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before the 1960s: more traditional forms of protest

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before the 1960s: more traditional forms of protest

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e.g. following politics in the newspapers, discussing politics with others, working for political parties, attending political meetings, persuading friends and family to vote in particular ways

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nonroutinized ways of affecting political, social, and cultural processes                              

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nonroutinized ways of affecting political, social, and cultural processes                              

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use of indirect channels to influence decision makers

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use of indirect channels to influence decision makers

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the first threshold: transition from conventional to unconventional politics 

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the first threshold: transition from conventional to unconventional politics 

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e.g. signing petitions, lawful demonstrations

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the second threshold: shift to direct action techniques 

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the second threshold: shift to direct action techniques 

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e.g. boycotts

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the third threshold: illegal, but nonviolent acts 

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the third threshold: illegal, but nonviolent acts 

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e.g. unofficial strikes, occupation of a building

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the fourth threshold: violent activities

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the fourth threshold: violent activities

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e.g. personal injury, physical damage

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since the 1960s: new and unconventional forms of political participation

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since the 1960s: new and unconventional forms of political participation

# data[].attributes.body
e.g. signing petitions, lawful demonstrations, boycotts, sit-ins, blocking traffic, occupations...

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an attempt to describe and explain periods of intensified protest

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an attempt to describe and explain periods of intensified protest

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a phase of heightened conflict
and contention across the social system that includes:
-a rapid diffusion of
collective action from more mobilized to less mobilized sectors
-a quickened
pace of innovation in the forms of contention
-new or transformed collective
action frames; a combination of organized and unorganized participation
-sequences of intensified interactions between challengers and authorities which
can end in reform, repression and sometimes revolution

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"periods of relative quiet alternate with waves of intense mobilization that encompass large sections of societies, and quite often affect many societies simultaneously"

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series of interactions connected to each other from the thematic point of view and oriented towards a common aim

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First threshold
U.S. nationwide and international peaceful protests (e.g. Australia, England)

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bodies, symbols, identities, practices, and discourses are used to pursue or prevent changes in institutionalized power relations

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bodies, symbols, identities, practices, and discourses are used to pursue or prevent changes in institutionalized power relations

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First threshold
Musicians writing anti-war songs

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More than 90 events were planned on May 22nd/23rd, 2021 (e.g. in NY, Houston, Chicago)
Protesters showed support for Palestinians and accused the Israeli government of using disproportionate force
Diverse groups of people demanded the U.S. to stop funding Israel‘s military

„I joined the protest for my parents, for my grandparents, and for my great grandparents who never stopped fighting for their freedom and right to return to Palestine. I joined to be a voice for every Palestinian brother and sister who is being silenced.“

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open letter in the NYT by the group Artists and Writers Protests against the War in Vietnam  - first threshold

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"Over a decade of organizing, actions had included mass protests and vigils; sit-ins, occupations, and blockades; conscientious objection, draft resistance and desertion; guerrilla theater; obstruction of military recruiters, arms shipments and personnel; petitioning and letter-writing campaigns; destruction of draft files." (Zunes; Laird) https://www.nonviolent-conflict.org/us-anti-vietnam-war-movement-1964-1973/

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Footage of rocket fire over Israel and Palestinian protests have gone viral on the video app

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pacifism: war is seen as morally wrong → anti-war songs by well-known artists like John Lennon or Bob Dylan

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Who participated in the anti-Vietnam war movement?

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Who participated in the anti-Vietnam war movement?

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- students and young people
- hippie movement
- Black Power activists (e.g. Martin Luther King)

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This conflict summary was commissioned by the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC). We are an educational organization dedicated to developing and sharing knowledge related to nonviolent civil resistance movements for human rights, freedom, and justice around the world. Click here to access ICNC's homepage.
The US Anti-Vietnam War Movement (1964-1973)

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Descargar en Español la versión PDF
By: Stephen Zunes and Jesse Laird
January 2010

The U.S. war in Vietnam triggered the most tenacious anti-war movement in U.S. history, beginning with the start of the bombing of North Vietnam in 1964 and the introduction of combat troops the following year. Over the next decade, hundreds of thousands of young people become radicalized in a largely nonviolent, diverse and sometimes inchoate popular culture of war resistance, employing tactics ranging from comical street theatre to industrial sabotage. Students, government officials, labor unions, church groups and middle class families increasingly opposed the war as it climaxed in 1968, forcing a gradual withdrawal of U.S. forces. Anti-war activities, particularly large-scale resistance to military conscription, forced an end U.S. combat operations in Vietnam and a suspension of the draft by January 1973.

Political History

The origins of the Vietnam War are rooted in centuries of resistance by the Vietnamese from foreign control. Following periodic domination by the Chinese, the French colonized Vietnam and neighboring Laos and Cambodia in the mid-19th century. Sporadic resistance against the French colonialists continued until the Japanese invasion during World War II, resulting in a robust communist-led guerilla insurgency known led by the Viet Minh which gained widespread popular support. Resistance continued when the French, with U.S. support, attempted to re-conquer the country. The 1954 Geneva Agreement, which ended the colonial war and granted independence, temporarily divided Vietnam at the 17th parallel pending unifying elections in 1956. The United States, however, fearing a communist victory, blocked the elections from taking place. An armed rebellion led by the communist-led National Liberation Front (NLF), also called the "Viet Cong", in South Vietnam challenged the corrupt U.S.-backed dictatorship in Saigon, resulting in the Kennedy Administration sending increasing numbers of military advisors to the country. Citing North Vietnamese support for the NLF, President Johnson began a bombing campaign of the North in August 1964 and ordered American combat units into South Vietnam in 1965, which in turn led the North Vietnamese army to join the NLF fighting in the South.

Strategic Actions

While there had been a long history in the United States of popular resistance to foreign wars, such as the Anti-Imperialist League's campaign against the U.S. invasion of the Philippines in the early 20th century, the movement against the Vietnam War was unprecedented in scope. There already was a small peace movement prior to the escalation of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, based primarily on concerns around nuclear proliferation, particularly nuclear testing. This movement was led primarily by the Committee for Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) established in 1957, but also included the pacifist Committee for Nonviolent Action (CNVA), founded that same year, and Women's Strike for Peace (WSP). The early opposition to the Vietnam War was largely restricted to pacifists and leftists empowered by the successful application of strategic nonviolent action in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) emerged in 1960, espousing a democratic socialist vision and opposition to militarism and soon became primarily focused on ending the war. The first major protests began in 1964 and quickly gained strength as the war escalated. Starting at the University of Michigan, "teach-ins" on the Vietnam War modeled after seminars raising consciousness in support of the Civil Rights Movement, brought in thousands of participants. In addition to national protests, which attracted tens of thousands to Washington, DC, there were acts of civil disobedience that became more widespread over time, including sit-ins on the steps of the Pentagon, draft induction centers, and railroad tracks transporting troops, as well as the public burning of draft cards.

Opposition increased in tandem with the escalation of the war, as body counts escalated, reports of atrocities against civilians circulated, draft calls increased, and prospects of a U.S. victory dissipated. In particular, military conscription began to impact a growing number of working and middle class families and helped mobilize college students, who faced the prospects of being sent to Vietnam soon after graduation. Recruiters for the military as well as companies associated with the war-such as Dow Chemical, the chief manufacturer of napalm-were increasingly met by protesters when they came to campuses. In 1967, 300,000 marched in New York City and 50,000 protesters descended on the Pentagon, with over 700 being arrested. A national organization of draft resisters is formed in 1967, calling itself the Resistance, as many thousands were jailed, fled to sanctuary in Canada, or went underground. Young people increasingly fused political opposition with cultural experimentation, defying traditional American norms. Surveillance, smear campaigns and staged support rallies were organized by government agencies to inhibit the growth of the movement and media coverage was largely unsympathetic, yet by the end of 1967, public support for the war dropped to barely one-third of the population.

U.S. troop levels in Vietnam peaked in 1968 at 540,000, with more than 300 Americans being killed every week. Despite this, an NLF/North Vietnamese offensive at the end of January underscored the unwinnability of the war. The nomination of pro-war candidates by the two major political parties despite widespread anti-war sentiments, combined with violent police actions against anti-war demonstrators at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago and elsewhere, served to further radicalize the anti-war movement. A countercultural group calling themselves the Yippies staged innovative actions and guerrilla theater, radical priests raided offices of draft boards destroying records, and prominent veterans of the civil rights struggle, including Martin Luther King, Jr., became increasingly outspoken against the war. The news media began to become more skeptical in its war coverage and mainstream churches and unions began to speak out more boldly. Blockades of thoroughfares and other forms of nonviolent direct action became increasingly common. These pressures forced the Johnson administration to begin peace talks with the North Vietnamese and NLF and to suspend the bombing of North Vietnam.

What cohesion existed in the anti-war movement declined in the coming years despite a popular wave of energy and support, as many activists embraced far left ideologies, countercultural lifestyles, or abandoned their commitment to nonviolent tactics. Still, three million people participated in demonstrations as part of the Moratorium on the War in October 1969 across the country and half a million protested in Washington, DC the following month.

President Nixon's hopes that the gradual withdrawal of troops and a concomitant decline in draft rolls would diminish the anti-war movement were shattered with the U.S. decision to invade Cambodia in the spring of 1970, which resulted in large-scale protests. Tensions between the anti-war movement and the U.S. government escalated further when six college students were killed and dozens wounded in anti-war demonstrations at Kent State University and Jackson State University. Hundreds of colleges and universities shut down from student strikes and occupations of campus buildings and other disruptions forced a withdrawal of U.S. ground forces from Cambodia less than eight weeks after the initial invasion.

Desertions and mutinies within the U.S. armed forces made prosecution of the war increasingly difficult. Three quarters of a million people marched on Washington in April of 1971, followed in early May by tens of thousands of protesters attempting to shut down government operations in the nation's capital in early May by blockading bridges and thoroughfares. Further revelations of massacres of Vietnamese civilians by U.S. troops, systematic deceptions of the public and Congress by the administration, torture of political prisoners in South Vietnam, and domestic spying on U.S. citizens alienated the U.S. public further from U.S. government policy. However, increasingly violent protests-while still representing only a small minority of the movement-ended up alienating most Americans from the anti-war cause as well. Government agents would routinely infiltrate anti-war groups, encouraging them to use violence in order to marginalize the movement further.

Despite a brief upsurge in protests following and resumption of the air war against North Vietnam in the spring of 1972, the factionalization of the movement and the withdrawal of most U.S. forces led to a decline in protests. Still, the anti-war movement did force the United States to sign a peace treaty, withdraw its remaining forces, and end the draft in early 1973. Continued U.S. support for the Thieu dictatorship in Saigon and the breakdown of the cease-fire led to small ongoing protests, leading Congress to finally refuse additional U.S. aid to the South Vietnamese regime as the final NLF/North Vietnamese offensive forced the regime's collapse in April of 1975. Vietnam was reunified under communist rule two years later.

By the end of the war, the U.S. anti-war movement had amassed an impressive record of nonviolent action. Over a decade of organizing, actions had included mass protests and vigils; sit-ins, occupations, and blockades; conscientious objection, draft resistance and desertion; guerrilla theater; obstruction of military recruiters, arms shipments and personnel; petitioning and letter-writing campaigns; destruction of draft files.

Ensuing Events

The power of strategic nonviolent action to force an end to an unpopular overseas war served as a deterrent for large-scale U.S. military interventions overseas for the next three decades, a phenomenon known by detractors as "the Vietnam Syndrome." Despite troop levels well below what many military strategists believe have been optimal levels for the U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, fears of massive nonviolent resistance have prevented the resumption of military conscription. As with the U.S. Civil Rights Movement, many individuals and organizations active in the anti-Vietnam War movement remained engaged during the 1980s to protest the controversial U.S. support for insurgency and counter-insurgency operations in Central America as well as the escalating nuclear arms race. Many of these anti-war groups and their successor organizations remain active to this day in opposition to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The anti-Vietnam War movement, along with the Civil Rights struggle, also helped stimulate greater interest in strategic nonviolent action as an alternative to war and violence as well as a greater interest in the creation of alternative lifestyles and institutions.

For Further Reading

Cooney, R. and Michalowski, H. (ed.s.), The Power of the People: Active Nonviolence in the United States, New Society Publishers: Philadelphia, 1987

Gitlin, Todd, The Sixties: Days of Hope, Days of Rage, Bantam Books, 1993

Hixson, Walter L., ed., The Vietnam Antiwar Movement, New York: Garland, 2000

Lynd, S. & Lynd, A., Nonviolence in America: A Documentary History, Orbis Books: New York, 1995

About this Conflict Summary

This conflict summary was commissioned by the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC). We are an educational organization dedicated to developing and sharing knowledge related to nonviolent civil resistance movements for human rights, freedom, and justice around the world. Learn more about our work here.

Hundreds of past and present cases of nonviolent civil resistance exist. To make these cases more accessible, ICNC compiled summaries of some of them between the years 2009-2011. You can find these summaries here. Each summary aims to provide a clear perspective on the role that nonviolent civil resistance has played or is playing in a particular case. They are authored by people who have expertise in a particular region of the world and/or expertise in the field of civil resistance. Each author speaks with his/her own voice, and conflict summaries do not necessarily reflect the views of ICNC.

For a wide range of resources on civil resistance, visit ICNC's Resource Library, which features resources on civil resistance in English and over 65 other languages.

To support scholars and educators who are designing curricula and teaching this subject, we also offer an Academic Online Curriculum (AOC), which is a free, extensive, and regularly updated online resource with over 40 different modules on civil resistance topics and case studies.

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The US Anti-Vietnam War Movement (1964-1973) | ICNC

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Summary of the political history, nonviolent strategic actions, and ensuing events of the US Anti-Vietnam War Movement from 1964-73.

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Even before the big media covers specific developments concerning social movements, there are videos, pictures or other forms of information available already due to private coverage online 

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Even before the big media covers specific developments concerning social movements, there are videos, pictures or other forms of information available already due to private coverage online 

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- end imperialistic wars emerging from US
- demilitarization

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Second threshold (maybe on the verge) Met with violence, supposedly unofficial yet announced

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Many people posted videos of clashes with Israeli security forces on TikTok under the hashtag #SaveSheikhJarrah and urged people to share them

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Stop-Asian-Hate, Which people, Where, What symbols and What goal.

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Stop-Asian-Hate, Which people, Where, What symbols and What goal.

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- mostly people from the Asian-American-community
-Rallies protesting Asian hate held across the US
- signs that say "Stop Asian hate" and "Enough us enough"

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students organized "teach-ins" on college campuses to educate their colleagues about the war

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Symbol (Hashtag): #StopAsianHate on instagram and twittter

Posters with visualizing statements "Asians are not viruses, Racism is"

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Jane Fonda (for example) was an opponent of the Vietnam war, travelled to Vietnam (very controversial to this day)
Muhammad Ali refused to be drafted -> stripped of his boxing title.

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Young men setting fire to their Draft-Cards in protest against the Vietnam War starting as early as 1963 - second/third threshold?

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high school students in Des Moines, Iowa, decided to protest against American bombing in Vietnam by wearing black armbands to school

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Iraq War
Who participated in the protest?
College and High school Students supported by professors; war is going to be fought not by people in power but by poor people and people of color --> personal, to make their voices heard; Anti-War groups
Where? -> some groups organized online; protests took place outside in public, and were not limited to U.S.

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record-setting demonstrations with more than 100.000 people

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Facebook events and Zoom rallies

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Motivation e.g.: Personal to some of the citizens, because friends or parents are forced to fight in this war. So it is not Bush and his coalition of the willings in front of the lines.

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-  “the Vietnam Syndrome”: decline in lareg scale US Army operations on foreign soil for 30 years
- still trauma in US military self-perception
- influencing anti-war movements for coming generations

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-first threshold
= lawful demonstrations

-artistic engagement:

"I Still Believe in Our City" as a public art campaign using striking visuals with statistics about discrimination API New Yorkers have faced amidst the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Asian and Pacific Islanders standing up for themselves, the Black Lives Matter movement, and their home: New York City

Message from the Artist

In 2020, as COVID-19 flared through New York City and NYC hospitals saw a spike of nearly 200,000 patients, Asian and Pacific Islanders (APIs) faced an added threat: blame, racism, and xenophobia.

From February through July, the NYC Commission on Human Rights recorded 184 incidents of anti-Asian discrimination, harassment, or bias, representing a nearly seven-fold increase from the same period the previous year (26). The majority of incidents reported nationwide have been against women, ¹ including an 89-year-old grandmother who was set on fire in Brooklyn.

Some might have thought we'd just slink off in the face of these assaults. But we don't scare that easily. We mobilized, amplifying our voices to stand up for our communities. We got creative, finding novel ways to protect our parents, educate our children, and support our customers. APIs were on the frontlines, caring for patients, stocking shelves, and making deliveries around the clock. We're made of grit, hustle and hope, the same as every New Yorker, and we know this city is greater than her ugliest moments.

Asian and Pacific Islanders are diverse in nationalities, religious traditions, cultural practices, and languages spoken. And whether we are new immigrants or generations-old New Yorkers, APIs share the common experience of being labeled the "perpetual foreigner." Ask any API the last time they we were asked, "But where are you really from?" and they can recount the story. It's a question that, intent aside, burns at the core of every Asian and Pacific Islander American's sense of home.

This pain, made worse by the onset of COVID-19-related discrimination, carries with it the history of this country's anti-Asian laws. From the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, to the immigration quotas barring immigration from Asian countries in the 1920s, APIs have been so othered that many cannot imagine Asian and Pacific Islanders as also being American. The Chinese Exclusion Act remains the only law in American history to make immigration by a specific nationality illegal.

By the 1960s, the civil rights movement was challenging every significant law and norm that denied Black people equal treatment. From restaurant counters to voting booths, civil rights leaders paved the way for equal rights for all. Asian and Pacific Islanders learned from this approach and mobilized under the banner of the civil rights movement to fight to abolish nation-based immigration quotas and secure passage of the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965. From Yuri Kochiyama to Grace Lee Boggs, API activists worked side-by-side with and were inspired by Black civil rights leaders -a connection that continues in today's movement for Black lives, and a history that this public awareness initiative and art series seeks to honor.

More than an anti-hate campaign, this public awareness initiative is a testament to the beauty and resilience of API communities. It recognizes everything we've lived through this year but also speaks to decades-old anti-Asian biases. It's a reminder that NYC needs us, and that we won't give up on her.

In the wake of the pandemic, New Yorkers masked up and supported their essential workers. In the face of racial injustice and xenophobia, New Yorkers marched and stood in solidarity with their neighbors. "I Still Believe in Our City" affirms that Black lives matter, and that East and Southeast Asians refuse to be vilified or denigrated. No matter what comes our way. New Yorkers don't succumb to cynicism or defeat. We choose to believe in and fight for ourselves, our home, and our shared future.

About the Art Initiative

"I Still Believe in Our City" was created by Amanda Phingbodhipakkiya, one of two 2020-21 artists-in-residence with the NYC Commission on Human Rights. The daughter of Thai and Indonesian immigrants, Phingbodhipakkiya's practice centers around making the invisible, visible. Her multidisciplinary work has appeared in museums, galleries, conferences, classrooms, speakeasies, rallies, digital screens, and on buildings all over the world.

The works featured in "I Still Believe in Our City" couple striking visuals with statistics about discrimination API New Yorkers have faced amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. The panels include words and phrases that have been uttered in hate, juxtaposed with bright colors, symbolic imagery, and portraits of defiant and proud API New Yorkers standing their ground. Nestling the ugly language in beautiful symbolism is intentional: API artist Phingbodhipakkiya shows that despite what API New Yorkers have faced, they remain undeterred and steadfast members of New York City's communities.

It spans a range of activations, from LinkNYC kiosks, bus shelters, a public mural, and social media placements with the hashtag #OurCityNYC. An additional special feature of the campaign includes an art installation in the Atlantic Avenue terminal, where Phingbodhipakkiya's 45 unique pieces take over the station to celebrate East Asian and Southeast Asian New Yorkers, as strong, compassionate members of their communities and show solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement and the fight to eliminate anti-Black racism. The words and images on each activation may vary, but the message is the same: Asian and Pacific Islanders care about our city, they will not be vilified or victimized, and they are not going anywhere.
1 Stop AAPI Hate. (2020). Stop AAPI Hate Report March 19, 2020 - May 13, 2020.
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In 2020, as COVID-19 flared through New York City and NYC hospitals saw a spike of nearly 200,000 patients, Asian and Pacific Islanders (APIs) faced an added threat: blame, racism, and xenophobia. From February through July, the NYC Commission on Human Rights recorded 184 incidents of anti-Asian discrimination, harassment, or bias, representing a nearly seven-fold increase from the same period the previous year (26).

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Palestinian flag as the main symbol,
Palestinian people united with Americans to support Palestine,
hashtag on social media #freepalestine

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U.S. Senate passes bill to fight anti-Asian hate crimes

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A hate crimes bill to combat violence against Asian Americans in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic passed the U.S. Senate overwhelmingly on Thursday, a rare bipartisan vote in the evenly divided chamber.

The bill passed 94-1, with Missouri Senator Josh Hawley the only no vote. It must pass the House of Representatives, where Democrats hold a clear majority. President Joe Biden has called for passage.

"When given the opportunity to work, the Senate can work. Members from both sides of the aisle have worked together ... to consider and perfect and enact legislation responding to a pressing issue," Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer said on the Senate floor earlier in the week.

Reports of violence against Asian Americans have spiked since the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic. Activists and police said anti-Asian sentiment was fed by comments from former President Donald Trump blaming the pandemic on China using terms such as "kung flu.".

The measure, authored by Democratic Senator Mazie Hirono and Representative Grace Meng, designates a Justice Department employee to expedite a review of hate crimes reported to police during the COVID-19 pandemic. It provides guidance for local law enforcement agencies to report hate crimes, expand public education campaigns and combat discriminatory language in describing the pandemic.

"This legislation will improve the Justice Department's response to the appalling rise in hate incidents targeting the Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) community," said the Senate's No. 2 Democrat, Dick Durbin.

In one sign of bipartisanship, the Senate voted 92-6 on April 14 to advance the measure, and senators from both parties worked on changes.

"Earnest bipartisan conversations have improved this legislation considerably behind the scenes," Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said this week.

One change, the Jabara-Heyer NO HATE Act, would provide funds to improve reporting of hate crimes and expand resources for victims. It was named after Khalid Jabara, an Arab-American killed by a neighbor in 2016, and Heather Heyer, killed in 2017 when a car drove into counter-protesters after a white supremacist rally in Virginia.

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

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U.S. Senate passes bill to fight anti-Asian hate crimes

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A hate crimes bill to combat violence against Asian Americans in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic passed the U.S. Senate overwhelmingly on Thursday, a rare bipartisan vote in the evenly divided chamber. The bill passed 94-1, with Missouri Senator Josh Hawley the only no vote.

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Second threshold: US diplomat sationed in Greece resigned in protest against his own government --> can also be counted as a protest

Thousends of students around the country walked out of class as a form of protesting against Iraq war

protesters disrupted traffic by closing down Lake Shore Drive

Third threshold: Hundreds of protesters participated in a civil disobedience in New York City, 215 people were arrested after blocking traffic on 5th Avenue near the Rockefeller Center, protesting the cooperation between U.S. media and the government

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burning draft cards to light peace candles

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burning draft cards to light peace candles

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Protests online via social media (#stopasianhate; #hateisavirus) and in the streets (demonstrations; rallys)