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Compare Mandel's vision for South African equality with the reality of present-day Cape Town

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South Africa is still under apartheid | AJ+

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1. Contrast and compare how Michelle Faul experiences...

1. .... going to South Africa as a child.

2. .... going to England as a child.

3. .... going to South Africa as a teenager.

4. Reflect upon how and why the experiences are different from each other.

2. What does it mean that racism in South Africa was an "institutionalized code"? Give examples.

3. Comment on the racial classification of apartheid.

1. With what methods was race classified in South Africa during apartheid?

2. What were the consequences of racial classification for individuals and for families?

3. How would it serve the regime to have three categories of race rather than only two?

4. Comment on the notion that racism in South Africa was something that is "imbibed unconsciously".

5. Comment on the Soweto uprising.

1. What triggered it?

2. What were the consequences of the uprising?

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1. What do we learn of the school system in South Africa during apartheid?

2. How were the reasons for, and the organization of, the Soweto Uprising different from that of the Sharpeville Riots?

3. What made the hitherto peaceful protest turn violent on June 16th

4. Describe how the conflict escalated between the morning of June 16th and the night of June 17th.

5. How is the mood between blacks and whites described as being on June 27th when the article is published?

6. Looking back at Michelle Faul's 2014 article, what was the outcome of the Soweto riots?

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Each of you will prepare a 5 minute presentation on one of the following assignments:

1. When, how and why Wikus changes, and what kind of development he goes through.

2. How details from the different locations of the film establish the setting

3. How the film comments on the apartheid regime

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Wikus van de Merwe

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Christopher Johnson

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Colonel Koobus Venter

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District 9 - The Opening 3 minutes [clip 1 of 13]

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Zefside: Introductory Vocabulary | Quizlet

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Die Antwoord - "Fatty Boom Boom" (Official Video)

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Briefly describe what the speech is about

Note down the arguments Mandela makes

What does Mandela say about SA's past, present & future

How is SA's past present & future used in Mandela's arguments

What are Mandela's intentions with the speech?

Are there any central arguments?

For any given argument, look for the claim and grounds

In what way does Mandela "construct a view of himself as a certain kind of person" (Aristotle, Rhetoric, book 2, chapter 1); what personas does he portray?

Find examples of the use of allusions, tricolon, and figurative language

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President Nelson Mandela Inauguration Speech May 10, 1994

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Your Majesties
Your Highnesses
Distinguished Guests
Comrades and Friends

Today, all of us do, by our presence here, and by our celebrations in other parts of our country and the world, confer glory and hope to newborn liberty.

Out of the experience of and extraordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud.

Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity's belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for glorious life for all.

All this we owe both to ourselves and to the peoples of the world who are so well represented here today.

To my compatriots, I have no hesitation in saying that each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of Pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld.

Each time one of us touches the soil of this land, we feel a sense of personal renewal. The national mood changes as the seasons change.

We are moved by a sense of joy and exhilaration when the grass turns green and the flowers bloom.

That spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland explains the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict, and as we saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world, precisely because it has become the universal base of the pernicious ideology and practice of racism and racial oppression.

We, the people of South Africa, feel fulfilled that humanity has taken us back into its bosom, that we, who were outlaws no so long ago, have today been given the rare privilege to be host to the nations of the world on our own soil.

We thank all our distinguished international guests for having come to take possession people of our country of what is, after all, a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity.

We trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, prosperity, non-sexism, non-racialism and democracy.

We deeply appreciate the role that the masses of our people and their political mass democratic, religious, women, youth, business, traditional and other leaders have played to bring about this conclusion. Not least among them is my Second Deputy President, the Honourable F.W. de Klerk.

We would also like to pay tribute to our security forces, in all their ranks, for the distinguished role they have played in securing our first democratic elections and the transition to democracy, from blood-thirsty forces which still refuse to see the light.

The time for the healing of the wounds has come.

The moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has come.

The time to build is upon us.

We have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination.

We succeeded to take our last steps to freedom in conditions of relative peace. We commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace.

We have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the million of our people. We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity - a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.

As a token of its commitment to the renewal of our country, the new Interim Government of National Unity will, as a matter of urgency, address the issue of amnesty for various categories of our people who are currently serving terms of imprisonment.

We dedicate this day to all the heroes and heroines in this country and the rest of the world who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free.

Their dreams have become reality. Freedom is their reward.

We are both humbled and elevated by the honour and privilege that you, the people of South Africa, have bestowed on us, as the first President of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist government.

We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom.

We know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success.

We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world.

Let there be justice for all.

Let there be peace for all.

Let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.

Let each know that for each that for each the body, the mind and the soul have been freed to fulfil themselves.

Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.

Let freedom reign.

The sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement!

God bless Africa!

Thank you.

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Statement of the President of the African National Congress, Nelson Mandela, at his Inauguration as President of the Democratic Republic of South Africa, Union Buildings, Pretoria, 10 May 1994

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Your MajestiesYour HighnessesDistinguished GuestsComrades and Friends Today, all of us do, by our presence here, and by our celebrations in other parts of our country and the world, confer glory and hope to newborn liberty. Out of the experience of and extraordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud.

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Wikus van de Merwe er ikke så lidt stolt, da den lidt grå embedsmand forfremmes til at lede tvangsforflyttelsen af de internerede rumvæsener i District 9. Men under aktionen smittes Wikus af en virus, der gradvis forvandler ham selv til rumvæsen.

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Michael T. Kaufman: "Witnesses Tell What They Saw When Riots Came to Soweto" (1976)

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Michael T. Kaufman: "Witnesses Tell What They Saw When Riots Came to Soweto" (1976)

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Credit... The New York Times Archives

This is a digitized version of an article from The Times's print archive, before the start of online publication in 1996. To preserve these articles as they originally appeared, The Times does not alter, edit or update them.

Occasionally the digitization process introduces transcription errors or other problems; we are continuing to work to improve these archived versions.

JOHANNESBURG, June 27-Sometime between 7:30 and 9 A.M. on Wednesday, June 16, a march of schoolchildren in the black township of Soweto turned into one of the worst racial riots in South African history.

Many people saw it happen. Few are willing to talk about what they saw. Still, from the accounts of witnesses whose descriptions were given under guarantees of anonymity, a picture emerges of what took place on that chilly morning that began with songs and ended with shots.

The scene was set the day before. A group of perhaps a hundred elementary and junior high school students gathered in Soweto, the largest of the townships where urban blacks are compelled to live, to plan a march for the next morning that would continue a fiveweek protest against the mandatory use of the Afrikaans language in teaching such subjects as mathematics and science.

Since Soweto schools are open only to those who can of ford books and uniforms, it is not uncommon to have students aged 16. 17 and even 18 in the lower grades; and most of those at the meeting were reportedly in that age group.

Protest Was Developing
The language protest had been building, and there were boycotts in several schools. A week earlier a teacher was stabbed. A member of the Soweto Council, a black group, had warned two days before the riots that unless the authorities dealt quickly with the language issue, the protest could lead to violence.

However, there was little awareness of the problem among the white South Africans whose newspapers hardly mentioned it. Certainly the governing white minority of 2.5 million did not view the Soweto protest as comparable to the organized campaign of burning identification cards that led to rioting in Sharpeville in 1960, in which 72 blacks were killed by police gunfire.

In any case the June 15 meeting in Soweto ended peacefully. The next morning, as pu pils in their school blazers left their homes, some carried handwritten signs declaring, "Afrikaans is for Boers, not Africans." As older students moved from the dusty, treeless, unnamed back streets to thee, major thoroughfares they were joined by 8‐ and 9‐year‐olds. They were heading toward a sports stadium, where they planned to hold a rally.

According to witnesses, the marching students raised their fists in the salute of what is called the black power movement, more an attitude among the 18 million blacks than a political organization. Some sang forbidden anthems of the African National Congress the outlawed nationalist group. One man, who estimated the crowd at several thousand, said none of the youths he saw were carrying sticks or stones. Photographs of the marchers before trouble erupted showed neatly dressed boys and girls smiling or laughing.
Seeking Some Recruits
According to several witnesses, the marchers' route took them through a section of Seweto called Phefani, heading for the adjoining neighborhood of Orlando East, where the stadium is. Some marchers said they thought they were going to stop at the Orlando High School to enlist its students in the protest. High schools in Soweto do not use Afrikaans, the language of the governing Nationalists, in instruction.

Some students said they were particularly angered by the principal of the Orlando school, who had recently organized a "boys on the border fund," to which pupils were asked to contribute money, for the recreation of South African soldiers serving in South‐West Africa in a campaign against guerrillas.

Shortly after 8 A.M. the marchers, apparently the main body of the students, crossed a railroad bridge and entered Orlando, where they were stopped by policemen. According to a number of witnesses, it was there that the riot started, though there may have been smaller incidents elsewhere in the vast Soweto area, where more than a million people live.

A black office worker said he saw the confrontation between the marchers and the police from a distance of several hundred yards. There were a few minutes of what seemed to him to be quiet discussion. A few stones were then thrown from the back ranks of the students, he related and tear gas was fired by the police but the crowd did not immediately disperse. Instead there was a surge forward.

At that point, the witness said, shots were heard. He said he saw policemen using sidearms and some students fell, but most ran away. The witness, who had by this time gone to stand with a group of people in front of a police station, heard that a boy named Hector Peterson had been shot to death.

While the witness stood nevi the police station he heard a black woman say that it was a shame that the policemen had fired at children. The remark was overheard by a white offi cer, who, the witness said, or dered black policemen to arres the woman.

In an account of the rioting later in the day, James T Kruger, Minister of Justice said the police had exercised the "greatest measure of selfcontrol" and had fired only when their lives were endangered. He also said that the police had fired only after black mobs had hacked black and white government employees to death. However, it was not until nearly 11 P.M., three hours after witnesses reported the first police fire at the students, that the body of a black policeman was found in his car.

On Friday. Mr. Kruger, at a news conference for the foreign press, said the march had caught the police by surprise. Three‐man patrols were dispatched to learn what was happening, he said, and 30 black policemen, only some of whom were armed, were sent with a white officer to head off the largest group of marchers.

The police tried to talk with the leaders at the head of the march, Mr. Kruger asserted, and tear gas was fired, but because of the openness of the terrain it proved ineffective.

The leader of the marchers. whom Mr. Kruger identified as not being a student. "took up a very threatening attitude and he was shot."

The Minister, saying he was certain that if shots had not been fired the riot would have developed in any case, noted that arson attacks broke out simultaneously in widely separated areas of Soweto.

The timing of the shootings will undoubtedly be the major focus of the judiciary inquiry ordered a day after the riots flared. However, wittnesses, all of whom were concentrated near the area where young Peterson died and all of whom profess varying degrees of sympathy for the marchers, insist that the attacks on Government property and Government workers followed rather than preceded the initial police shooting.

The witnesses say that as news of the boy's death spread, the students broke into groups and began attacks on schools, offices and cars believed to belong to whites. One man told of seeing Indian doctors from a neighborhood clinic running for safety pursued by a mob.

It was in this outburst of rage that two white social workers were killed. One of them was a sociologist named Melville Edelstein whose doctoral dissertation had warned of the latent rage of educated urban blacks toward Afrikaans.
Bank Was Burned
During the early hours a Barclays Bank branch was burned and the offices of the agency administering black affairs were ransacked and gutted. A man told of seeing youths demanding to buy kerosene at a gasoline station; when the owner refused they reportedly beat him and set the station on fire.

Some witnesses said they had heard that stores and schools had been targeted for attack. Schools where teachers and principals had endorsed the language protest were not burned. One of the first stores to be burned, one witness related, was the Verwoerd Shop, named after the assassinated Prime Minister.

The store was owned by a black man, but most of the others belonged to Indians, Chinese and colored people of mixed ethnic stock. In the last few years the Government has allowed only blacks to open businesses in their townships, but some nonblacks who have been there for many years were allowed to stay. Many of their shops are in an area called White City, which was particularly hard hit by looters.

As the rioting continued into the night of the 16th, 5,000 policemen and police reservists were in and around Soweto, which lies 10 miles west of Johannesburg. They were armed with shotguns and submachine guns but not gasmasks or helmets.

Witnesses said that by noon soldiers rode through the township on open trucks firing at youths, who scattered.

By early afternoon telephone communication was cut off, train service stopped and heavily manned checkpoints were set up on the few roads leading to the community.

The witnesses generally agreed that the students lost control of the situation late in the day to older people and to the tsotsis, as members of gangs of young hoodlums are known in Zulu slang. The staterun liquor stores became the targets, and the witnesses said many people could be seen running through the streets with beer and whiskey. Many were reportedly drunk.

Late on June 17 the police and health authorities stopped reporting the fatality toll. At that time the number of officially reported dead stood at 41, including the two whites.

By the 18th the riots began spreading to other townships, and Prime Minister John Vorster, then preparing to leave for his meeting with Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger in Germany, announced that the Government had given instructions to the police "to maintain law and order at all costs."

According to witnesses, the statement was followed by greater shows of force by the police, particularly in Alexandra Township, the only black area that is close to white residential neighborhoods. As. the Soweto disorders were lessening, violence flared in townships northward to Pretoria, but it did not rage as long as in Soweto.

The official death toll, which Thursday was reported as 140, was raised to 176 on Friday by the Minister of Justice. Mr. Kruger said the number included two whites and 12 chitdren. He said 1,139 people had been wounded and 1,298 arrested.
UN. Figures Denied
He emphatically denied assertions he said were made in New York by the United Nations Committee on Apartheid that more than a thousand blacks were killed.

Some in Soweto feel that the officially reported toll here is somewhat low, though they say that the United Nations figure is much too high. One man said he believed he saw 80 bodies in Soweto, 20 of them in a single place, near the Moroka stores, where they had apparently been shot as looters.

Three days ago the black morgue here reported holding the unclaimed bodies of 93 riot victims. This was a day after a black undertaker reported he had removed eight bodies and other undertakers had claimed others. The morgue reported that those who died of stab wounds were still awaiting autopsies.

The mood in Johannesburg, which had been noticeably tense until last weekend, is quite calm. Whites and blacks pass each other on the street with no looks of hatred or suspicion. In elevators whites and blacks make small talk without mention of Soweto. In private, however, whites say that the riots indicate a significant rise in black militancy.

"This is much different than Sharpeville," a white university student commented. That incident in a township 35 miles from here, he said, was a result of an organized drive to protest apartheid by having people burn their identity cards, known as pass books. The authorities were able to arrest the organizers and while the world expressed outrage, the protest at home stopped. In Soweto the student said, anger and defiance have lingered.

A young black salesman said that among his friends in Soweto-he said they were not activists-the mood was not just sorrow and anger but pride as well. "There is a feeling that Soweto has showed that we are not quite so docile as the whites believed," he explained.

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Witnesses Tell What They Saw When Riots Came to Soweto

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This is a digitized version of an article from The Times's print archive, before the start of online publication in 1996. To preserve these articles as they originally appeared, The Times does not alter, edit or update them. Occasionally the digitization process introduces transcription errors or other problems; we are continuing to work to improve these archived versions.

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APARTHEID 46 YEARS IN 90 SECONDS - BBC NEWS

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Michelle Faul: "Recalling life under apartheid in South Africa" (2013)

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Michelle Faul: "Recalling life under apartheid in South Africa" (2013)

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JOHANNESBURG (AP) - My mother was furious. The operators of the gas station in rural, racist South Africa had taken her money to fill the car, but would not give her the key to the toilets. They were for whites only.

It was the early 1960s, and apartheid was the law of the land.

So my indomitable mum did the only thing she could do: She ordered me and my two sisters to urinate right there, very publicly, in front of the fuel pumps.

We did not disobey, but I started crying - and my sisters bawled, too. We lowered our shorts, but I was so traumatized that I simply could not go.

___

EDITOR'S NOTE - Michelle Faul is Chief Africa Correspondent for The Associated Press.

___

My widowed mother, Ethel Pillay, had driven us from our home in Zimbabwe, which was then called Rhodesia, to visit family in her native South Africa.

There was racism in Rhodesia, too, but it was nothing like the institutionalized code in South Africa that made blacks subhuman - the system that Nelson Mandela later fought to bring down.

We had been on the road for more than 15 hours that day. We were taking the car because the train ride was difficult for a woman with three children and lots of baggage.

The train also was an uncomfortable ride for blacks: Halfway through the trip, in the middle of the night, they would have to get out of the Rhodesian Railways compartments and transfer to decrepit blacks-only South African carriages.

The car trip presented its own challenges. Hotels catered only to whites, so the drive needed to be nonstop. We also had to carry piles of food and drinks because my mother refused to go to the back door of shops; only whites were allowed inside the stores.

In those days, of course, we didn't say "blacks" and "whites." Black people were called "Africans," we were "colored" to designate our mixed race, and whites were called "Europeans."

Sometimes those lines got blurred. South Africa had a crazy system of deciding your race, including whether the moons of your fingernails were a bit more mauve than white, indicating a hint of black blood. There also was the test of whether a pencil would stay in your hair, indicating it must be of kinky black stock. If the pencil slid through, you could be considered white.

Under such rules of apartheid, Chinese were classified colored despite their straight hair; Japanese were white.

Blacks who wanted to be reclassified as colored also could undergo the pencil test: if it fell out when you shook your head, you could become colored.

Tens of thousands of people changed their race in this manner. Sometimes it was not voluntary and led to families being forcibly separated - even children from their parents - if one member was deemed not to belong to the same race. It was not unusual, in the colored community, to find siblings ranging in shades from deepest black to fair with blond hair.

I remember the sorrow brought on our family because one of my mother's sisters "played white." When she was in her 90s, my grandmother recounted how her own daughter walked past her in the street, pretending not to know her. But with the pain still stark in her eyes, she told me, "That's what she had to do to make a better life for herself and her children."

Being white meant you got decent health care, your kids could go to school, and you could live where you wanted.

Blacks were corralled into townships, if they could get jobs in the city. If not, their urban shacks often were bulldozed and they were forcibly moved to unproductive "homelands." This was at the heart of the policy of apartheid, or "separateness."

My experience was more the absurd pettiness of apartheid, rather than the brutal, state-sponsored violence used to maintain it.

If you were white, you had access to jobs denied to blacks. The only black professionals were teachers, like my mother; nurses and doctors who could only treat blacks; and lawyers, the profession chosen by Mandela, who once believed he could end apartheid by reasoning and legal argument.

We moved to England from Rhodesia when I was child because my mother fell in love with a white man, Michael Faul, who had come to Rhodesia when he was 2. His mother strenuously objected to the marriage, and for years, she was estranged from her only son until my mother forced him to reconcile.

I remember our ship docking in Southampton. On the train ride to London, seeing whites doing menial work, I exclaimed to my mother: "But those are Europeans - picking up dustbins!" It was so alien.

On subsequent visits to South Africa as a teenager, I had a British passport. That put me in the peculiar position of being an "honorary white" - meaning I could stay in white hotels and, upon showing my passport, go to restaurants, movie theaters and other places reserved for whites. The exception was South Africa's racially segregated beaches.

To my surprise, I realized that Johannesburg was not made up of dusty, treeless suburbs with poor homes crowded onto small plots overlooked by dumps. White people lived in green neighborhoods with paved roads and sidewalks, in lush homes with gardens, swimming pools and tennis courts.

Black people who worked in those suburbs had to have permission to live in the "boy's quarters" at the bottom of the garden - such approval was stamped into much-hated "passbooks." Or they had to be out of the white suburbs before nightfall.

My mother, now writing her memoirs, recalls racism as something that "children were not taught. ... It seemed to be imbibed unconsciously, and automatically became a part of you."

In Cradock, a South African town in the eastern Cape where she was living when apartheid was legalized in 1948, my English-speaking mother struggled with her studies after new laws sought to entrench white superiority through the Afrikaans language. Once, she was "locked into my classroom to do my topic in history, in a foreign language I could neither read nor write."

Opposition to Afrikaans as "the language of the oppressor" led to the 1976 uprising in Soweto, when police opened fire on 15,000 students marching in a peaceful protest. Images of the state violence published around the world proved a momentous turning point, changing how many perceived apartheid.

When that evil system finally was crushed, we all were in awe of Mandela's insistence on reconciliation and not retribution. It is a tribute to him that today, as he ordained, I and others forgive but do not forget.

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Recalling life under apartheid in South Africa

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JOHANNESBURG (AP) - My mother was furious. The operators of the gas station in rural, racist South Africa had taken her money to fill the car, but would not give her the key to the toilets. They were for whites only. It was the early 1960s, and apartheid was the law of the land.