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Alt Right is a right wing conservative group that has risen due to Donald Trump becoming president. They are unethical because they believe in white male superiority. They are neo nazis rising in the government. Despite Trump claiming he is not racist and denying any ties to the group, they still rose because of his influence. The Alt-Right is trying to take Americans back into a time that so many fought so dearly to get out of, we cannot afford to have such backwards thinking.

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MSM - There is no such thing as the Alt-Right. Call them what they are - Republican racists, white supremacists & nationalists & fascists.

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MSM - There is no such thing as the Alt-Right. Call them what they are - Republican racists, white supremacists & nationalists & fascists. https://t.co/Zicpp8oCBd

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MSM - There is no such thing as the Alt-Right. Call them what they are - Republican racists, white supremacists & nationalists & fascists. pic.twitter.com/Zicpp8oCBd
— Facts Do Matter (@WilDonnelly) January 16, 2017

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MSM - There is no such thing as the Alt-Right. Call them what they are - Republican racists, white supremacists & nationalists & fascists. https://t.co/Zicpp8oCBd

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MSM - There is no such thing as the Alt-Right. Call them what they are - Republican racists, white supremacists & nationalists & fascists. https://t.co/Zicpp8oCBd

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MSM - There is no such thing as the Alt-Right. Call them what they are - Republican racists, white supremacists & nationalists & fascists.

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Terrorism Challenges Facing the Trump Administration

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Terrorism Challenges Facing the Trump Administration

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JTIC Brief: The Alt-Right movement and the normalisation of the extreme right wing

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JTIC Brief: The Alt-Right movement and the normalisation of the extreme right wing

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Not even those most depressed about Donald J. Trump's election and what it might portend could have envisioned the scene that took place just before Thanksgiving in a meeting room a few blocks from the White House. The white nationalist Richard B. Spencer was rallying about 200 kindred spirits.

"We are not meant to live in shame and weakness and disgrace," he said. "We were not meant to beg for moral validation from some of the most despicable creatures to ever populate the planet." When Mr. Spencer shouted, "Hail, Trump! Hail, our people! Hail, victory!" a scattered half-dozen men stood and raised their arms in Nazi salutes.

Mr. Spencer, however you describe him, calls himself a part of the "alt-right" - a new term for an informal and ill-defined collection of internet-based radicals. As such, he poses a complication for the incoming president. Stephen K. Bannon, the executive chairman of Breitbart News, whom Mr. Trump has picked as his chief White House strategist, told an interviewer in July that he considered Breitbart a "platform for the alt-right."

Perhaps we should not make too much of this. Mr. Bannon may have meant something quite different by the term. Last summer "alt-right," though it carried overtones of extremism, was not an outright synonym for ideologies like Mr. Spencer's. But in late August, Hillary Clinton devoted a speech to the alt-right, calling it simply a new label for an old kind of white supremacy that Mr. Trump was shamelessly exploiting.

Groups such as Mr. Spencer's, which had indeed rallied behind Mr. Trump, were delighted with the attention. Mr. Spencer called the days after the Clinton speech "maybe the greatest week we ever had." While he does not consider either Mr. Trump or Mr. Bannon alt-right, Mr. Spencer has expressed hope that the press's describing them as such will help his own group grow.

The alt-right is not a large movement, but the prominence that it is enjoying in the early days of the Trump era may tell us something about the way the country is changing. At least since the end of the Cold War, and certainly since the election of a black president in 2008, America's shifting identity - political, cultural and racial - has given rise to many questions about who we are as a nation. But one kind of answer was off the table: the suggestion that America's multicultural present might, in any way, be a comedown from its past had become a taboo. This year a candidate broke it. He promised to "make America great again." And he won the presidency.

Mr. Trump's success is bound to embolden other dissenters. This could mean a political climate in which reservations about such multiculturalist policies as affirmative action are voiced more strenuously. It could mean a rise in racial conflict and a platform for alarming movements like Mr. Spencer's. More likely, it is going to bring a hard-to-interpret mix of those things.

Mr. Spencer, 38, directs the National Policy Institute, which sponsored the Washington meeting. Despite its name, the institute has little to say about policy, although it has called for a 50-year moratorium on immigration. What it mostly does is seek to unite people around the proposition that, as Mr. Spencer put it, "Race is real, race matters, and race is the foundation of identity."

There are many such groups, varying along a spectrum of couth and intellect. Mr. Spencer, who dropped out of a doctoral program at Duke and worked, briefly, as an editor for The American Conservative, has his own online review, Radix Journal. The eloquent Yale-educated author Jared Taylor, who hosts the American Renaissance website and magazine, was at the conference, too. Kevin MacDonald, a retired psychology professor whose trilogy on Jewish influence is a touchstone for the movement, also came. There were cheers from the crowd at the mention of Andrew Anglin, who runs a neo-Nazi website called The Daily Stormer, but he was not there. Neither was Greg Johnson, whose online review Counter-Currents translates right-wing writings from various European languages. Some of these groups sprouted on the internet. Others have been around since before it existed.

There is no obvious catchall word for them. The word "racist" has been stretched to cover an attitude toward biology, a disposition to hate, and a varying set of policy preferences, from stop-and-frisk policing to repatriating illegal immigrants. While everyone in this set of groups is racist in at least one of these senses, many are not racist in others. Not many of the attendees at the Washington gathering favored the term "white supremacist." The word implies a claim to superiority - something few insisted on. "White nationalist" is closer to the mark; most people in this part of the alt-right think whites either ought to have a nation or constitute one already. But they feel that almost all words tend to misdescribe or stigmatize them.

Almost all of them are gung-ho for Mr. Trump. That is a surprise. "I've been watching these people for 17 years," said Heidi Beirich, who follows extremist movements for the Southern Poverty Law Center. "It's the first time I've seen them come out for a candidate."

Mr. Trump disavowed the alt-righters once the excesses of Mr. Spencer's conference went viral. But as a candidate, Mr. Trump called the government corrupt, assailed the Republican establishment, flouted almost every rule of political etiquette, racial and otherwise, and did so in a way that made the alt-righters trust his instincts. And whether or not he exploited them as shamelessly as Mrs. Clinton alleged, he did little to put the public at ease on the matter - retweeting posts from someone called @WhiteGenocideTM and dawdling before disavowing the endorsement of the former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke.

"I don't think that Trump is a rabid white nationalist," the alt-right blogger Millennial Woes said at a speech in Seattle days after the election. "I think that he just wants to restore America to what he knew as a young man, as a child. And I think he probably does know at some level that the way to do it is to get more white people here and fewer brown people."

Mr. Spencer speaks of Mr. Trump's campaign as a "body without a head" and considers many of his policies "half-baked." But for him, that is not the point. "Donald Trump is the first step towards identity politics for European-Americans in the United States," he said.

There is no good evidence that Mr. Trump or Mr. Bannon think in terms like these. Not even the former Breitbart editor at large Ben Shapiro, who has become an energetic critic of Mr. Bannon and his agenda, says that Mr. Bannon is himself a racist or an anti-Semite. Mr. Shapiro considers fears that Mr. Bannon will bring white nationalism to the White House "overstated, at the very least."

To be sure, Mr. Bannon holds right-wing views. He believes that a "global Tea Party movement" is underway, one that would fight crony capitalism and defend Western culture against radical Islam. In a 2014 speech he showed an interest in linking up American activists with certain European populist movements, including opponents of both the European Union and same-sex marriage. But while he recognized that some groups, such as France's National Front, had "baggage, both ethnically and racially," he expressed confidence that their intolerance "will all be worked through with time."

Until Hillary Clinton's speech last summer, a similarly broad idea prevailed of what the alt-right was. The Southern Poverty Law Center's webpage on the movement traces some of its roots to libertarian followers of Ron Paul and traditionalist Christians. Neither were in evidence at the National Policy Institute conference in Washington. The adjective "alt-right" has been attached in the past to those, like the undercover documentarian James O'Keefe (known for his secret recordings of Planned Parenthood encounters), whose conservatism is mainstream, even if their tactics are not. Understood this way, the alt-right did look as if it might be a pillar of Mr. Bannon's world Tea Party.

This was especially so if you worked for one of Mr. Bannon's enterprises. Last March, Breitbart's Milo Yiannopoulos, a peroxide-blond gay Trump supporter, critic of feminism and internet "troll" of a particularly aggressive kind, helped write "An Establishment Conservative's Guide to the Alt-Right," which painted the movement as "born out of the youthful, subversive, underground edges of the internet," treating the neo-Nazis in its ranks as unrepresentative.

But since then, and certainly since the National Policy Institute event, alt-right has come more and more to mean white nationalist. Mr. Yiannopoulos's exuberant youths look peripheral to the movement, the extremists central. William Johnson of the American Freedom Party even wrote Mr. Spencer a letter accusing him of squandering what might have been a "start-over moniker" - a gentler term that didn't invite immediate dismissal - for his fellow white nationalists.

How big is the movement? There is a "hard core" of thousands or tens of thousands who are "taking us seriously on a daily basis," Mr. Spencer said. But both members and detractors have an incentive to exaggerate the alt-right's size. The National Policy Institute, at this point, would have trouble holding a serious street rally, let alone turning into a mass political party.

Even so, this more narrowly defined alt-right may be a force. In the internet age, political consciousness can be raised not just through quarterlies, parties and rallies but also through comment boards, console games and music videos. The internet solves the organizing problem of mobs, even as it gives them incentives not to stray from their screens. The adjective "alt-right" does not just denote recycled extremist views - it also reflects the way those views have been pollinated by other internet concerns and updated in the process.

For example, the alt-right has an environmentalist component, centered on a neo-pagan group called the Wolves of Vinland. The Norwegian heavy-metal musician Varg Vikernes, after serving 16 years for murder, has an alt-right blog that contains his musings on everything from Norse mythology to the meaning of the Norwegian mass murderer Anders Breivik. There are sci-fi and video-game enthusiasts, too, including many who participated in the "GamerGate" uproar of 2014, which pitted (as the alt-right sees it) feminist game designers trying to emasculate the gaming world against (as the feminists saw it) a bunch of misogynist losers.

But most of all there is sex. The alt-right has a lot of young men in it, young men whose ideology can be assumed to confront them with obstacles to meeting people and dating. Sex-cynicism and race-pessimism, of course, often travel in tandem. At the National Policy Institute conference, the writer F. Roger Devlin gave a talk on why young Norwegian women in Groruddalen, outside Oslo, preferred dating Somali and Pakistani gang members to ethnic Norwegian boys-next-door. "The female instinct is to mate with socially dominant men," he explained, "and it does not matter how such dominance is achieved."

Likewise, the common alt-right slur "cuckservative," a portmanteau combining cuckold and conservative, is not just a colorful way of saying that establishment conservatives have been unmanly. According to Matthew Tait, a young ex-member of the far-right British National Party, the metaphor has a precise ornithological meaning. Like the reed-warbler hatching eggs that a cuckoo (from which the word "cuckold" comes) has dropped into its nest, cuckservatives are raising the offspring of their foes. One can apply the metaphor equally to progressive ideas or to the children of the foreign-born. Type "reed warbler" into YouTube, and you will find a video with more than a million views, along with a considerable thread of alt-right commentary.

The internet liberates us to be our worst selves. Where other movements have orators and activists, the alt-right also has ruthless trolls and "doxers." The trolls bombard Twitter and email accounts with slur-filled letters and Photoshopped art. Doxing is the releasing of personal information onto the internet. Last month, several alt-right writers, including Mr. Spencer, had their accounts suspended by Twitter. Mr. Spencer says he appreciates the "frenetic energy" of trolling but doesn't do it himself.

The alt-right did not invent these tactics. But during this election the trolling reached a sadistic pitch. Journalists who opposed Mr. Trump received photos of themselves - and in some cases their children - dead, or in gas chambers. Jewish and Jewish-surnamed journalists were particular targets, especially those seen to be thwarting Mr. Trump's rise: Jonah Goldberg, Julia Ioffe and Ben Shapiro, among others. The Daily Stormer has been particularly aggressive in deploying its "troll army" against those with whom it disagrees. A signature punctuation of the alt-right is to mark Jewish names with "echoes," or triple parentheses, like (((this))).

One got a strange sensation at the National Policy Institute gathering that everyone in the room was either over 60 or under 40. There was a lot of tomorrow-belongs-to-me optimism, as if the attendees felt the ideas being aired there were on the verge of going mainstream. Whether this had anything to do with Mr. Trump's victory or the effect of alt-right rebranding was hard for a newcomer to say. As Mr. Spencer spoke, a dapper guy named Ryan looked on. Ryan was a 27-year-old who sported the common "fashy" haircut - close-cropped (like a skinhead) on the sides, free-flowing (like a mullet) on the top. Mr. Spencer was lecturing journalists about how it took courage to embrace a movement that was "quite frankly, heretical."

"For the moment," Ryan muttered.

Mr. Tait, who hopes to start an alt-right movement in England, said: "What you're seeing now is young people who have never been affiliated to any kind of politics, ever. They don't remember what it was like before the war or in the 1960s or even in the 1980s. Their motivation isn't a sense of loss." That is what is "alt" about the alt-right. These people are not nostalgic. They may not even be conservatives. For them, multiculturalism is not an affront to traditional notions of society, as it would have been in the Reagan era. It is society.

The Vanderbilt University political scientist Carol Swain was among the first to describe the contours of this worldview. In her 2002 book, "The New White Nationalism in America," she noted that young people were quick to identify double standards, and that they sometimes did so in the name of legitimate policy concerns. "I knew that identity would come next," she recalled. "It had to come. All they had to do was copy what they were hearing. The multiculturalist arguments you hear on every campus - those work for whites, too." Mr. Spencer, asked in an interview how he would respond to the accusation that his group was practicing identity politics in the manner of blacks and Hispanics, replied: "I'd say: ' Yuh. You're right.' "

Professor Swain's analysis does not just pertain to radicals. It is a plausible account of what is happening in the American electoral mainstream. The alt-right is small. It may remain so. And yet, while small, it is part of something this election showed to be much bigger: the emergence of white people, who evidently feel their identity is under attack, as a "minority"-style political bloc.

Christopher Caldwell, a senior editor at The Weekly Standard, is at work on a book about the rise and fall of the post-1960s political order.
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Opinion | What the Alt-Right Really Means

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Not even those most depressed about Donald J. Trump's election and what it might portend could have envisioned the scene that took place just before Thanksgiving in a meeting room a few blocks from the White House. The white nationalist Richard B. Spencer was rallying about 200 kindred spirits.

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What is the alt-right? A refresher course on Steve Bannon's fringe brand of conservatism

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The San Francisco Democrat has beaten back challengers before, but this year's campaign from Ohio Democratic Rep. Tim Ryan focused attention on President-elect Donald Trump's success in attracting white, working class voters in Rust Belt states that had traditionally been part of the Democratic base.

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WASHINGTON ― If you want to know why the unabashedly racist and Nazi-sympathizing "alt-right" movement is making a mark on the Trump administration and beyond, look no further than Tila Tequila and her white nationalist friend, Richard Spencer.

In one of the more bizarre and scary things to transpire in an already bizarre and scary political season, Tequila ― the social media presence, former TV host and current porn star ― attended a conference of white nationalists in Washington this weekend. On the surface, it was odd that the Vietnamese-American, born Thien Thanh Thi Nguyen, was there. Yet her presence squared perfectly with Spencer's political and messaging strategy, and that of his National Policy Institute, which organized the event.

"The alt-right is willing to work with allies of color," Spencer told journalists on Saturday. At that moment, it was hard not to think of Tequila, who had tweeted a photo of herself making the Nazi salute with the caption, "Seig [sic] heil!" the night before.

To be sure, Spencer views most non-white races as genetically inferior, has a deep mistrust of Jewish people and associates with neo-Nazis. He wants to see Europeans and people of European descent "protected" from other races through state-sponsored segregation. The list goes on.

However, it's Spencer's deft packaging of this hate speech that made him the informal head of the self-styled "alt-right," a movement of quasi- to full-blown fascist writers, listless brown shirts and disgruntled meme creators.He feints at multiculturalism, expressing his respect for "Native Americans," the "spirituality" of African-Americans and the aforementioned "allies of color."His white nationalist spouting is filed with academic jargon ― founding an organization with the distinctly bland name "National Policy Institute" and calling one's movement "alt-right" is no small part of that strategy.All this isnot a new approach, but one Spencer is chillingly good at.

Even though he's nearing 40, Spencer is so good at playing wonky millennial it makes you want to vomit. Think of him as an Ezra Klein for people who wouldn't mind putting people named Ezra Klein on a train. He's active on social media ― that is, until he's kicked off of it for hate speech ― and loves calling mainstream Republicans "basic bitch conservatives."

Spencer's invitation to the convention perfectly encapsulates how he straddles youth culture and hate culture. It featured a hipster-fresh graphic with the letters "A R" ― for alt-right ― in a decidedly tubular early-'90s font. The letters were splashed over an ethereal stock photo of a woman in a wheat field, and the whole thing was reminiscent of the mashup album covers you see on SoundCloud. That woman in a wheat field can also be found on David Duke's Twitter page.

Spencer exudes the same kind of millennial élan as a lot of the young professional white guys in Washington D.C., with his clean-cut face framed by an angular jaw, square chin and neatly cropped "high and tight" haircut ― a 'do that might once have been associated with the Hitler Youth, but now is far more likely to recall actor Ryan Gosling. He's a neat dresser, and if he weren't spouting off about Muslim gangs or the need to give preferential treatment to European immigrants or how women like being raped, Spencer could just as easily be one of those dime-a-dozen yuppies who have way too many opinions about IPAs and "fun" socks.

His CV is distressingly familiar, too: a B.A. from the University of Virginia, an M.A. from the University of Chicago and a stint as a Ph.D. candidate at Duke University. He even landed a piece in The American Conservative.

Still, Spencer's conference wasn't a gathering of minds. It was a smorgasbord of angry dudes. Dudes in "Make America Great Again" hats, dudes selling '80s-chic posters of President-elect Donald Trump that read "Trump DEPORTATION FORCE," dudes flipping through books with titles like The Perils of Equality and The Problem of Democracy, dudes who hissed when reporters asked Spencer questions, American dudes with Gosling haircuts, English dudes with Gosling haircuts, Dutch dudes with Gosling haircuts.

To say 9 in 10 attendees was a dude would be charitable. There were some older attendees, whose professorial attire and seething resentment for contemporary society recalled the angriest people to ever attend a history department faculty meeting.

And then there was Tequila ― who rose to cultural prominence in the late 2000s only to flame out with a series of anti-Semitic gestures and statements. She was a perfect set piece for Spencer: a D-list celebrity ― a woman of color, no less ― with a less-well-known track record of bigotry. Tequila provided a irreverent kind of pop culture flair to the outwardly staid event. In return, she got attention.

Seig heil! ✋ pic.twitter.com/FhuFuZq6Sc
- Tila Tequila (@AngelTilaLove) November 19, 2016

It's sometimes hard to know whether that other D-list celebrity, Trump, is using Tequila's strategy or Spencer's. Like Tequila, Trump also courted racists to boost his brand: He famously leveraged his own fame to raise unfounded questions about President Barack Obama's birthplace to raise his political profile. Like Spencer, Trump uses misdirection and half-baked "points" about long-form birth certificates to make his crusade seem semi-credible.

And those in Trump's circle have eagerly bought into his legitimization of fringe views: Take strategist Steve Bannon's description of his website, Breitbart News, as "the platform for the alt-right" and National Security Advisor Michael Flynn's regular promotion of the "alt-right" on social media.

"The alt-right is here, the alt-right is not going anywhere and the alt-right is going to change the world," Spencer proclaimed at the conference. Though he maintained that Trump and Bannon are not "alt-right," he did make the unsettling claim that his movement is a "head without a body" and the Trump campaign was a "body without a head."

Trump's election could complete this political Frankenstein monster, according to Spencer's thinking. The high-profile racism and bigotry that has erupted since Nov. 8 has been unapologetically confrontational and intimidating: the Ku Klux Klan holding a "victory" rally in North Carolina, spray-painted swastikas cropping up on playgrounds and untold number of acts of bigotry directed at individuals later reported on social media.

It's cold comfort, but this kind of vileness cannot easily be incorporated into our institutions of power. A person who walks into a congressional office in a white hood asking for a meeting about the Jewish pestilence isn't likely to get very far, but a clean-cut guy exuding the same white-collar blandness as that annoying guy at work who won't shut up about his kickball league or Trunk Club membership is another story.

That's what makes Richard Spencer and the National Policy Institute so scary. A well-spoken graduate of the University of Virginia rambling about arcane-sounding things like, say, our "identitarian school curriculum" just might change some minds. Spencer has insisted that he is not in contact with Trump or his transition team, but added that he is impressed by putative administration figures like Steve Bannon and attorney general nominee Jeff Sessions.

Spencer kicked out the media after his press conference concluded, but the Atlantic recorded video of Spencer proclaiming " Hail Trump, hail our people, hail victory!" and a number of audience members responding with the Nazi salute.

Unlike Tila Tequila, they probably know how to correctly spell "sieg." Richard Spencer, it's safe to say, knows what he's doing.
Huffington Post reporter Eliot Nelson's book, The Beltway Bible: A Totally Serious A-Z Guide to Our No-Good, Corrupt, Incompetent, Terrible, Depressing and Sometimes Hilarious Government, is out now.

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The 'Alt-Right' Is A Hate Movement, And It's Scarier Than You Think

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WASHINGTON ― If you want to know why the unabashedly racist and Nazi-sympathizing "alt-right" movement is making a mark on the Trump administration and beyond, look no further than Tila Tequila and her white nationalist friend, Richard Spencer.

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President-elect Donald Trump has disavowed the white nationalist movement which dubs itself the "alt-right" and which rallied around his candidacy, but vigorously defended his former campaign chairman and newly appointed White House chief strategist, Stephen Bannon, a man accused of fanning the flames of white supremacy.

"I don't want to energize the group, and I disavow the group," Trump said at a meeting with a group of New York Times journalists, in response to a question from the newspaper's executive editor, Dean Baquet.

"And if they are energized I want to look into it and find out why," Trump said.

The selection of Bannon, the executive chairman of the far-right website Breitbart News , deepened the fears of liberal activists that the Trump administration would embolden and enable antisemites, racists and misogynists of the so-called "alt-right ".

"I've known Steve Bannon a long time. If I thought he was a racist or alt-right or any of the things, the terms we could use, I wouldn't even think about hiring him," said Trump on Tuesday, according to journalists in attendance.

"Breitbart is just a publication. They cover stories like you cover stories. They are certainly a much more conservative paper, to put it mildly, than the New York Times. But Breitbart really is a news organization that has become quite successful. It's got readers, and it does cover subjects on the right, but it covers subjects on the left also. It's a pretty big thing," said Trump, according to a tweet from Times political reporter Michael Grynbaum.

New York Times journalists also quizzed Trump on his commitment to free speech, the first amendment of the constitution. "I think you'll be happy," he replied.

The meeting, billed as a lunchtime discussion between New York Times journalists and five members of the Trump campaign including the president-elect, was contentious from its inception.

Hours before the meeting was scheduled to start, the president-elect abruptly canceled it, claiming on Twitter that the newspaper, which he called "failing" and "not nice", had changed the "terms and conditions" of the meeting. The newspaper confirmed the meeting was back on just hours later.

Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump)
I cancelled today's meeting with the failing @nytimes when the terms and conditions of the meeting were changed at the last moment. Not nice
November 22, 2016

The on-the-record meeting was attended by 23 reporters, editors and columnists and four members of Trump's campaign team. It covered topics ranging from what Trump perceives as the media's "unfair" treatment of him, to the roles his children and business will play in his administration, to Syria and climate change.

Trump, who tweeted in 2012 that global warming was a hoax "created by and for the Chinese" in order to harm US business, acknowledged on Tuesday that climate change had "some" connection to human activity.

"I think there is some connectivity. Some, something. It depends on how much," he said, according to tweets from reporters. He also added he was concerned about climate change mitigation and "how much it will cost our companies".

When asked if Trump plans to withdraw from international climate deals, such as the Paris accord, he replied: "I'm looking at it very closely. I have an open mind to it."

Trump also altered his stance on his former rival Hillary Clinton. Despite having regularly referred to Clinton as a criminal who deserved jail time during his campaign, a notion echoed by supporters' chants of "lock her up" during his rallies, Trump confirmed he does not intend to jail Clinton for her use of a private email server during her time as secretary of state.

"My inclination would be for whatever power I have on the matter is to say let's go forward. This has been looked at for so long, ad nauseum," said the president-elect.

Locking up Clinton "would be very, very divisive for the country", said Trump, according to reporters in attendance.

Trump was also quizzed by editors and reporters about his own conflicts of interest with his family's business, a large real estate company.

"The law's totally on my side, the president can't have a conflict of interest," said Trump, according to political reporter Maggie Haberman.

"In theory I could run my business perfectly and then run the country perfectly. There's never been a case like this," said Trump, noting that he is delegating the day-to-day running to his children in order to focus on the presidency.
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Trump disavows the white nationalist 'alt-right' but defends Steve Bannon hire

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President-elect Donald Trump has disavowed the white nationalist movement which dubs itself the "alt-right" and which rallied around his candidacy, but vigorously defended his former campaign chairman and newly appointed White House chief strategist, Stephen Bannon, a man accused of fanning the flames of white supremacy.

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It was the selection of Mr. Bannon, who has called Breitbart "the platform for the alt-right," that brought the term under fire. Now, prompted in part by the kind of condemnation evident in the comments on The Post article, news organizations are examining their use of the term.

Last Wednesday, The Washington Post circulated style guidelines for several terms, including alt-right, which it defined in part as "a small, far-right movement that seeks a whites-only state" whose adherents are "known for espousing racist, anti-Semitic and sexist points of view."

And on Monday, The Associated Press published its own usage guidance for the term, saying that journalists should not use the term without defining it because "it is not well known and the term may exist primarily as a public relations device to make its supporters' actual beliefs less clear and more acceptable to a broader audience."

The standards editor at NPR published a memo in mid-November titled "Guidance on References to the 'Alt-Right,'" that encouraged an explanation of the term, and the progressive news site ThinkProgress said in a post last week that it would "no longer treat 'alt-right' as an accurate descriptor of either a movement or its members" because the term is used as a self-descriptor and obscures the group's overt racism.

The Wall Street Journal has used the term, but a spokeswoman said in an email that it prefers to be "more precise about groups or individuals, reporting on their specific actions or statements."

The New York Times has had many conversations about the term but has not banned it, said Phil Corbett, The Times's standards editor. Reporters are encouraged to explain what the term means rather than use it as a label, he said.

Defenders of the term argue that it is an appropriate characterization of a new group for which existing definitions do not capture the full range of ideologies and prejudices.

"In the case of the alt-right, I think that the tendency has been to want to simply do away with the term and use the term 'white nationalist,' but I don't think that captures the stew of hate," said Nicole Hemmer, an assistant professor at the Miller Center at the University of Virginia, who studies conservatism and the media. Existing terms, including white nationalism, do not reflect the group's distinct history, media tactics or myriad hostilities, including its "hard-core misogyny," she said.

She said news organizations should routinely define the meaning of alt-right so that readers understand the specific viewpoints it encompasses. "We can't just use new words and new labels without describing what they are," she said. "I think if news organizations are meticulous about defining their terms, then I think people will come to understand what the alt-right is."

Rich Lowry, the editor of National Review, a conservative magazine, said he was not opposed to using the term, either, if it was applied narrowly - that is, to describe "people who are obsessed with race and, in one form or another, are white supremacists."

But he said it would be incorrect to use the label more broadly to describe others on the conservative spectrum, such as the populist and nationalist wing of the Republican Party. "From where we sit, the alt-right is kind of a motley collection of white supremacists and neo-Nazis," he said. "It's a mistake to label people who aren't that the alt-right."

News organizations have often contended with the issue of terminology used to describe certain groups, viewpoints or ideologies, particularly when they carry political implications.

"Journalists and other people in political life are always arguing about the naming of things," said Roy Peter Clark, a senior scholar at the Poynter Institute.

In the past, the terms "pro-choice" and "pro-life," to identify people who either support or oppose abortion rights, have both generated backlash, as have the terms "illegal immigrant" and "undocumented worker" to describe foreigners who are in the country without legal documentation.

News organizations have also grappled with the word "torture" to describe the C.I.A.'s interrogation techniques. For years, The Times avoided using the word to avoid taking sides in a legal and political fight.

In 2014, Dean Baquet, the executive editor of The Times, wrote in a post on the newspaper's website that The Times had recalibrated its language and would henceforth use the word torture to "describe incidents in which we know for sure that interrogators inflicted pain on a prisoner in an effort to get information."

Social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook have increased the intensity of debates over language and broadened their audience. That could prompt news organizations to more quickly examine the words they use, said Joshua Benton, the director of the Nieman Journalism Lab.

"Journalists who are on Twitter are seeing the negative reaction to a word choice, a headline choice, whatever it may be," he said, adding that he expected to see more rapid action from news organizations in response to such criticism.

But while it is inevitable that certain terms, especially ones that may be politically charged, will provoke some level of debate, the solution, many journalists say, is to describe rather than label.

Parsing a term heavy with connotations is "hard work" said Cameron Barr, a managing editor at The Washington Post. But he added: "It's incumbent upon us to provide clear and dispassionate definitions of what these things mean."

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News Outlets Rethink Usage of the Term 'Alt-Right'

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It was the selection of Mr. Bannon, who has called Breitbart "the platform for the alt-right," that brought the term under fire. Now, prompted in part by the kind of condemnation evident in the comments on The Post article, news organizations are examining their use of the term.

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Lately, I have seen extensive material published in The Times about alt-right figurehead and white supremacist Richard Spencer, the founder of a racist "think tank" in Montana who rose to prominence during Trump's campaign. Before that, I had never heard of him. The media are making him a "star," increasing the possibility that many borderline white nationalists will be attracted to him and ultimately join his "troops."

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New news about the 'alt-right' is good news, readers say

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Lately, I have seen extensive material published in The Times about alt-right figurehead and white supremacist Richard Spencer, the founder of a racist "think tank" in Montana who rose to prominence during Trump's campaign. Before that, I had never heard of him.

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What is there left to say about the alt-right? Let's just start with the basics.

Their numbers are hard to quantify, but they have a large social media presence, particularly on Twitter, which they use to harass journalists and conservatives, particularly Jewish ones. They're fond of internet memes, have their own little shibboleths (such as their tactic of putting parenthesis around the names of Jewish users), and are generally young, white, and male.

They also have a presidential candidate they love, Donald Trump, and a conservative news site of their own: Breitbart, which up until a couple days ago was run by new Trump consigliere Steve Bannon.

Bannon's Breitbart distinguished itself from the rest of the conservative media in two significant ways this cycle. The first was becoming a mouthpiece for Trump while other, older conservative periodicals were declaring war on him. The second was through their embrace of the alt-right, which mainstream conservatives tend to abhor.

Before we get back to that, a little history: The right has always had its kooks and cranks, so movement conservatives devised a policing mechanism in the form of purges, usually spearheaded by William F. Buckley's National Review. That magazine took on the role of deciding what views and personages were acceptable on the right, and it was largely successful in doing so, in part because of Buckley's standing as the intellectual leader of the American right.

Then Buckley died in 2008, and there was no one to replace him. (The last purge in the conservative ranks arguably happened in 2003, when NR exiled Robert Novak specifically and the anti-war right more broadly.) That, combined with the many catastrophes of the Bush years, meant that conservative orthodoxy could be more freely challenged, the Republican Party more openly criticized.

As a result, since Bush left office, both the conservative movement and the GOP, two overlapping groups once famed for their internal discipline, became much more chaotic. The Tea Party emerged, which many mainstream conservatives were happy to conclude was driven by debt, deficits, and the expansion of the state, a happy corrective to both Bush's big-government heresies and Barack Obama's liberalism.

And with the rise of the Tea Party came Breitbart News, a site founded by the Andrew Breitbart, a prominent conservative activist and journalist. Breitbart, both the man and the site, became the Tea Party's biggest cheerleaders, and promoted beliefs recognizable to your average GOPer: big government is bad, gun rights are good, defend the Constitution at all costs, etc. It was, in its way, just as orthodox as National Review, and the differences more had to do with style and tone.

Then, in 2012, Andrew Breitbart died, and into that vacuum he left behind stepped Steve Bannon, a rich guy-turned-conservative propagandist best known for making a fawning documentary of Sarah Palin.

Slowly but surely, Bannon turned Breitbart into not only the most-read conservative web outlet but also the most incendiary one. It was happy to embrace fringe beliefs like birtherism and play footsie with blatantly racist notions of black criminality. It wasn't interested in looking even faintly objective, instead inventing easily understood "narratives" of crusading conservative heroes and their many victories against the hated left.

Buckleyite movement conservatism had always been tethered away from all that by its desire for "respectability," the idea that it should be taken seriously by outsiders as a real intellectual force. Bannon's Breitbart didn't have such scruples - it was playing directly to its very specific audience - and it would follow that audience wherever it went.

The GOP, meanwhile, was in crisis. Its policies - foreign, economic, and social - had all been broadly rejected by the national electorate. Its discredited orthodoxies, such as democracy promotion abroad and supply-side economics at home, had fewer adherents by the day, and there was no Buckley figure to keep the various factions in line.

The entire conservative project, in other words, was failing. Bannon's Breitbart adjusted accordingly.

Donald Trump's presidential candidacy wasn't taken seriously by mainstream conservatives, in large part because Trump wasn't a conservative, and only conservatives could win the Republican nomination. Andrew Breitbart himself had dismissed Trump as a charlatan back in 2012. Still, his poll numbers kept rising.

For its part, Bannon's Breitbart initially seemed to favor Ted Cruz, the firebrand conservative from Texas, going so far to run an "exclusive" look at photos of his family praying before he formally announced. Soon, though, Bannon's Breitbart realized that Trump-style white identity politics wasn't a passing fad, that his ideas, unconservative as they were, had real appeal among those supposedly debt-obsessed Tea Partiers that made up the website's central audience.

Bannon's Breitbart also realized that there was a large online community that naturally gravitated to Trump, a mix of people who saw themselves as far too radical to be accepted by polite society. Among them, conservative suspicions of diversity, inclusion, feminism, and political correctness had metastasized into something much darker.

This was the alt-right, a collection of racists, pick-up artists, men's rights activists, and other noxious trolls of the internet. There's no real dogma or central text to the alt-right, and no Buckley figure, though plenty are interested in taking the mantle. It's a loose grouping with a few unifying figures, such as Trump and the Breitbart editor Milo Yiannopoulos.

It was the openly-gay Yiannopoulos who became the first real alt-right celebrity, and he parlayed his internet fame into a series of speaking gigs that he called the "Dangerous Faggot" tour. His catchphrase is "feminism is cancer" and he first rose to prominence as part of the GamerGate movement, a thing you're free to Google. He's also Breitbart's tech editor and most prominent columnist.

Yiannopoulos shtick is offending people, generally liberals and progressives. To his admirers, this makes him a hero of free speech ("free speech advocate" being a frequent phrase seen in the online bio of alt-righters). To everyone else, it makes him annoying, and perhaps a little sad.

But the alt-right loves him, and he returns the affection. Last spring, he co-bylined a lengthy defense of their movement on Breitbart's front page, which sought to portray its adherents as "dangerously bright" little scamps who say awful things for the LOLs.

Offending progressives is something many conservative pundits love to do, in large part because progressives can be easy to offend. Buckey did it, Breitbart did it, and so on. The alt-right's innovation here, in Yiannopoulos's telling, is to take that tendency to its logical extreme. Did a Jewish author say something you disagree with? Send him a photoshop of him being sent to Auschwitz! It's all in good fun, you see.

But it's also very serious, Yiannopolous and the alt-right will tell you, because the West in under attack and conservatives, locked in the straight-jacket of respectability, won't do anything about it. The Muslims are coming, and so are the Mexicans. Blacks are out of control in the cities. The feminists are trying to upset gender norms, which is why you can't get a date. Smart as you are, young white man, you can't get rich, because of globalists, who "just happen" to be Jews.

This is increasingly the governing ideology of Breitbart, one reflected in its headlines and stories, although it hasn't gone quite full-bore on the anti-Semitism quite yet. And it is the ideology that's been encouraged by Steve Bannon, the man Trump has chosen to rescue his failing campaign.

Bannon's appointment, sure enough, was quickly praised by alt-right stalwarts. "Breitbart has elective affinities with the alt-right," the white nationalist Richard Spencer told The Daily Beast on Wednesday, "and the alt-right has clearly influenced Breitbart. In this way, Breitbart has acted as a 'gateway' to alt-right ideas and writers."

This is not to say either Trump or Bannon are racist. And I don't know how many Trump supporters have any clue who or what the "alt-right" is, though I'd suspect the answer is not many. But for anyone wondering what Bannon sees as a winning message, or what directions he'll push Trump in, it's worth considering how he's spent so much of the last year trying to mainstream the alt-right.

And this is, of course, a concern that extends beyond the campaign. National Review is widely seen as having prepared the intellectual architecture for President Reagan. It's probably now safe to assume that Breitbart would fill a similar role for a President Trump.

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Steve Bannon and the alt-right: a primer

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What is there left to say about the alt-right? Let's just start with the basics. Their numbers are hard to quantify, but they have a large social media presence, particularly on Twitter, which they use to harass journalists and conservatives, particularly Jewish ones.

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CNN- Alt Right gathering about Donald Trump

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CNN- Alt Right gathering about Donald Trump

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The president of the alt-right National Policy Institute Richard Spencer's remarks were posted Sunday on YouTube by "Red Ice Radio," which describes itself as "covering politics and social issues from a pro-European perspective." The Atlantic magazine, which is recording footage of Spencer for a documentary they're working on, also published a video of the same event showing audience members apparently giving the Nazi salute.

"Hail Trump! Hail our people! Hail victory!" he declared.

His remarks were filled with racist imagery -- including references to "the black political machines" and Latino housekeepers -- as he bashed Hillary Clinton's minority supporters.

"Her coalition was made up of mutually hostile tribes only united out of a hatred of 'whitey' -- that is to say, out of a hatred of us," Spencer said.

He added that "there are no two parts of this coalition who could ever be in the same room together for any length of time."

"America was, until this last generation, a white country, designed for ourselves and our posterity. It is our creation and our inheritance, and it belongs to us," Spencer said.

The event was held at the Ronald Reagan Building on Saturday. The day before, the group met at the Northwest Washington restaurant Maggiano's which issued an apology Monday and told CNN that it would donate $10,000 to the D.C. office of the Anti-Defamation League. In a statement, the restaurant's management said the booking was made last minute Friday and under a different name than the organization.

Trump's transition team responded in a statement Monday saying Trump has "continued to denounce racism."

"President-elect Trump has continued to denounce racism of any kind and he was elected because he will be a leader for every American," Trump-Pence Transition spokesman Bryan Lanza said in a statement. "To think otherwise is a complete misrepresentation of the movement that united Americans from all backgrounds."

His comments came as Trump is under fire for tapping Steve Bannon, who was until recently the head of the alt-right Breitbart News, as his chief White House strategist, a position that does not require Senate approval. Bannon has said he rejects the racist and anti-Semitic elements of the alt-right and described himself as an "economic nationalist."

Spencer bashed journalists covering the 2016 presidential election, too.

"One wonders if these people are people at all, or instead soulless golem," Spencer said in a reference to a Jewish fable in a portion of his speech dedicated to criticizing both the media and Jews.

He also used a Nazi-era propaganda term meaning "lying press" to describe reporters, citing "the mainstream media -- or perhaps we should refer to them in the original German, lugenpresse."

And he tempered his praise the Republican President-elect.

Even Trump, Spencer warned the white supremacist audience, has taken positions that are in his view too friendly to minorities and Jewish people.

He said Trump has supported affirmative action and opposed segregated establishments. On immigration, Spencer said, Trump "left the door open to some kind of mass amnesty at a future date, talking about keeping the 'good ones' in the country." And, he said, Trump "will be perhaps the most pro-Zionist president ever put in office," citing his opposition to the Iran nuclear deal, "which we should admit wasn't actually that bad."

The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum put out a statement on the dinner saying it was "deeply alarmed" by the gathering "just blocks from the Museum."

"The Holocaust did not begin with killing; it began with words. The Museum calls on all American citizens, our religious and civic leaders, and the leadership of all branches of the government to confront racist thinking and divisive hateful speech."
This post has been updated.

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alt-right leader: 'hail trump! hail our people! hail victory!' - cnnpolitics

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Alt-right leader: 'Hail Trump! Hail our people! Hail victory!'

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The president of the alt-right National Policy Institute Richard Spencer's remarks were posted Sunday on YouTube by "Red Ice Radio," which describes itself as "covering politics and social issues from a pro-European perspective." The Atlantic magazine, which is recording footage of Spencer for a documentary they're working on, also published a video of the same event showing audience members apparently giving the Nazi salute.

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This comic is showing that groups such as the KKK support Trump. It's showing that radical groups like them are supporting a man like him for office. All those men in that truck are for the KKK and support their beliefs despite Trump openly saying he doesn't support that kind of thinking though people believe he is like that because of his saying, "make America great again."

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Donald Trump supporters are going to vote for him but there are also racist groups that follow them to the polls. The comic shows that Trump supporters aren't just nice couples, they're also racist groups that support radical ideas they think Trump might support as well.

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It explains how Trump supporters feel about different groups

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SNL German Chancellor Angela Merkel on the American "Alt-Right" Movement.

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SNL German Chancellor Angela Merkel on the American "Alt-Right" Movement.

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A picture of Alt Right leaders/important members

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A picture of Alt Right leaders/important members