still racism. Racism by habituation is still racism. Racism by 'I just want to get on with my life' or 'I just don't know where to start' is still racism. There are always opportunities to show solidarity. But empty 'feel good' gestures in the face of our continuing suffocation on land or at sea, is not solidarity. Indeed, solidarity without resistance is not solidarity, it is complicity.
If you enjoyed reading this article and you got some benefit or insight from reading it donate to keep Media Diversified's website online For ideas about how you may resist the bill use BID Detention's template to email your MP that the #BordersBill will criminalise refugees, erode the meagre rights of those subject to immigration control & sow further division into UK society. Click here for the petition. opposing clause 9 of the Nationality and Borders Bill. Sign, and share on your social media channels.
Guilaine Kinouani is a French woman of Congolese descent, an equality consultant, a writer and a psychologist currently pursuing a PhD at Birkbeck University of London. She is the founder and director of r acereflections.co.uk. Her first book Living While Black, which was published earlier this year, is a MUST READ for anyone seeking specialist self-care strategies to navigate white supremacy, for those with a vested interest in the welfare and wellbeing of black groups or working towards anti-racism and for everyone else doing 'the work'. Get it here.

Tweet her @KGuilaine

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The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial nostalgia, fascist resurgence and social control

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In this searing critique of the UK government's implementation of the Nationality and Borders Bill, Guilaine Kinouani argues that it lays bare the dangers of superficial 'diversity and inclusion' at the highest levels of government and makes the case for how we must resist border violence as social control UK Home Secretary Priti Patel sits...

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'Living While Black' (Guilaine Kinouani, 2021)

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'Living While Black' (Guilaine Kinouani, 2021)

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'Revelatory, necessary and brilliant' Candice Carty-Williams | 'A must read' Robin DiAngelo | 'A powerful wake-up call' Patrick Vernon | 'An incisive and important book that will change the way you think' Nikesh Shukla | 'An unmissable read for everyone' | 'Honest, razor-sharp, f ascinating and impressive' The Psychologist | 'Groundbreaking' Bad Form

For the past 15 years, radical psychologist and therapist Guilaine Kinouani has helped hundreds of Black people to protect their mental and physical health from the harm of white supremacy. In this timely book, she brings together powerful case studies, eye-opening research and effective coping techniques from her anti-racist academy and award-nominated blog, Race Reflections, helping readers to:

- set psychological boundaries and process trauma
- protect children from racism
- handle difficult race-based conversations
- understand the complexities of 'Black love'
- find connection, beauty and joy in the world

Living While Black empowers you to adopt radical self-care tools that improve day-to-day wellness. It teaches you how to thrive not just survive and find hope - or even joy - in the face of racial adversity. It is also an essential anti-racist resource for allies who want to do better.

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Living While Black: The Essential Guide to Overcoming Racial Trauma

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'Revelatory, necessary and brilliant' Candice Carty-Williams | 'A must read' Robin DiAngelo | 'A powerful wake-up call' Patrick Vernon | 'An incisive and important book that will change the way you think' Nikesh Shukla | 'An unmissable read for everyone' | 'Honest, razor-sharp, f ascinating and impressive' The Psychologist | 'Groundbreaking' Bad Form For the past 15 years, radical psychologist and therapist Guilaine Kinouani has helped hundreds of Black people to protect their mental and physical health from the harm of white supremacy.

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'Black 1919: Riots, Racism and Resistance in Imperial Britain' (Jacqueline Jenkinson, 2009)

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'Black 1919: Riots, Racism and Resistance in Imperial Britain' (Jacqueline Jenkinson, 2009)

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The riots that broke out in various British port cities in 1919 were a dramatic manifestation of a wave of global unrest that affected Britain, parts of its empire, continental Europe and North America during and in the wake of the First World War. During the riots, crowds of white working-class people targeted black workers, their families and black-owned businesses and property. One of the chief sources of violent confrontation in the run-down port areas was the 'colour' bar implemented by the sailors' trades unions campaigning to keep black, Arab and Asian sailors off British ships in a time of increasing job competition. Black 1919 sets out the economic and social causes of the riots and their impact on Britain's relationship with its empire and its colonial subjects. The riots are also considered within the wider context of rioting elsewhere on the fringes of the Atlantic world as black people came in increased numbers into urban and metropolitan settings where they competed with working-class white people for jobs and housing during and after the First World War. The book details the events of the port riots in Britain, with chapters devoted to assessing the motivations and make-up of the rioting crowds, examining police procedures during the riots, considering the court cases that followed, and looking at the longer-term consequences for the black British workers and their families. Black 1919 is a stark and timely reminder of the violent racist conflict that emerged after the First World War and the shockwaves that reverberated around the Empire.

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Black 1919: Riots, Racism and Resistance in Imperial Britain

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The riots that broke out in various British port cities in 1919 were a dramatic manifestation of a wave of global unrest that affected Britain, parts of its empire, continental Europe and North America during and in the wake of the First World War.

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'Black Sailors on Red Clydeside: Rioting, Reactionary Trade Unionism and Conflicting Notions of ‘Britishness’ Following the First World War' (Jacqueline Jenkinson, 2008)

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'Black Sailors on Red Clydeside: Rioting, Reactionary Trade Unionism and Conflicting Notions of ‘Britishness’ Following the First World War' (Jacqueline Jenkinson, 2008)

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Black Sailors on Red Clydeside: Rioting, Reactionary Trade Unionism and Conflicting Notions of ‘Britishness’ Following the First World War | Jenkinson, J. | download

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Black Sailors on Red Clydeside: Rioting, Reactionary Trade Unionism and Conflicting Notions of ‘Britishness’ Following the First World War | Jenkinson, J. | download | BookSC. Download books for free. Find books

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'White Blindspot' (Noel Ignatin and Ted Allen, 1967)

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'White Blindspot' (Noel Ignatin and Ted Allen, 1967)

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' (bell hooks, 1992)

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' (bell hooks, 1992)

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Taking on popular music, advertising, literature, television, historical narrative, and film, hooks demonstrates the incisive intelligence and passion for justice that prompted Publishers Weekly to dub her "one of the foremost black intellectuals in America today."

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Taking on popular music, advertising, literature, television, historical narrative, and film, hooks demonstrates the incisive intelligence and passion for justice that prompted Publishers Weekly to dub her "one of the foremost black intellectuals in America today."

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'Black Edwardians: Black People in Britain, 1901-1914' (Jeffrey Green, 1998)

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'Black Edwardians: Black People in Britain, 1901-1914' (Jeffrey Green, 1998)

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This study reveals the presence of black people in all walks of life all over the British Isles at the height of the imperialist era - challenging conventional views on imperialism, racism and British social history. Historians of British society have largely ignored this most visible of minorities, and commentators on racism have been silent on the period.

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This study reveals the presence of black people in all walks of life all over the British Isles at the height of the imperialist era - challenging conventional views on imperialism, racism and British social history. Historians of British society have largely ignored this most visible of minorities, and commentators on racism have been silent on the period.

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'The Windrush Betrayal' (Amelia Gentleman, 2018)

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'The Windrush Betrayal' (Amelia Gentleman, 2018)

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The Windrush Betrayal: Exposing the Hostile Environment

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The Windrush Betrayal: Exposing the Hostile Environment | Amelia Gentleman | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'Ethnic Labour and British Imperial Trade: History of Ethnic Seafarers in the UK' (Diane Frost, 1995)

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'Ethnic Labour and British Imperial Trade: History of Ethnic Seafarers in the UK' (Diane Frost, 1995)

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This collection of essays identifies a neglected but significant component of Britain's maritime and labour history, that of ethnic labour drawn from Britain's colonies in West Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The interdisciplinary nature of the volume (with contributors from sociologists, historians and Middle Eastern specialists), has meant that a number of important issues are raised. These include the themes of race and ethnicity, colonialism and migration, social class and the complex nature of racial hostility meted out by organized white labour. Taken together, the contributions highlight the considerable degree of shared and similar experiences that ethnic seamen endured whilst working on British ships (including inferior wages and conditions, racial hostility and a precarious legal status). This ethnic presence in Britain before the Second World War represented an important link with the post-war migrations, both of which were powerful legacies of empire. These essays contribute to the neglected pre-1945 ethnic presence in Britain as well as more 'mainstream' British maritime and labour history.

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Ethnic Labour and British Imperial Trade: A History of Ethnic Seafarers in the UK

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This collection of essays identifies a neglected but significant component of Britain's maritime and labour history, that of ethnic labour drawn from Britain's colonies in West Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The interdisciplinary nature of the volume (with contributors from sociologists, historians and Middle Eastern specialists), has meant that a number of important issues are raised.

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'Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race' (Reni Eddo-Lodge, 2017)

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'Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race' (Reni Eddo-Lodge, 2017)

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GARY YOUNGE: Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence (Double Down News, 2020)

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GARY YOUNGE: Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence (Double Down News, 2020)

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Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence | Gary Younge

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'Jul 1 ‘Black Men and White Girls’: the Limehouse Riot Trial of 1919' (Paddy Docherty)

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'Jul 1 ‘Black Men and White Girls’: the Limehouse Riot Trial of 1919' (Paddy Docherty)

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A crucial point to note is that, as the article from The Times clearly states in its first paragraph, John Martin was found not guilty and was discharged. One might therefore perhaps be keen to conclude that, despite all the unpleasantness, the system of justice was working, even if the verdict of not guilty did not eliminate the stress, severe inconvenience, and assault on dignity involved in an arrest and trial. However, the critical phrase to note is the remark from the judge in the case, the Common Serjeant (who was, incidentally, Sir Henry Fielding Dickens, a son of the novelist Charles Dickens). As The Times notes in closing their report:

"In summing-up the COMMON SERJEANT pointed out that there was no evidence that the defendant went about with white girls."

The Times, July 1st 1919

Martin thus seems to have been cleared of the charges not because of the specific evidence respecting the firearm in question or the alleged shooting, but because it was established by the court that he did not mix with white women. This brings us to a powerful point made by Jacqueline Jenkinson: the deeply disturbing implication is that at the time, a black man could only really be regarded as innocent if he had no connection to white women. Any black man who did mix with white girls was seen as fair game for the mob.

Important to note here is that the Common Serjeant was the second most important judge in the Old Bailey; appointed by the Crown, he had a range of other high duties of state besides hearing criminal trials. This attitude, in which black innocence was dependent on avoidance of white women, thus came from the top and represented, by definition, the view of the establishment. For absolute clarity, inter-racial relationships were not illegal, and it is therefore bizarre and very troubling that this factor was even mentioned by the judge in his summing up.

It is also worth reflecting on the fact that even though the court established that John Martin had no history with white women and was found innocent of all charges, The Times still chose to headline their report as "Black Men and White Girls", a slightly salacious title that surely reflected widespread interest - perhaps somewhat prurient - in this subject among the general population, even including the well-heeled types who would customarily read the national paper of record.

Finally, it is also important to note that, even though John Martin was released in this instance, in other cases from 1919 it is clear that black defendants were more likely than whites to be found guilty and to receive significantly harsher sentences.
Betrayed loyalties and the hypocrisy of the Empire
As was recognised even by the prosecutor in the Limehouse case - who was, after all, doing his best to put John Martin in prison - the black men under discussion had served Britain during the war. An essential point here is that there was no conscription in West Africa or the Caribbean, meaning that every single one of these men was a volunteer. As they saw it, they were loyally doing their bit for their Empire, and often had to overcome extraordinary obstacles to be allowed to serve.

In these circumstances, one might perhaps have expected rather more gratitude from Britain and British people. Instead, these men were rewarded with official indifference, social and judicial discrimination, and sometimes violence. The shoddiness with which the Empire treated some of the supposed subjects of the King further exposes the hypocritical immorality of the imperial project.
Further reading:
David Olusoga,Black and British: a Forgotten History, 2016

Jacqueline Jenkinson, Black 1919: Riots, Racism and Resistance in Imperial Britain, 2009

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'Black Men and White Girls': the Limehouse Riot Trial of 1919 - Paddy Docherty

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A crucial point to note is that, as the article from The Times clearly states in its first paragraph, John Martin was found not guilty and was discharged. One might therefore perhaps be keen to conclude that, despite all the unpleasantness, the system of justice was working, even if the verdict of not guilty did not eliminate the stress, severe inconvenience, and assault on dignity involved in an arrest and trial.

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'Imperialism and Motherhood. History Workshop' (Anna Davin)

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'Imperialism and Motherhood. History Workshop' (Anna Davin)

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Imperialism and Motherhood | Anna Davin | download

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Imperialism and Motherhood | Anna Davin | download | BookSC. Download books for free. Find books

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'What White People Can Do Next: From Allyship to Coalition' (Emma Dabiri, 2021)

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'What White People Can Do Next: From Allyship to Coalition' (Emma Dabiri, 2021)

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What White People Can Do Next | Emma Dabiri | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'Black Tommies: British Soldiers of African Descent in the First World War' (Ray Costello, 2015)

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'Black Tommies: British Soldiers of African Descent in the First World War' (Ray Costello, 2015)

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Black Tommies is the first book entirely dedicated to the part played by soldiers of African descent in the British regular army during the First World War. If African colonial troops have been ignored by historians, the existence of any substantial narrative around Black British soldiers
enlisting in the United Kingdom during the First World War is equally unknown, even in military circles. Much more material is now coming to light, such as the oral testimony of veterans, and the author has researched widely to gather fresh and original material for this fascinating book from
primary documentary sources in archives to private material kept in the metaphorical (and actual) shoe boxes of descendants of black Tommies. Reflecting the global nature of the conflict, Black Tommies takes us on a journey from Africa to the Caribbean and North America to the streets of British
port cities such as Cardiff, Liverpool and those of North Eastern England. This exciting book also explodes the myth of Second Lieutenant Walter Tull being the first, or only, black officer in the British Army and endeavours to give the narrative of black soldiers a firm basis for future scholars to
build upon by tackling an area of British history previously ignored.

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Black Tommies is the first book entirely dedicated to the part played by soldiers of African descent in the British regular army during the First World War. If African colonial troops have been ignored by historians, the existence of any substantial narrative around Black British soldiersenlisting in the United Kingdom during the First World War is equally unknown, even in military circles.

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Mixed Race Britain in the Twentieth Century (Chamion Caballaro and Peter Aspinall, 2018)

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Mixed Race Britain in the Twentieth Century (Chamion Caballaro and Peter Aspinall, 2018)

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This book explores the overlooked history of racial mixing in Britain during the course of the twentieth century, a period in which there was considerable and influential public debate on the meanings and implications of intimately crossing racial boundaries.

Based on research that formed the foundations of the British television series Mixed Britannia, the authors draw on a range of firsthand accounts and archival material to compare 'official' accounts of racial mixing and mixedness with those told by mixed race people, couples and families themselves.

Mixed Race Britain in The Twentieth Century shows that alongside the more familiarly recognised experiences of social bigotry and racial prejudice there can also be glimpsed constant threads of tolerance, acceptance, inclusion and 'ordinariness'. It presents a more complex and multifaceted history of mixed race Britain than is typically assumed, one that adds to the growing picture of the longstanding diversity and difference that is, and always has been, an ordinary and everyday feature of British life.

Chamion Caballero is Visiting Senior Fellow at the London School of Economics. She has published widely on issues of racial mixing and mixedness and along with Peter Aspinall and Bradley Lincoln is Co-Founder and Director of the Mix-d Museum, an online archive recording and sharing the history of racial mixing in Britain.

Peter J. Aspinall is Emeritus Reader at the University of Kent, UK. His publications include 75 papers on race and ethnicity and several books, including Mixed Race Identities (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). He was ONS National Convenor for the ethnicity question in the ONS 2001 Census Development Programme.

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https://b-ok.cc/g/Chamion Caballero and Peter J. Aspinall (eds.)

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Chamion Caballero and Peter J. Aspinall (eds.)

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Mixed Race Britain in The Twentieth Century

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This book explores the overlooked history of racial mixing in Britain during the course of the twentieth century, a period in which there was considerable and influential public debate on the meanings and implications of intimately crossing racial boundaries.

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'Interraciality in Early Twentieth Century Britain: Challenging Traditional Conceptualisations through Accounts of ‘Ordinariness' (Chamion Caballero, 2019)

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'Interraciality in Early Twentieth Century Britain: Challenging Traditional Conceptualisations through Accounts of ‘Ordinariness' (Chamion Caballero, 2019)

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Open Access Editor's Choice Article

Department of Theatre and Performance, Goldsmiths, University of London, London SE14 6NW, UK

Received: 19 November 2018 / Revised: 6 April 2019 / Accepted: 6 April 2019 / Published: 17 April 2019

The popular conception of interraciality in Britain is one that frequently casts mixed racial relationships, people and families as being a modern phenomenon. Yet, as scholars are increasingly discussing, interraciality in Britain has much deeper and diverse roots, with racial mixing and mixedness now a substantively documented presence at least as far back as the Tudor era. While much of this history has been told through the perspectives of outsiders and frequently in the negative terms of the assumed 'orthodoxy of the interracial experience'-marginality, conflict, rejection and confusion-first-hand accounts challenging these perceptions allow a contrasting picture to emerge. This article contributes to the foregrounding of this more complex history through focusing on accounts of interracial 'ordinariness'-both presence and experiences-throughout the early decades of the twentieth century, a time when official concern about racial mixing featured prominently in public debate. In doing so, a more multidimensional picture of interracial family life than has frequently been assumed is depicted, one which challenges mainstream attitudes about conceptualisations of racial mixing both then and now.

1. Introduction

'Mixed race relationships are no longer an exotic rarity but the new normal' proclaimed The Daily Telegraph, Britain's largest circulating newspaper broadsheet, in Nov 2017. 1 Written in response to the engagement of Prince Harry, sixth in line to the British throne, to Meghan Markle, an American actress of mixed black and white racial heritage, the newspaper article's headline is representative of the multitude of print and online articles, discussions and commentaries that have appeared in Britain-as well as internationally-in the wake of the couple's relationship. Indeed, since the pair stepped into the public eye, a feverish analysis and dissection not only of the interracial royal couple but, by extension, of interraciality 2 in Britain generally has featured prominently in contemporary British public discourse. Within the range of views expressed on this topic-that include aversion and hostility as well as apathy and indifference-is a strand of thought that clearly positions Harry and Meghan's relationship and the 'growth' of mixed-race couples and people on Britain's streets as a 'new' normal that is as illustrative not only of modern Britain's racial diversity but of its increased racial tolerance. 3

However, as Balachandran notes ( Balachandran 2014, p. 546), the history of racial mixing and mixedness has long been presented to us largely through the views of 'outsiders', most notably the 'prurient gaze of middle-class observers peering through lens clouded by class, racial, gender, sexual and political anxieties'. Indeed, from the documentation of interraciality in Tudor Britain, it is the written accounts of predominantly white, middle-class academics, politicians, journalists, novelists, bureaucrats, social workers, trade unionists, church officials and other establishment figures who have heavily shaped public understandings of the experiences of racially mixed couples, people and families well until the late twentieth century ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). 6 While some 'outsider' perspectives have certainly taken a nuanced or even favourable view of the concept or presence of interraciality on Britain's shores, more typically they have tended to see this group in negative or hostile terms, ones that reinforced the assumed 'orthodoxy of the interracial experience': marginality, conflict, rejection and confusion ( Caballero 2012, p. 43).

Though, certainly, experiences of marginality, conflict, rejection and confusion can be repeatedly found in the history of interraciality in Britain, these do not constitute the whole story. Rather, the history is an entanglement of multiple discourses, of different and perspectives, many of which offer challenging and competing viewpoints and understandings, most notably when they are rendered by those who are themselves in or from interracial families. Thompson [1978] ( 2017)'s ground-breaking work on the power of oral history has shown the transformational and expansive effect of incorporating the voices of those who have previously only been spoken about into our understandings of the past. By juxtaposing the perspectives of officialdom and the establishment with those of ordinary people, he writes, it allows 'evidence from a new direction [...] mak[ing] for a more realistic reconstruction of the past', one which enables 'the original multiplicity of standpoints to be recreated' ( Thompson [1978] 2017, p. 15). As Bland ( 2005, p. 52) rightly argues, what has long been missing in the history of those mixing and of mixed-race are the voices of these people themselves. While gathering such accounts, she notes, is a difficult area of research to undertake, it is also one that is essential if we are to gather 'a fuller and richer' history of interraciality in Britain.

This article thus contributes to this foregrounding of a more complex history of racial mixing and mixedness through exploring the presence and experiences of mixed-race people, couples and families in Britain in the early decades of the twentieth century (specifically 1900-39). Though this period is not commonly associated outside scholarly circles with interraciality in Britain, it in fact is an era when official concern and opposition to racial mixing featured prominently in public debate ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). The wide-ranging commentaries and depictions repeatedly put forward by the media, government, academics, novelists, and other institutional contemporary forces at this time painted a picture that suggested the crossing of racial boundaries was a grim lived experience. Yet, drawing on research seeking to uncover attitudes and understandings of mixed-race people, couples and families during this period, 7 a more multidimensional picture of interracial life than has frequently been assumed emerges, one which shows itself to be full of challenges to mainstream depictions and understandings, both then and now. In particular, the concept of 'ordinariness'-'the conventional, the normal, the natural, the everyday, the taken for granted' ( Silverstone 1994, p. 994)-makes itself visible not only in the presence but also the experiences of British interracial history.

2. The 'Ordinary' Presence of Interraciality in Early Twentieth Century Britain

In Jennifer Worth's popular novel Call the Midwife about her experiences working in the 1950s' East End of London, she talks about the great difficulty that men faced before DNA testing in knowing for certain that any children were theirs-unless, she says, the child was of a different race:

If a husband happens to be fathering another man's child, he is not likely to know and, as they say, "what the eye does not see, the heart does not grieve over". But what happens when his wife brings forth a black man's child? The East Enders had hardly faced this before, but after the Second World War the potential was there.

Yet, as discussed previously, racial mixing and mixedness were not uncommon in Britain before mass immigration in the 1950s very visibly placed the issue of interraciality into the mainstream. 8 In Canning Town, a few miles east from the heart of the London Docklands where Worth was a midwife, a visible interracial population had previously attracted national attention in the 1930s, when the Daily Express had featured them in its 'expose' of the racial mixing occurring in an area called Crown Street. Made up primarily of black sailors who had settled and raised families with local white women, Crown Street was known locally as 'Draughtboard Alley', due to the number of black and white families who lived alongside each other ( Bloch 1998). See Figure 1.

Furthermore, as Caballero and Aspinall ( 2018) have highlighted, black and other racialised populations in Britain were not simply a preserve of city life, or of the working classes. As was the case before the 20th century ( MacKeith 2003; Kaufmann 2017; Livesay 2018), there are fascinating glimpses of the racial diversity-and accompanying interraciality-to be found in the suburbs, towns and rural communities of Britain in the early twentieth century, as well as amongst the middle and upper classes. At the dawn of the twentieth century, the labour needs and opportunities of the British Empire saw the steady growth of a non-white population settle across Britain itself, and from the highlands of Scotland to the coasts of Cornwall-and all the cities, towns, suburbs and rural locales in between-could be found a range of people drawn from Empire and beyond. This population was diverse in both its racial and ethnic constitution, as well as its occupation: it contained not only the more typical settler populations of sailors and soldiers, but actors, musicians, students, doctors, vicars, barristers, journalists, aristocrats, politicians, diplomats, composers and business owners, labourers, cabinetmakers, colliers, firemen and fishermen amongst a myriad other professions (see also Green 1998, 2000).

Recognising the extent of this occupational and geographical spread is important in highlighting that not only was there a deeper embedding of people of colour in everyday British life during this period than is often commonly assumed, but that it simultaneously created a substantive 'contact zone' ( Pratt 1992). As such, numerous white Britons and people of colour found themselves engaging in what Lamont and Aksartova ( 2002, p. 1) term 'ordinary cosmopolitanisms', that is the local, ordinary and mundane bridging of boundaries with people who are different. The Japanese artist, Yoshio Markino, observed that in his temporary home of London in the pre-war years, no one 'lifts an eyelid and turns a hair' at the many foreigners walking the streets; on asking a shopkeeper if he were interested that Markino was Japanese, the shopkeeper replied, 'No sir. You see, sir, we 'ave our colonies all hover the world sir-white men, yellow men, brown men and black men are forming part of the British nation, so I am no curious of a Japanese gentlemen at all.' (in Rodner 2012, p. 6).

Such 'ordinary cosmpolitanisms' obviously provided vast opportunities for interracial interactions, relationships and intimacy to develop, particularly between the largely male population of colour that found itself settling alongside an increasingly socially and economically independent white female population 11 ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). New arrivals to the country tended first to stay in lodgings where landladies provided bed and board; outside of the port communities, such boarding houses were often mixed, both in terms of race and gender, and independent young women-including the landladies' daughters-found themselves living in close and familiar proximity alongside men of colour from across Empire, with relationships frequently developing. James Jackson Brown, for example, a Jamaican doctor who ran a London practice for forty years, married Millie Green, his landlord's daughter in 1906, whilst Mahomed Ben Mahomed, an Arab acrobat, met his wife, Mary, the daughter of local steelworker at lodgings in Birmingham in 1908 when he ended up rooming next to her family. Social locales-from nightclubs to home gatherings-proved another key meeting site: Nina Tomalin Potts met her Chinese diplomat husband Yung Hsi Hsiao at a 'suburban tea party', while Brinda Dutt, the daughter of Lord Sinha, the first Indian member of the House of Lords, first encountered her naval officer husband Lieutenant Gordon at a bridge party at his mother's house ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). Certainly, the pathways to interracial intimacy were many and not at all predictable. Some opened up during everyday, mundane interactions, such as in shops and passing encounters on the street, while others were the result of more glamorous sites: Younger ( 2003), for example, has documented many of the accounts of the wealthy Indian and South East Asian nobles who entered into relationships and marriages with white British women after seeing them perform on the stage (see also Caballero and Aspinall 2018).

Outside of the cities, the case of the solicitor George Edalji-the son of an English mother and Indian vicar of a South Staffordshire village wrongfully convicted in 1903 of animal maiming and writing poison pen letters to his family-is a relatively well-known example of the types of interraciality to be found tucked away in the shires and spires towns of pre-WW2 Britain. 12 Analysis of newspaper articles reveals plentiful other less familiar but equally fascinating accounts, such as the 1909 trial of 12 year old William Worsley, 'a half caste' from Bolsover, near Chesterfield charged with stealing a chicken-the boy's blind father (a Bolsover resident for 42 years) also appeared in court to plead his son's innocence; or the coverage of two white half-sisters who travelled from Glasgow in 1901 with their 'negro' fiancės and 'a contingent of darkies' to their home in Helensburgh in Argyll and Bute to get married, the black visitors receiving, the press stated, 'much attention, particularly from the young people, who displayed much interest in their gorgeous apparel' ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018, p. 184). Meanwhile, the press coverage of the relationships, family life and subsequent turbulent divorces of Princess Sudhira, an Indian noble, and Countess Hoey Stoker, the ethnic Chinese daughter of an Indonesian sugar magnate, from their respective white, upper middle-class English husbands provide a glimpse into both interraciality in the upper echelons of society as well as the presence of women of colour who also were part of interracial couples or families ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). Tabili ( 1996, p. 183) makes the important point that uncovering the accounts of women of colour not only restores them to the historical record and provides 'a more accurate understanding of racial and social dynamics in Britain and in the empire', but also repudiates the view that interracial relationships were the sole products 'of a pathological attraction between white women and Black men, rather than of a more mundane desire to establish a home and family'.

The relationships of white British women and men of colour, and the children produced from such unions, occurring on domestic shores, however, was an issue that was impossible to gloss over so easily. While early Edwardian discourse initially placed less emphasis on the racial threat presented by domestic interraciality than its perceived oddness, the growing fears about national degeneration began increasingly to see the visible interraciality occurring in working-class communities as deeply concerning. The relationships between the white working classes with people of colour and the production of mixed-race children was seen as destabilising the power of white Britishness at a time when it desperately needed protecting; moreover, white working-class women in particular were singled out-as always-for the significant role they were playing in upsetting the racial order. The concerns and discontent expressed the likes of local officials and the press at the immorality of white women partnering men of colour in dockside areas (and more widely) which rumbled in the background of early twentieth century public discourse ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018) exploded into a moral panic in the aftermath of the 1919 race riots. This series of violent disturbances across nine of Britain's main ports after the demobilisation of First World War service personnel in which seamen of colour were viciously targeted were largely blamed in the press not just on the anger and resentment felt by returning white men at 'coloured' men 'taking' white men's jobs and houses but also 'their' women ( Tabili 1994; Jenkinson 2009; Caballero and Aspinall 2018). By the 1920s, press opinion on inter-racial relationships in Britain-now a repeated and prominent topic in the press-had moved to a tone much more aggressive and condemnatory in nature, while fictional and artistic depictions-mostly focusing on the erotic thrill of interraciality across Empire-continued to underscore the message that interraciality was an exotic, 'unBritish' state of affairs, titillating and thrilling in theory but dangerous and damaging in practice ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018), as the typical book plates and covers and theatrical programme illustrations below indicate: 13 See Figure 2, Figure 3, Figure 4, Figure 5, Figure 6 and Figure 7.

While men of colour certainly came in for their share of blame and hostility as regards the growing visibility of interracial relationships in Britain, the greater scorn was often heaped upon the women who were seen to be active colluders against nature and country. By the 1930s, official reports and investigations into the effects of interraciality in port communities drew on existing eugenic pseudo-science attitudes to racial mixing to thoroughly condemn the process. Most particularly, the reports commented on the 'tragedy' and 'menace' of 'half-caste' children of black and white parentage as a moral concern and racial tragedy for the nation, drawing on longstanding ideas of 'race science' that saw the idea of 'hybrid degeneration' (that is, where those of mixed race were thought to be physically weaker than their non-white parent group and less intelligent than their white parent group) take precedence over the counter notion of 'hybrid vigour' (where those of mixed race were seen as combining the best physical and mental features of both parent groups) ( Rich [1986] 1990; Christian 2008; Caballero and Aspinall 2018). In the absence of legislation against racial mixing, however, (the British reluctance to introduce anti-miscegenation laws stemmed from concern over its possibly damaging effect on colonial relations rather than egalitarianism ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018)), preventing interracial relationships was for the most part beyond the real control of the authorities. As such, officials could only issue warnings (such as those issued by Registry Offices warning white British women of the dangers of marrying 'aliens' ( Baldwin 2001; Caballero and Aspinall 2018)); implement discouraging laws and social policies that impacted on the settlement of men of colour (such as the zealous deportation of undocumented 'alien' seamen, many of whom were actually black British subjects ( Tabili 1994) and the loss of British citizenship on marriage to an 'alien' ( Baldwin 2001)); and contribute to a strong atmosphere of social disapproval, the likes of which has been soundly detailed in the scholarship on interraciality in twentieth century Britain cited previously.

As this scholarship has also clearly shown, such disapproval was largely futile as, despite the social penalty, interraciality did not only occur during this period but, in some locales, was a familiar, even ordinary occurrence. While much scholarship to date has expertly drawn on this discourse of disapproval to illuminate just how commonplace racial mixing often was, for the most part this ordinariness has nevertheless been told through the perspective of outsiders. 14 The following section thus takes up Bland's urging to balance such perspectives by bringing the voices of those mixing and of mixed race during this period to the fore. Their inclusion illuminates a generally overlooked concept of ordinariness in the history of interraciality in Britain that goes beyond physical presence to suggest also experiences of ordinariness.

3. Experiences of Ordinariness for Interracial Couples, Families and Peoples in Early Twentieth Century Britain

Of course, while there is plenty of contemporary material written about these historical populations, accessing the accounts of these mixed families themselves presents multilayered challenges. As Bressey ( 2010, pp. 165-66) has remarked, the history of the British working class (not to mention the history of Britain generally) has tended to ignore the presence of people of colour meaning that preserving their voices, let alone accessing them, has often been a question of 'needle-in-a-haystack' searches. Thanks to the increasing digitalisation of archival resources, however, researchers are better equipped than ever to pinpoint these voices and bring them to light to wider audiences. Certainly, the research drawn on for this paper heavily utilised the digitalisation of records to identify such 'needles', employing a wide and varied range of search terms to gather together a collection of first-hand (and second-hand) accounts of interraciality in early twentieth century Britain that included photographs and film footage as well as oral and written histories ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). Taken together and, perhaps most importantly, contrasted with 'outsider' accounts, they suggest counternarratives and alternative perspectives to early British interracial experiences, including ones in which ordinariness was clearly present.

The Commonplace, the Mundane, the Everyday

As a body of scholarship has noted (see, for example, Tinkler 2013; Bressey 2002), photographs are a potent resource for challenging existing views of history and collective memory, thereby clearly making visible the need for alternative or more nuanced understandings. Take for example, the images below of early twentieth century interracial couples, families and people: See Figure 8, Figure 9, Figure 10, Figure 11, Figure 12 and Figure 13.

These recognisably ordinary images of early twentieth century (mixed-race) family life as displayed in the photos contrast starkly with the exotic images of interraciality found in the types of book plates and covers highlighted earlier. Such photographs not only add to evidence demonstrating the existence of interraciality in Britain during this period 15 but, as with Bressey's work on the forgotten presence of black Victorian women, they 'embod[y] a turnstile to an interconnected, 'multicultural' understanding of a new historical geography of Britain ( Bressey 2002, p. 356). Indeed, while family photographs are not necessarily an accurate visual record of events, they nevertheless provide a partial view of the social fabric and maps of people's lives ( Twine 2006). In their showcasing of typical family groupings or special occasions, such photographs thus suggest a level of domesticity and intimacy typically absent from outsider accounts of interraciality. As Bressey ( 2002, p. 356) notes of the archival images of the black Victorian women she uncovered '[b]ehind each two-tone image, there is a person of colour, an existence within a network interwoven into life in London and far beyond.' Regarding the images of interraciality above, the knowledge that posed studio portraits taken during the early twentieth century were not just a way of capturing and displaying family belonging and respectability but also involved both material and time costs ( Hudgins 2010) opens up new ways of thinking about how such families saw themselves and were seen, both theoretically and literally. For example, engaging photographers and having pictures taken in typical dress and poses suggests a means by which interracial families could signal and display, as well as preserve memories, of their ordinariness as well as their individuality, both in terms of their family status as well as that of early twentieth century British citizens and residents ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). That is, there is room to surmise that many of those having such photographs taken as was the norm for white families of means also saw themselves as being part or deserving of this norm.

First-hand accounts from interracial couples, people and families certainly support the position that ordinariness was an accessible and inhabited state of being. As Bressey ( 2010) has also noted, a distinct layer of complexity in identifying the ordinary history of people of colour in Britain is added to the search due to the changing decisions made-both then and now-around who is identified in archival material and archives by 'race' (i.e., the 'intricacies of identity' mean that people of colour can be classed under a myriad of racialised terms, as well as none at all). At the same time, however, alternative insights may yet be gleaned from the obfuscation produced from the lack of labelling or categorising of their experiences by 'race' directly, in the sense that their inclusion under other non-racialised categories of enquiry can illuminate overlooked aspects of their lives-including their ordinariness.

Take for example, Edith Bryan, who was raised by her black father and white mother in Bute Town-then commonly known as Tiger Bay-in Cardiff, Wales, and who participated in the oral history project 'Family Life and Work Experience before 1918, 1870-1973′. 16 If we were to draw our understandings of Edith's family life from the types of newspaper articles that were written about mixed-race families in Wales at the time, we could only conclude that theirs was a wretched experience, the media accounts describing 'miserable homes' in which 'half-caste piccaninnies wallowed in rags on filthy floors' and 'slatternly white women hiccoughed curses from the inner darkness' while their 'Kaffir mates'-given 'as wide a berth as possible' by white men-'swilled porter as dusky as their skins and, vied with each other in the dandy grace of their spotless linen and gaudy ties and yellow boots' ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018, pp. 95-96). Race, such articles contented, dominated the life of interracial families, shaping their experiences just as much as-if not more than-the poverty around then.

Yet, while Edith comments in her reminiscences on aspects of race, racism and interraciality in the family's neighbourhood when asked to by the interviewer, the focus of the project-family life, domesticity, and work-means that she mainly provides fascinating insights into the 'ordinariness' of her family's daily life. Living in a working-class neighbourhood but displaying a significant degree of financial and material security, the mundane details of how her parents ran a boarding house for seamen, and the cleaning, cooking, shopping, childcare and socialisation that she, her parents and siblings undertook on an everyday basis replace the hysterical cries from officialdom with a portrait of a family whose daily domestic lives and relationships were nigh on indistinguishable from similar white families in Britain ( Thompson [1975] 1992). Scenes of an everyday and mundane domestic family existence shared with other contemporary British families shine through in Edith's recollection of growing up with her family: food preparation and mealtime habits; the presence of a loving mother and strict but devoted father; sibling quarrels and closeness; and the grind of household duties and chores. An extract from her interview detailing such recollections has been included below at length in order to convey the feel of the commonplace that pervades her reminiscences, which overshadow the accusation of inherently sordid lives and 'miserable homes' put forward by outsider accounts.

We always had Sunday shoes and day school. I know that because it was my job to clean them all [...] and I had to do-help with the back kitchen and clean the knives and forks. We all had something to do [...]. We used to-we had a big fireplace and we used to have-of course you'd no baths like we've got now, used to bath in there. Lock the doors up and curtains up, we'd light the fire, heat the water on the fire and bath in there [...]. We had a range in the-in middle room, it was-no gas at that time. We had a range and a-fireplace in the kitchen. And we'd plenty pots and saucepans and-plenty of-utensils of every-anything for our use [...]. [For breakfast] Sunday morning we'd have salt fish and potatoes. Monday morning we'd have fry up and bacon. Tuesday morning have tripe and onions. Wednesday morning we'd have bacon and eggs. Thursday-sausage. Sausage and mash. And Fridays-my father wouldn't have no meat in the house, we all had to have fish Fridays [...]. [My mother] was a wonderful mother. Wonderful. I only wish she was alive today. Good woman. She was very affectionate, she was a good mother. Very fond of all her children, she never made-more of one than she did of the others. Nor my father either [...]. My father was good too to her [...]. The only thing with my father he was strict. He was very strict on where you went and where you go you know, if I'm out-go out anywhere ask-I went to ask my mother she said you'll have to ask your father. And if he said yes I'd go and if I didn't-if he said no that was it. When he said no he meant no [...]. I used to be bossy with [my brother] see. I would be bossy and they-they resent it-they'd resent it, you see, the-and I hit him and he hit me back and that was it-father hit the two of us so we-we didn't fight no more [...]. We'd all be together Christmas Day. We could have-we had a gramophone, the old battered gramophone, 'til had-we had a-music box. We were all allowed to sing and that, we had a good day. Plenty to eat [...]. [My father'd] have a pipe three times a day but he wouldn't-ever drank. 17

Similar domestic and everyday family details too abound in the reminiscences of others from early twentieth century mixed-race families, such as those of the jazz singer Cleo Laine, born in 1927 and who grew up with her black Jamaican father, white British mother and siblings in Southall, London. Laine's ( 1994, pp. 27-28) recollections of the family's Saturday night would likely be similar to many 'ordinary' British families of the era:

Saturday night had always been our family night out-a visit to the pictures. We generally went to the Gem Cinema, the local flea-pit where we had to queue up because it was so popular. Pa always bought mother her favourite sweets, which were almonds covered with toffee [...]. My mother and father were not drinkers, and they seldom went to pubs but the big treat after the pictures was a glass of brown ale. Pa would buy a bottle at the off-licence, then come home to enjoy it with mother, who'd be listening to the radio or pottering about, while we ate our fish-and-chip supper before going off to bed.

The casual tone of Laine's reminiscences of the family's Saturday night out in London provide a stark counterpoint to the moral concern panic about interracial families like hers who were so regularly a feature of condemnatory academic, government and media reports in the 1920s and 1930s, including the children of Canning Town's Crown Street in East London (mentioned previously). 'Poor little half-castes', cried the Daily Express '[b]rought up amid sneers and insults, launched while still in their teens upon a life barren of almost everything but dirt, disease and despair [...] outcast and bereft of friends' ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018, p. 139). Yet accounts from those who were themselves mixing and of mixed race in East London during this time period reveals perspectives that directly challenge the account put forward by the Express. For example, as also noted in Banton's ( 1955, p. 27) conversations with black residents of Canning Town reminiscing about the neighbourhood, Stephen Bourne's interviews with Anita Bowes and Christopher Cozier-the children of a Guyanese father and a white English mother who grew up in East London in the 1930s-suggest a picture of a community in which mixed families and people were not only visible but accepted:

This view is also echoed in accounts of white residents of Canning Town; Doris remembers growing up alongside black and mixed families in the 1930s with little racial tension:

Certainly, accounts from across multiracial dockside communities repeatedly provide glimpses into locales in which interraciality was so normalised that it became almost mundane. For example, though 'Tiger Bay' tended to be seen by outsiders as violent, dangerous and undesirable due in part to its large multicultural community ( Evans 1985; Jordan 2001), archival testimonies suggest it was regarded with great fondness and pride by many of its actual inhabitants often because of this very same multiculturalism. Like many other Butetown residents of the 1930s, Nora, the daughter of black Liberian father and white Welsh mother, remembers mixedness as a very ordinary part of growing up:

Such accounts of 'ordinariness'-of presence and experience-that disrupt the traditional pathological narratives are not confined to port side or urban communities. At the turn of the twentieth century, The Dundee Evening Post featured an article entitled 'Negroes as Colliers' which, with disparaging astonishment, reported on the presence of black men working as miners in the Rhondda Valley in Wales and marrying local white women 'who look with much partiality upon the coloured visitor [but] by the men he is given as wide a berth as possible.' ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018, pp. 184-85). However, in his account of growing up in Maerdy, a mining village in the Rhondda, Alfred Lawes, the son of a West Indian father, recalls his father, who had come looking for work in the mines with other former black sailors in 1912, not being ostracised but being strongly integrated into the community:

Moreover, Alfred also notes that, in time, his father married a local white Welsh woman and their growing family continued to be part of the tightly knit community:

As the extracts from the above accounts suggest, the aspects of ordinariness to be found inside the immediate interracial family could also extend to wider family and local community, in terms of interactions, acceptance and integration. Though certainly many white women who partnered men from other cultures in the pre- and inter-war years were shunned by their extended families, these relationships were not automatically marginalised from extended family networks. Tabili's ( 1996, p. 181) research demonstrates that in seaport communities, interracial couples could be found 'living in the same house with the wives' families, a common working-class residential pattern' that is echoed in mid-twentieth century studies of these communities; indeed, glimpses of such familial acceptance and integration-amongst the middle- and upper- as well as the working-classes-can be spotted across a range of archival sources. In their reminiscences, Edith Bryan recalls seeing a lot of her white grandparents, particularly her grandmother who lived in another town:

Similarly, while Charles Jenkins, born in 1937 to a white mother and black African father in the Liverpool 8 district (now known as Toxteth), recalls how his mother and aunts moved to be closer to his family:

Additionally, as Tabili ( 1996) also notes, it was not unheard of for multiple mixing to occur within working-class families. Like their sister, the white aunts of Edith Bryan both married black men, while another interviewee in the Family Life and Work Experience project, Mary Brady, a white resident of Salford, recalled a neighbour, Annie, and her three sisters all marrying black men after the First World War:

Such patterns were not necessarily bound by class either: Alan Mander, the scion of a prominent Midlands family, met his wife, Princess Sudhira, when she was recuperating at a nursing home in England having visited her with his sister-in-law, Princess Pretiva, who had married his brother Lionel-better known as Miles Mander, the character actor-two years earlier ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018).

Moreover, while family and community acceptance were certainly not a given-social opposition from both being a critical and recurring component of the interracial experience during the period discussed in this article ( Tabili 1996; Bland 2005; Caballero and Aspinall 2018)-nor was hostility or antipathy inevitably expressed or static. Attitudes, rather, were often flexible and malleable, shaped by both individual and social choices, preferences and circumstances, as well as time and situation. Pat O'Mara ( O'Mara ([1933] 2009, pp. 12-13) recalls that while some white families in his Liverpudlian neighbourhood-such as his mother's-'abhorred the practice of inter-marriage [...] it was so prevalent that they had to keep their beliefs to themselves. There were others who had great pride in our coloured neighbours.' Such divergence of feeling and expression was also found within extended families. In her recollections of her marriage to the celebrated composer Samuel Coleridge-Taylor, born to a Sierra Leonean father and white British mother, his wife, Jessie, recalls that, shocked at the idea of her entering a mixed marriage, her family made 'vile suggestions' and 'horrid threats' and took 'measures' to separate them; Coleridge-Taylor himself was not 'figuratively' but 'kicked out of the house ... literally' when he went to ask her father for her hand in marriage ( Coleridge-Taylor 1943, pp. 20-21). Yet, Jessie also notes that there was considerable discrepancy in the family's views. Her father, she remarks, had had nothing to do with the 'kicking out' of Coleridge-Taylor when he sought her hand in marriage and went on to have 'subsequent love' for his son-in-law; the virulent reaction that day had stemmed from her brother-in-law who had been present at the meeting and 'had such prejudiced feelings on the subject of mixed marriages, having passed so much of his life in the east.' ( Coleridge-Taylor 1943, p. 21). Similarly, though three of her sisters also disproved of the match-with one persevering in her attempts to talk her out of it right up to the day of the ceremony itself-the day before the ceremony, her mother invited Samuel to the family home where she and Jessie's father shook his hand in acceptance and then went on to attend the wedding and act as a witness.

Similarly, views held by individual family members could fluctuate or evolve. The birth of a child, for example, could have a dramatic effect on changing previously hostile members' attitudes: in Maria Lin Wong's ( 1989, p. 70) interviews with mixed white and Chinese families who grew up in Liverpool in the first half of the twentieth century, one woman notes that while she knows her grandfather had not been very pleased that his daughter had married a Chinese man, 'then I arrived and my grandfather loved me and that was it.' Complex and evolving family dynamics, as well as prior patterns of emotional ties and engagement, meant that feelings about interracial marriage were not fixed but could and frequently did change over time. The dominant focus of early twentieth century outsider narratives however-that suggested interracial families operated within an inherent and static pathological state-frequently obscured the nuances of complexity and complication that were, and continue to be, an ordinary part of family life, regardless of race ( Thompson [1975] 1992; Hareven 1991; Hammerton 1992).

4. Conclusions

As this article has illustrated, the long history of racial mixing and mixedness in Britain suggests a significant seam of ordinariness running throughout it, in both presence and experiences. Yet, as highlighted at the very beginning of the article, such ordinariness is often absent from mainstream public memory, due to the concept of 'normalcy' as it relates to the presence and experiences of interraciality consistently being viewed as a 'new' phenomenon. This 'mixed race amnesia'-as Mahtani ( 2014) so succinctly dubs the tendency in the West to conceptualise interraciality as a modern occurrence-contributes not only to the obfuscation of longstanding wider racialised histories, patterns and structures but also allows contemporary racial mixing and mixedness to be read simplistically and lineally. In such readings, contemporary interraciality becomes frequently positioned in mainstream understandings as a logical and progressive outcome of changing attitudes towards race ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). The history of mixed-race couples, families and people in Britain is thus seen as inhabiting a linear trajectory from pathologisation through to acceptance and celebration. Such readings miss the complexity and complications inherent in modern as well as historical experiences of racial mixing and mixedness and thus continue to repeat ancient tropes and stereotypes of interraciality. As several scholars have remarked (see, for example, Parker and Song 2001; Caballero 2005; Aspinall 2015), contemporary celebratory narratives around interraciality are suggestive at times of a discourse which evokes the old pseudo-science discourses of 'hybrid vigour'. Whilst it might be tempting to see such imaginings as positive pronouncements of mixedness, it should not be forgotten that hybrid vigour is the other face of 'hybrid degeneration'. Whether used positively or negatively, both types of conceptualisation are the same coin, one borne of and which reinforces spurious, static and limiting understandings of interraciality rather than reflecting its fluid, changeable and complex reality ( Caballero 2005). Thus, in challenging the long history of pathologisation, we need to be careful not to go too far the other way-from 'mulatto devils' to 'multiracial messiahs' as McNeil ( 2010) so poetically puts it. Bringing narratives of ordinariness to the fore, however, is one means of disrupting dominant conceptualisations-either pathological or celebratory-and providing space for new understanding and perceptions of the presence and experiences of interraciality in Britain to emerge.

By foregrounding such experiences, however, it should be clearly understood that the intention is not to diminish the difficulties encountered by so many racially mixed people, couples and families, particularly their experiences of dealing with bigotry, prejudice and racism. Rather, the notion of ordinariness here is drawn on similarly to that used by Weeks et al. ( 2001, preface) in their work on same sex families; that is, to show how people whose lives have been at odds with dominant norms 'have been able, in the everyday circumstances in which they find themselves, to create meaningful, intimate relationships for themselves: as friends, partners, parents, members of communities.' In short, there is a wealth of insight to be gained from looking at seeing and approaching interracial couples, people and families from a perspective that positions them as 'ordinary people and ordinary lives, made extraordinary by the circumstances in which they find themselves'.

Funding

This research was funded by The British Academy, grant number SG-47233.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

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Figure 13. Unknown Anglo-Chinese family, Liverpool, c.1930s. Image courtesy of Yvonne Foley. Foley has campaigned for greater recognition of the brutal repatriation of Chinese seaman by the British government in 1945-1946, many of whom were consequently forced to leave their white wives and children behind. See http://www.halfandhalf.org.uk/.

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Interraciality in Early Twentieth Century Britain: Challenging Traditional Conceptualisations through Accounts of 'Ordinariness'

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The popular conception of interraciality in Britain is one that frequently casts mixed racial relationships, people and families as being a modern phenomenon. Yet, as scholars are increasingly discussing, interraciality in Britain has much deeper and diverse roots, with racial mixing and mixedness now a substantively documented presence at least as far back as the Tudor era.

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'Black Poppies: Britain’s Black Community and the Great War' (Stephen Bourne, 2019)

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'Black Poppies: Britain’s Black Community and the Great War' (Stephen Bourne, 2019)

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Black Poppies | Bourne, Stephen; Bourne, Stephen | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'White Privilege: The Myth of a Post-Racial Society' (Kalwant Bhopal, 2018)

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'White Privilege: The Myth of a Post-Racial Society' (Kalwant Bhopal, 2018)

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Why and how do those from black and minority ethnic communities continue to be marginalised? Despite claims that we now live in a post-racial society, race continues to disadvantage those from black and minority ethnic backgrounds.

Kalwant Bhopal explores how neoliberal policy making has increased rather than decreased discrimination faced by those from non-white backgrounds. She also shows how certain types of whiteness are not privileged; Gypsies and Travellers, for example, remain marginalised and disadvantaged in society.

Drawing on topical debates and supported by empirical data, this important book examines the impact of race on wider issues of inequality and difference in society.

Kalwant Bhopal is Professorial Research Fellow and Professor of Education and Social Justice in the Centre for Research on Race and Education at the University of Birmingham. She is visiting Professor at Harvard University at the Graduate School of Education and visiting Professor at King's College London. Her areas of interest and expertise focus on the educational experiences of black and minority ethnic groups as well as Gypsies and Travellers. Her research specifically explores how processes of racism, exclusion and marginalisation operate in predominantly white spaces with a focus on social justice and inclusion.

"Many of the critical analyses of neoliberalism in education have neglected the ways in which neoliberalism as a theory and as a set of policies and practices is deeply connected to racialisation. In White Privilege, Kalwant Bhopal provides us with a clear and powerful analysis of these connections and of why they are so crucial to understand." Michael W. Apple, John Bascom Professor of Curriculum and Instruction and Educational Policy Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison

"A lucid straightforward illumination of whiteness and white privilege, as it is currently acted-out in school and society, despite social justice policies. It puts before readers the pervasiveness and meanness of white privilege in education/schooling and society in this neoliberal, non-post-racial era. Timely and deserving of urgent attention." Carl A. Grant, Hoefs Bascom Professor University Wisconsin-Madison and author of Du Bois and Education.

"White Privilege brilliantly dismantles the myth of a post-racial society. It is a 'must-read' for all those concerned about inequalities of race in society." Diane Reay, University of Cambridge

"More than ever, the study of whiteness proves indispensable. Kalwant Bhopal is a voice of reason in a cacophony of fervor. She takes to task the presumptions of post-raciality and defies its pretenders. We will be post-racial in a condition of post-racism. Until then, evidence and ethics are on her side." Zeus Leonardo, University of California, Berkeley, Author of Race Frameworks: A Multidimensional Theory of Racism and Education

"A valuable insight into the complexities and subtleties of modern day racism, the intersection of race and class and the unfinished battle to transcend white hegemony." Peter Tatchell, human rights campaigner

"In this wide-ranging book Bhopal addresses racial inequality in Britain and the United States. She demonstrates how racial inequality is pervasive in British society across sectors, especially education and the labor market, an important perspective for scholars. A great introduction to issues of racial inequality." Natasha Kumar Warikoo, Harvard University, Graduate School of Education.

"Offers a crucial and timely focus on the perpetuation of white privilege in a society that claims to be post-racial, and the continuing disadvantages experienced by black and minority ethnic groups... provides a wealth of data on social, educational and economic inequalities in both the UK and USA where white supremacist hate is increasing. It should be read by policy makers, practitioners and the public to help them realise how white privilege works and disadvantage is perpetuated" Sally Tomlinson, University of Oxford

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White privilege: The myth of a Post-Racial Society

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Why and how do those from black and minority ethnic communities continue to be marginalised? Despite claims that we now live in a post-racial society, race continues to disadvantage those from black and minority ethnic backgrounds. Kalwant Bhopal explores how neoliberal policy making has increased rather than decreased discrimination faced by those from non-white backgrounds.

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'Cardiff’s History Migration Inspired Me to Live Tweet the 1919 Race Riots' (Yasmin Begum, 2019)

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'Cardiff’s History Migration Inspired Me to Live Tweet the 1919 Race Riots' (Yasmin Begum, 2019)

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Alt History: A Forgotten Regiment  - BBC Stories

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'EMMA DABIRI: The Black Heroes White-Washed From Your History Books' (2019)

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'EMMA DABIRI: The Black Heroes White-Washed From Your History Books' (2019)

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The black heroes white-washed from your history books | Alt History - BBC

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'The Coloured Quarter' (Michael Banton, 1955)

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'The Coloured Quarter' (Michael Banton, 1955)

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Back to Black traces the long and eminent history of Black radical politics. Born out of resistance to slavery and colonialism, its rich past encompasses figures such as Marcus Garvey, Angela Davis, the Black Panthers and the Black Lives Matter activists of today. At its core it argues that racism is inexorably embedded in the fabric of society, and that it can never be overcome unless by enacting change outside of this suffocating system. Yet this Black radical tradition has been diluted and moderated over time; wilfully misrepresented and caricatured by others; divested of its legacy, potency, inclusivity and force for global change.
Kehinde Andrews explores the true roots of this tradition, and connects the dots to today's struggles by showing what a renewed politics of Black radicalism might look like in the 21st century.

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Back to Black: Retelling Black Radicalism for the 21st Century

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Back to Black traces the long and eminent history of Black radical politics. Born out of resistance to slavery and colonialism, its rich past encompasses figures such as Marcus Garvey, Angela Davis, the Black Panthers and the Black Lives Matter activists of today.

# data[].attributes.headline
'Blackamoores’ Have Their Own names in Early Modern England' (Onyeka Nubia, 2019)

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'Blackamoores’ Have Their Own names in Early Modern England' (Onyeka Nubia, 2019)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
For over 1500 years before the Empire Windrush docked on British shores, people of African descent have played a significant and far-ranging role in the country's history, from the African soldiers on Hadrian's Wall to the Black British intellectuals who made London a hub of radical, Pan-African ideas. But while there has been a growing interest in this history, there has been little recognition of the sheer breadth and diversity of the Black British experience, until now.

This collection combines the latest work from both established and emerging scholars of Black British history. It spans the centuries from the first Black Britons to the latest African migrants, covering everything from Africans in Tudor England to the movement for reparations, and the never ending struggles against racism in between.

An invaluable resource for both future scholarship and those looking for a useful introduction to Black British history, Black British History: New Perspectives has the potential to transform our understanding of Britain, and of its place in the world.

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Black British History: New Perspectives (Blackness in Britain)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
For over 1500 years before the Empire Windrush docked on British shores, people of African descent have played a significant and far-ranging role in the country's history, from the African soldiers on Hadrian's Wall to the Black British intellectuals who made London a hub of radical, Pan-African ideas.