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http://www.voicesofyouth.org/en/posts/7-reasons-why-tribalism-is-africa-s-curse

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Africa's democratic transition is back in the spotlight. The concern is no longer the stranglehold of autocrats, but the hijacking of the democratic process by tribal politics.

Kenya's 2007-08 post-election violence revealed the extent to which tribal forces could quickly bring a country to the brink of civil war.

The challenge to democracy in Africa is not the prevalence of ethnic diversity, but the use of identity politics to promote narrow tribal interests. It is tribalism.

There are those who argue that tribalism is a result of arbitrary post-colonial boundaries that force different communities to live within artificial borders.

This argument suggests that every ethnic community should have its own territory, which reinforces ethnic competition.

The last 20 years of Somalia have shown the dangers of ethnic competition and underscore the importance of building nations around ideas rather than clan identities.

Much attention over the last two decades has been devoted to removing autocrats and promoting multiparty politics.

But in the absence of efforts to build genuine political parties that compete on the basis of ideas, many African countries have reverted to tribal identities as foundations for political competition.

Leaders often exploit tribal loyalty to advance personal gain, parochial interests, patronage, and cronyism.

But tribes are not built on democratic ideas but thrive on zero-sum competition.

As a result, they are inimical to democratic advancement.

In essence, tribal practices are occupying a vacuum created by lack of strong democratic institutions.

Tribal interests have played a major role in armed conflict and civil unrest across the continent.

'Clever and calculating'

But the extent to which it blunts efforts to deepen democracy has received little attention. This is mainly because much of the attention has focused on elections.

According to US-based pro-democracy group Freedom House, 19 African countries were considered electoral democracies in 2012, down from 24 over the 2005-08 period.

These trends conceal the influence that tribal politics exerts on the democratic process.

It took Kenyan political parties nearly a decade to unite and defeat Daniel arap Moi's regime.

Leaders of the different opposition parties were primarily focused on pursuing their tribal interests rather than uniting around a common political programme.

They in effect played into the hands of the government in power that could divide them along tribal lines.

The opposition parties were unable to find common ground through coherent party manifestos.

According to research carried out on Kenya by Stephen Keverenge at the US-based Atlantic International University in 2008, 56% of 1,500 respondents did not know that their parties had manifestos.

The manifestos are generally issued late because much of the effort goes into building tribal alliances.

The new constitution of Kenya seeks to address the issue of ethnicity by ensuring that a president needs broad geographical support to be elected.

A winner must receive more than half of all the votes cast in the election and least 25% of the votes cast in each of more than half of the country's counties.

But tribal leaders are clever and calculating.

They are quick to dress in the latest fashion and co-opt emerging trends to preserve their identities.

They buy influence and create convenient alliances, shopping for international support in power centres such as London, Paris, and Washington DC.

Their sole mission is self-preservation, with the side effect of subverting democratic evolution.

For them tribal politics is a zero-sum game, so they are prone to using hate speech and inciting violence.

Intellectual input

The way forward for African democracy lies in concerted efforts to build modern political parties founded on development ideas and not tribal bonds.

Such political parties must base their competition for power on development platforms.

Defining party platforms will need to be supported by the search for ideas-not the appeal to tribal coalitions.

Political parties that create genuine development platforms will launch initiatives that reflect popular needs.

Those that rely on manipulating ethnic alliances will bring sectarian animosity into government business.

Whoever is elected as president will spend most of his or her time on tribal balancing rather than on economic management.

Party manifestos are fundamentally documents in which parties outline their principles and goals in a manner that goes beyond popular rhetoric.

They arise from careful discussion, compromise, and efforts to express the core values and commitments of the party.

Building clear party platforms requires effective intellectual input, usually provided through think-tanks and other research institutions.

Most African political parties lack such support and are generally manifestos cobbled together with little consultation.

Tribal groupings see themselves as infallible but parties have to be accountable to the people.

By stating a vision for the future, political parties provide voters with a ways to measure their performance.

Forging platforms fosters debate within parties that transcends tribal and religious differences.

'Road to doom'

Such debates are a central pillar of democracy.

Building modern political parties and associated think-tanks is, therefore, the most urgent way to counter tribal politics.

Policy debate is a key element of democracy.

Specific manifestos would foster healthy political competition that would force parties to distinguish themselves from each other.

Conversely, such debates would also help to illustrates areas of common interest.

Indeed, it is becoming clear that issues such as infrastructure - energy, transportation, irrigation, and telecommunication - and youth employment are emerging as common themes in African politics irrespective of ideological differences.

The predominance of such issues will select for pragmatic leadership over ideology.

It is therefore not a surprise that African countries are increasingly electing engineers as presidents.

In 2012 six African countries put engineers in top political offices.

This reflects the fact that at the local level, politics is primarily a long footnote on demands for power, transportation, irrigation, and communication.

Closely linked to these foundational concerns are demands for access to education and health.

Political parties are unlikely to differ on essential points, but they might offer different approaches.

So long as democracy offers the best chance for sustained growth and prosperity, tribal politics must be replaced by genuine party platforms and modern democratic institutions like think-tanks.

Otherwise Africa's road to doom will continue to be paved by tribal intentions.

Calestous Juma is professor of the practice of international development at Harvard Kennedy School and co-chairs the African Union's High Level Panel on Science, Technology and Innovation - @calestous on Twitter.

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Viewpoint: How tribalism stunts African democracy

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Africa's democratic transition is back in the spotlight. The concern is no longer the stranglehold of autocrats, but the hijacking of the democratic process by tribal politics. Kenya's 2007-08 post-election violence revealed the extent to which tribal forces could quickly bring a country to the brink of civil war.

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Immigration policy is about deciding who can come to the UK and what they can do while they are here.

But how exactly does this system work?

Net migration is the difference between the number of people arriving in the UK versus the number leaving, for at least 12 months.

This is what the government means when they talk about reducing net migration to the tens of thousands.

Although net migration is at its lowest point since early 2014, it still stands at 244,000.

Migrants make up a bigger proportion of the UK population now than they did in 2000.

While non-EU nationals have remained a fairly stable percentage of the population as a whole, EU nationals are making up an increased proportion.

This is due to the freedom of movement rules between EU member states.

EU citizens are free to live and work in any of the bloc's 28 member states - set to fall to 27 when the UK leaves - without the need for a visa.

This is known as free movement of labour, one of the EU's four freedoms along with capital, goods and services.

There are some restrictions - after three months, EU migrants should prove that they are working, a student or have sufficient resources to support themselves without relying on the benefits system.

Although all EU nations take advantage of free movement, the greatest movers to the UK in recent years have been from Eastern European countries.

For those wanting to move to the UK from outside the EU, to work or study, there are different rules. You must apply for one of a number of visas.

These can range from Tier 1, preserved for investors and "exceptional talent", to Tier 5 visas for short-term voluntary and educational programmes.

The two most common are the Tier 2 skilled worker visas and Tier 4 student visas. Currently, no Tier 3 - unskilled labour - visas are being given out.

Some of these visas allow you to apply to bring dependants such as children and partners.

Visas work on a points-based system.

The criteria for these visas has got tougher in recent years.

For example, for a Tier2 "experienced skilled worker" visa, you now need to be paid at least £30,000 to apply, up almost £10,000 from 2011. You get more points for higher salaries or if your job is on the list of shortage occupations.

The number of these Tier 2 visas handed out is currently capped at 20,700 per year.

Most visas come with other conditions, including a knowledge of English, the need for a sponsor and agreeing not to claim benefits for a period of time.

The different rules for EU and non-EU migrants mean their reasons for moving to the UK are considerably different.

For people who want to claim asylum, they must first reach the UK.

Once they have claimed asylum, they are given housing and financial support by the government until their application is dealt with. After that they might be granted refugee status, allowed to stay for other reasons or sent home.

If an applicant or their dependant is denied asylum, they can appeal against the decision.

There is usually a high rate of success in these appeals - in 2017, there were 17,390 asylum appeals heard in a lower asylum tribunal, of which 6,854 were successful.

The UK has also committed to taking in 20,000 Syrian refugees by 2020 as part of the international humanitarian effort.

If you have been in the UK for at least five years without living elsewhere, you can apply for British citizenship.

To do so, you need to pass English language and Life in the UK tests and be of "good character".

In 2016, the majority of people granted British citizenship came from two areas: sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia.

People who breach the terms of their entry visas (or simply overstay as tourists), are breaking the law.

It is not entirely clear how many illegal immigrants there are in the UK, although estimates range from 300,000 to over a million.

Although tough rules have been gradually introduced under successive governments, the "hostile environment" policy of 2012 bolstered attempts to make life in the UK more difficult for illegal immigrants. This has included reducing ability to access work, healthcare and housing.

Enforced removals refers to those who are physically removed from the country.

If someone disagrees with a decision made by the Home Office they can take it to an immigration and asylum tribunal.

In 2012, legal aid was removed for many immigration cases, and there has been a recent decrease in cases heard.

In 2017, 53% of the total claims ruled on were rejected. This increases to 60% when just taking into account asylum tribunals.

People might go to an immigration tribunal for a number of reasons, including breaches of freedom of movement, human rights and issues relating to family.

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10 charts explaining the UK's immigration system

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Immigration policy is about deciding who can come to the UK and what they can do while they are here. But how exactly does this system work? Net migration is the difference between the number of people arriving in the UK versus the number leaving, for at least 12 months.

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Immigrants take such a risk to go to a country and to not be wanted can be hard.

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The British Red Cross has called for an overhaul of the UK's immigration detention system. Conditions are such that detainees suffer mental health problems which sometimes lead to suicide attempts, according to the charity.

Thousands of innocent asylum seekers - often fleeing war and torture - are detained each year and locked up indefinitely with no support, the charity warned.

In the first intervention of its kind by a major charity, the Red Cross calls for significant reforms including a 28-day limit on detention. It found cases of asylum-seekers being detained for as long as two years and seven months.

Five of the 26 detainees interviewed for the report had attempted suicide while they were detained, and just 25 of them said they had been given no access to mental health support services.

Pregnant women continue to be "needlessly detained" in breach of the Home Office's own guidance - with 47 pregnant women detained in the year to June 2017.

The charity said the "overly onerous and traumatic" experience of attending immigration reporting centres - which many are required to do every every two weeks - should be overhauled by banning the practice of detaining people when they turn up.

Mike Adamson, chief executive of the British Red Cross, said: "Most of the people in the UK asylum process have fled conflict or persecution to find a place of safety. They have already experienced more trauma and anguish than the rest of us could possibly imagine.

"The threat of detention without notice hangs over many people going through the asylum process in the UK. Our research shows that not knowing whether this week will be the week they are detained again, can make the process of having to report regularly extremely distressing.

"This can exacerbate existing mental health issues and mean people never truly feel free."

Shadow home secretary Diane Abbott said the Red Cross report was a "damning indictment" of how the government treats migrants and refugees.

"We know from the Windrush scandal that people are wrongly detained," she said. "Some suffer indefinite detention without legal representation. The government needs to introduce some humanity into the immigration system," she said.

Figures obtained by the Red Cross through freedom of information requests show that of 14,733 asylum seekers who left detention in 2016, nearly half (42 per cent) had been detained for between 29 days and six months, with 10 per cent held for more than four months.

The charity recommends that the Home Office allows people to live in their communities while their immigration cases are resolved by replacing the systems of detention and reporting with end-to-end, community-based alternatives.

The Home Office told The Independent it had noted the recommendations from the report and was also carefully considering the contents of the Stephen Shaw review into the needs of vulnerable detainees, which is set to be published this month.

The warnings come amid mounting criticism of the UK's immigration detention system, which currently holds around 26,500 people each year and around 2,500 at any given time. Britain is the only EU country without a statutory time limit for the detention of migrants.

Recent figures obtained by The Independent revealed at least one person a day needs medical treatment for self-harming in removal centres, while the prisons watchdog described conditions in the centres as "prison-like".

In May the Home Office came under fire when it emerged that proven torture victims were also being detained.

Inspectors from HMI Prisons joined growing calls for a time limit, warning of a "deep level of emotional distress" and rising number of suicides, and noting that 50 per cent of detainees were eventually "released back into the community".

The Home Office has paid a total of £21.2m, over the past five years, to unlawfully detained migrants. Critics claim this lays bare the department's "chaotic decisions".

A spokesperson said: "We have noted the recommendations from the report, while also recognising the small sample used - just 26 cases. Detention is used sparingly and we operate a strong presumption in favour of liberty.

"The adults-at-risk policy aims to ensure that those individuals who are most vulnerable to harm are less likely to be detained and that, if detention is necessary, it will be for the shortest time possible."

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Red Cross calls for major overhaul of UK's 'damaging' immigration detention system

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The British Red Cross has called for an overhaul of the UK's immigration detention system. Conditions are such that detainees suffer mental health problems which sometimes lead to suicide attempts, according to the charity. Thousands of innocent asylum seekers - often fleeing war and torture - are detained each year and locked up indefinitely with no support, the charity warned.

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How does the UK treat immigrants and ethnic minorities?

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This is a poem about the pride Nigerians have for their country.

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National Institute of Economic and Social Research

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Changing the debate: video animation  on the impact of immigration on the UK

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This is a political cartoon about the oil companies in Nigeria and what is happening with illegal oil production and locals selling the product

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This is a sign for one of the many detention centers for the immigrants in the UK

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The Battle Raging In Nigeria Over Control Of Oil

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This is an image of a passport for a Nigerian Citizen

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Photos: Nigeria army records more successes against Boko Haram

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Introduction
The UK Government has limited scope to restrict the entry of nationals from the European Union (EU) and European Economic Area (EEA). After the opening of its employment market with no restrictions for citizens from the new EU Member States in 2004, transitional restrictions were applied to Bulgarian, Romanian, and Croatian workers' free movement and employment rights in 2007 and 2013. In 2010, the Government specified that it would impose transitional controls on any new EU members in the future; it also introduced new restrictions on EU migrants regarding access to welfare benefits to address perceived 'pull factors' for EU migration to the UK (Gower 2015b).

The government has aimed to reduce net migration since 2010 and several policy changes have been introduced to limit immigration of non-EU nationals in one of the three main categories: work, study, and family. Eligibility criteria to enter the UK for work have become more selective for non-EU nationals. In 2011, a cap of 20,700 was introduced for employer-sponsored skilled migration and the minimum skills and language requirements were increased. Two immigration routes were closed which previously allowed skilled migrants and former international students to work in the UK without a specific job offer. However, new visas were introduced to admit graduate entrepreneurs and individuals with "exceptional" talents in the fields of science, academia, the arts, or digital technology (Home Office 2012, HM Government 2015b). From 2012, British nationals applying to bring a non-EU national partner to the UK are required to have a minimum annual income of £18,600, up from a post-tax income of £5,500 before 2012. The required amount increases to £22,400 if they want to bring one child, and each extra child adds a further £2,400 to the requirement (Gower 2015a). The new measures also reduced the permitted working hours for international students, raised language requirements for students at further education colleges, and limited international students' right to bring family members to the UK (Home Office 2012). It also became more difficult for former international students to remain in the UK following their studies without a specific job offer (Gower 2015b). Moreover, education providers have been subjected to more demanding requirements, for example, education providers sponsoring non-EU students were required to apply for 'highly trusted sponsor' status; to gain this status, providers must meet criteria that include a high rate of students completing courses (85 % or more) and low rates of students having their visas refused (less than 10 %) (Home Office 2015b; Gower 2015b).

In 2013, an Asylum Operating Model was launched to improve the consistency and speed of asylum decision-making. The Immigration Act 2014 was intended to make it easier to remove people refused permission to stay in the UK by reducing the scope to appeal and simplifying and enforcing the removal process. The Act also aimed to create a more 'hostile environment' for people living in the UK without a valid immigration status (e.g. making it harder to rent accommodation, obtain a bank account, or a driving licence) (Gower 2015b).

Naturalisation policies
Children born in the UK to an individual who is either a British citizen or 'settled' in the UK automatically become British citizens at birth. Children born to non-British citizens do not get automatic citizenship. Individuals born outside of the UK are considered to be British citizens if, at the time of birth, either the mother or father is a British citizen (HM Government 2015).

Individuals who are not British citizens by birth or descent, can gain British citizenship and the citizenship includes three main categories:

If the child lives in the UK for the first ten years of life with only limited periods of time outside of the country, he or she acquires British citizenship regardless of parents' status.

Migrants fulfilling the five-year residency requirement (individuals must have lived in the UK for five years, the last year of that as a permanent resident with Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR); not have been absent for more than 450 days in that period, not have been absent for more than 90 days in the 12 months before application, be of good character, pass the Life in the UK test, have sufficient knowledge of English, Welsh, or Gaelic, and have an intention to live in the UK).

Spouses and civil partners of British citizens are required to have been in the UK for three years and have ILR on the date of application. Rules of intention to live in the UK, good conduct, language skills, and also Life in the UK test apply to spouses (HM Government 2015).

The Life in the UK test was introduced in 2010 and in the same year English language requirements became more stringent. The application fee increased substantially from £200 in 2005 to just over £1,000 in 2015 (HM Government 2015a). The numbers of citizenships awarded continued to rise until 2013, however, it is possible that the increase would have been even steeper without the changes. Furthermore, the language and knowledge requirements may have deterred applications among nationals of poorer, less educated, and non-English-speaking countries (Ryan 2008). In 2013, a more difficult English language test was introduced. According to the Home Office (2015a) the number of approved citizenship applications peaked in 2013, which was an outcome of increasing numbers of applications in advance of the changes in the language requirement. The number of foreign citizens naturalised in 2014 declined by 40 % compared to 2013.

The majority of refusals to grant citizenship between 2002 and 2014 were due to failure to meet either the 'good character' requirement or the residency requirement; failure to demonstrate language proficiency or knowledge of life in the UK comprised about 1 % of refusals in 2014. The 'good character' requirement accounted for 34 % of all refusals in 2014, increasing from about 10 % in the years immediately preceding legal amendments to this requirement in 2008, when the Home Office changed its interpretation of the good character clause, making it harder for people with past criminal convictions to obtain citizenship (The Migration Observatory 2015).

Authors - Contributors
Joanna Marczak
London School of Economics and Political Science

Wendy Sigle
London School of Economics and Political Science

Ernestina Coast
London School of Economics and Political Science
Bibliography

Gower, M. "The financial (minimum income) requirement for partner visas". Commons Briefing papers SN06724. House of Commons Library. 2015a.

Gower, M. "Immigration and asylum: Changes made by the Coalition Government 2010 - 2015". Commons Briefing papers SN05829. House of Commons Library. 2015b.

HM Government. "Citizenship and living in the UK". 2015a. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/browse/citizenship.

HM Government. "Visas and immigration". 2015b. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/browse/visas-immigration.

Home Office. "Statement of intent: Changes affecting study, post-study work and maintenance requirements for students and workers". Home Office, London, 2012.

Home Office. "Immigration Statistics, October to December 2014". Home Office, London, 2015a.

Home Office. "Tier 4 of the points based system: Guidance for sponsors document 1: Applying for a Tier 4 licence". Home Office, London, 2015b.

Ryan, B. "Integration requirements: A new model in migration law". Journal of Immigration Asylum and Nationality Law 22(4) (2008): 303-316.

The Migration Observatory. "Naturalisation as British citizen: Concepts and trends". 2015. Available at: http://www.migrationobservatory.ox.ac.uk/briefings/naturalisation-britis...

Notes
Individuals have to fulfil eligibility criteria to qualify under this route, e.g. they are considered eligible if they have already demonstrated potential to contribute significantly as a future leader in their field. A number of institutions in the UK (e.g. The British Academy, The Royal Society) are designated to advise Home Office in deciding whether an individual meets the criteria or not (based on www.gov.uk, accessed on 19/12/2015).

To have a 'settled' status an individual must be a resident in the UK and have the right of residence, or must hold Indefinite Leave to Remain, or must be the citizen of an EU/EEA country and have permanent residence, or must be otherwise unrestricted by immigration laws to remain in the UK.

There is a list of requirements that individuals need to fulfil to meet the good character requirement, e.g. in general they need to abide by the law, and criminal and suspected criminal activities, non-custodial sentences, terrorism, and war crimes are taken into account. Financial affairs such as tax duties are also considered, as well as other activities which would illustrate any deception or dishonesty towards the Government.

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Migration Policies: United Kingdom (2015)

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Introduction The UK Government has limited scope to restrict the entry of nationals from the European Union (EU) and European Economic Area (EEA). After the opening of its employment market with no restrictions for citizens from the new EU Member States in 2004, transitional restrictions were applied to Bulgarian, Romanian, and Croatian workers' free movement and employment rights in 2007 and 2013.

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According to the data given, Nigeria has more people than both South Africa and China

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A graph of people in the UK who are for Immigration and against it.

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March 8
The recent Boko Haram abduction of 110 schoolgirls in Dapchi, Nigeria, drew immediate comparisons to the 2014 abduction of more than 270 girls from a school in Chibok. Beyond the media spotlight, what do we know about Boko Haram's efforts to abduct - and recruit - women and girls?

A lot of the media reporting on Boko Haram misses the roles of women and girls in this conflict. As I describe in my book, " Women and the War on Boko Haram: Wives, Weapons, Witnesses," though thousands of girls have been abducted by the insurgents, many others joined voluntarily.

Media reporting puts Boko Haram in the global spotlight

In the Dapchi and Chibok abductions, insurgents seized scores of schoolgirls. Their families were subjected to an array of conflicting statements and harassment from the government, which eventually confirmed that, yes, the girls had been abducted. These abductions rebut the Nigerian government's repeated claims that it has defeated Boko Haram.

The Chibok abductions, which spurred the #BringBackOurGirls campaign, thrust the fight against Boko Haram into the global spotlight and brought in billions of dollars in military assistance from Western donors to address the conflict in the Chad Basin. The Nigerian government entered into negotiations with Boko Haram insurgents for the release of more than 100 of the girls, in exchange for millions of dollars and the release of several detained Boko Haram insurgent leaders.
[Here's why so many people join Boko Haram, despite its notorious violence]
But there's more to this conflict than what appears in media reports. Abductions of both boys and girls are a part of Boko Haram's operational profile. And there are myriad reasons women and girls join the insurgency of their own volition.

Boko Haram's practice of kidnapping is much bigger than Chibok

Though it was the Chibok abductions that first brought to light Boko Haram's practice of kidnapping, the group began making such threats in 2012. In a video released in January of that year, Abubakar Shekau, the group's leader, threatened " to kidnap the wives of government officials in response to the government imprisoning the wives of Boko Haram members."

In a video released in September 2012, he taunted viewers: "Since you are now holding our women ... just wait and see what will happen to your own women ... to your own wives according to sharia law."

Boko Haram began conducting mass kidnappings following these declarations. Chitra Nagajaran writes that girls were abducted from "schools, markets, during raids on villages and houses and on public transport."

Boko Haram also committed mass abductions of other women and girls, and there are estimates that the group has abducted as many as 10,000 boys. These boys often serve as fighters - but also are tasked with nonviolent activities such as chores and driving. None of these reports received the attention of the Chibok school raid. Understanding Boko Haram abductions as a rare occurrence, or one that targets only girls, is a wild misrepresentation of the situation.

Not all women in Boko Haram were abducted

It's undeniable that Boko Haram has abducted thousands of women and girls. Still others joined voluntarily or as a result of the same sort of coercion that men who joined faced. In the research I did for my book, the women who spoke to me often reported that they joined the insurgency because of the material benefits.
[Boko Haram vs. al-Shabab: What do we know about their patterns of violence?]
Many of the women I interviewed were undergoing a reintegration program in Maiduguri, a midsize city in Borno state, the same state where Chibok is located. These women reported that they joined Boko Haram because of the educational opportunities that the group provided. For many, the insurgents' near-daily Quranic education was the most consistent access to schooling that they'd had.

Others reported that they joined for money: When they married a Boko Haram fighter, they received their bride price directly, rather than see it paid to their families. A bride price is the money and goods a future husband provides to a woman's family, which is generally necessary for the marriage to take place. Some of the women bragged about the composition of their bride prices - with one woman boasting that her bride price included euros.

Other women reported that they joined voluntarily because of Boko Haram's practice of purdah. The practice, also known as "wife seclusion," involves the avoidance of "public contact." In the system, a woman's activities are purposefully designed to limit exposure to the world beyond her home. Women "occupy themselves with household duties and child care," and are free "from the backbreaking labour of agricultural work and the fetching of firewood and water that occupies most women in rural northeast Nigeria," anthropologist Scott MacEachern writes in the Globe and Mail.
[Locals call Boko Haram 'slave raiders.' Here's what that means, and why it matters.]
According to MacEachern, the practice has long historical roots in the region, dating to before the 19th century, and now has strong class connotations. Though it may seem counterintuitive, by joining one of the world's most lethal and reviled armed groups, women in the Chad Basin can elevate their social status in ways that may previously have been impossible.

Once they join Boko Haram, women play a variety of roles in the insurgency. Nagajaran, for instance, notes that women in the group engage in active fighting, help the group recruit new members, socialize new women and girls into the group, make bombs and serve as suicide bombers.

Though the plight of the girls abducted by Boko Haram is wrenching and attention-grabbing, the disproportionate media attention these events receive obscures similar violence against men and boys in the region and distorts our understanding of what roles women and girls play in the conflict. Many women have been victims of the insurgency, while some have been complicit in the group's terrorism. Global attention to the abductions of Nigeria's schoolgirls hopefully can give rise to a broader conversation about the variety of roles that women play in Boko Haram.

Hilary Matfess is a PhD student at Yale University and the author of "Women and the War on Boko Haram." Follow her on Twitter @HilaryMatfess.

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Analysis | Boko Haram has kidnapped more girls. Here's what we know.

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March 8 The recent Boko Haram abduction of 110 schoolgirls in Dapchi, Nigeria, drew immediate comparisons to the 2014 abduction of more than 270 girls from a school in Chibok. Beyond the media spotlight, what do we know about Boko Haram's efforts to abduct - and recruit - women and girls?

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This article talks about the oil production. It discusses one company involved and how much oil is produced per day and other statics related to the production rates.

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In this article, it discusses how the UK is an asylum for many refugees. The UK has many illegal immigrants and while the number is unclear, estimates range from 300,000 to over a million.

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Immigration policy is about deciding who can come to the UK and what they can do while they are here.

But how exactly does this system work?

Net migration is the difference between the number of people arriving in the UK versus the number leaving, for at least 12 months.

This is what the government means when they talk about reducing net migration to the tens of thousands.

Although net migration is at its lowest point since early 2014, it still stands at 244,000.

Migrants make up a bigger proportion of the UK population now than they did in 2000.

While non-EU nationals have remained a fairly stable percentage of the population as a whole, EU nationals are making up an increased proportion.

This is due to the freedom of movement rules between EU member states.

EU citizens are free to live and work in any of the bloc's 28 member states - set to fall to 27 when the UK leaves - without the need for a visa.

This is known as free movement of labour, one of the EU's four freedoms along with capital, goods and services.

There are some restrictions - after three months, EU migrants should prove that they are working, a student or have sufficient resources to support themselves without relying on the benefits system.

Although all EU nations take advantage of free movement, the greatest movers to the UK in recent years have been from Eastern European countries.

For those wanting to move to the UK from outside the EU, to work or study, there are different rules. You must apply for one of a number of visas.

These can range from Tier 1, preserved for investors and "exceptional talent", to Tier 5 visas for short-term voluntary and educational programmes.

The two most common are the Tier 2 skilled worker visas and Tier 4 student visas. Currently, no Tier 3 - unskilled labour - visas are being given out.

Some of these visas allow you to apply to bring dependants such as children and partners.

Visas work on a points-based system.

The criteria for these visas has got tougher in recent years.

For example, for a Tier2 "experienced skilled worker" visa, you now need to be paid at least £30,000 to apply, up almost £10,000 from 2011. You get more points for higher salaries or if your job is on the list of shortage occupations.

The number of these Tier 2 visas handed out is currently capped at 20,700 per year.

Most visas come with other conditions, including a knowledge of English, the need for a sponsor and agreeing not to claim benefits for a period of time.

The different rules for EU and non-EU migrants mean their reasons for moving to the UK are considerably different.

For people who want to claim asylum, they must first reach the UK.

Once they have claimed asylum, they are given housing and financial support by the government until their application is dealt with. After that they might be granted refugee status, allowed to stay for other reasons or sent home.

If an applicant or their dependant is denied asylum, they can appeal against the decision.

There is usually a high rate of success in these appeals - in 2017, there were 17,390 asylum appeals heard in a lower asylum tribunal, of which 6,854 were successful.

The UK has also committed to taking in 20,000 Syrian refugees by 2020 as part of the international humanitarian effort.

If you have been in the UK for at least five years without living elsewhere, you can apply for British citizenship.

To do so, you need to pass English language and Life in the UK tests and be of "good character".

In 2016, the majority of people granted British citizenship came from two areas: sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia.

People who breach the terms of their entry visas (or simply overstay as tourists), are breaking the law.

It is not entirely clear how many illegal immigrants there are in the UK, although estimates range from 300,000 to over a million.

Although tough rules have been gradually introduced under successive governments, the "hostile environment" policy of 2012 bolstered attempts to make life in the UK more difficult for illegal immigrants. This has included reducing ability to access work, healthcare and housing.

Enforced removals refers to those who are physically removed from the country.

If someone disagrees with a decision made by the Home Office they can take it to an immigration and asylum tribunal.

In 2012, legal aid was removed for many immigration cases, and there has been a recent decrease in cases heard.

In 2017, 53% of the total claims ruled on were rejected. This increases to 60% when just taking into account asylum tribunals.

People might go to an immigration tribunal for a number of reasons, including breaches of freedom of movement, human rights and issues relating to family.

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10 charts explaining the UK's immigration system

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Immigration policy is about deciding who can come to the UK and what they can do while they are here. But how exactly does this system work? Net migration is the difference between the number of people arriving in the UK versus the number leaving, for at least 12 months.

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This is a map of where the oil is located in the country.