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Famous people fighting for families to stay together

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Famous people fighting for families to stay together

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Not only do immigrants fight to stay together with their families but also celebrities

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Celebrities attend immigration policy protests

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"Debunking the Myth of the Job-Stealing Immigrant"(Davidson, 2015)

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"Debunking the Myth of the Job-Stealing Immigrant"(Davidson, 2015)

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Debunking the Myth of the Job-Stealing Immigrant (Published 2015)

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Even those of us who favor a path to citizenship are not going far enough, because we are mired in zero-sum thinking.

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In the video it shows that many times famous people living in the US and you did not know that immigrant.
Some complain that immigrants bring violence and drugs but at the same time they are ignorant because they don't know that some celebrities who have brought good things to the US are immigrants and they don't complain about them.

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Are these Celebrities American-born or Immigrants?

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Immigrants aren’t taking our jobs, they are creating them. Let’s cut through these anti-immigrant lies and keep our promise to DREAMers with a clean #DreamActNow.

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An article about the wrong ideas that builds Donald Trump

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An article about the wrong ideas that builds Donald Trump

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about immigration

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President Trump leaves the stage after speaking to a crowd of construction workers before touring Royal Dutch Shell's petrochemical cracker plant in Monaca, Pa., on Aug. 13. (Andrew Rush/AP)

President Trump is obsessed with " JOBS, JOBS, JOBS!" But his chants aren't just about the economy - jobs are also central to advancing Trump's anti-immigration agenda. He has repeatedly, and inaccurately, promoted the long-standing idea that working-class white Americans are losing jobs because of immigration.

The data doesn't support this analysis. Yet the potent combination of immigrant threat and labor competition has long appealed to voters even when immigration restriction doesn't deliver the promised jobs. In reality, what the rhetoric of blaming immigrants for "taking" jobs does do is advance ideas and policies that protect the powerful and allow for the exploitation of all workers - often the very same workers who find it appealing.

This was never clearer than a century ago, when claims about Asian immigrants taking white workers' jobs dominated the public debate in the Western world. Although the British Empire engineered the massive movement of English, Indian and Chinese migrants to address labor imbalances across the empire, racist rhetoric and fears of unfair competition transformed what migration and labor ultimately looked like. Restrictions on labor and immigration, fueled by these fears, limited the movement of nonwhites, while doing nothing to address the actual source of labor grievances: employers and their power to determine labor conditions, including those of the most privileged workers.

The British Empire grappled with massive migration flows after it abolished slavery in 1834. With the support of the British imperial government, planters in the West Indies turned to Indian, then Chinese, indentured laborers. Workers were recruited, often forcefully, and transported all across the British Empire to work in exploitative and unfree conditions and for uncertain wages that barely, if at all, allowed them to repay the debt they had incurred to afford the voyage. Under some variation of this scheme, up to 1.25 million migrants from South and East Asia reached the Americas, and more than 6 million Chinese immigrated to British territories in Southeast Asia.

At the same time, the British Colonial Office of Emigration channeled workers from England to its colonies in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. Upward of 55 million migrants left Europe for the Americas between 1846 and 1940, 65 percent of whom reached the United States.

But not all migrants were created equal.

British politicians and intellectuals encouraged white workers to migrate to overwhelmingly white countries: Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and the United States. They believed that this advanced England's "civilizing mission" and helped it consolidate the world order under Britain's control.

They treated Asian immigrants quite differently, however. Western intellectuals feared that the rising geopolitical power of Asia threatened "Western civilization," or at least its hegemony, a thesis embraced by the likes of Theodore Roosevelt and British Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone.

And so they doubled down on their efforts to protect "white spaces" in self-governing British colonies such as Canada and Australia and former colonies such as the United States. This involved implementing immigration restrictions for Chinese migrants while easing migration for white Europeans. This was done through explicit bans accompanied by quotas favoring Northern Europeans (United States), or through subtler requirements such as language tests (Australia) or mode of transit (Canada) designed to exclude Indian and Chinese migrants.

Labor leaders in the West bought into these nativist narratives. Even when they acknowledged the racial motivations of anti-Asian policies, most considered wage competition a good enough reason for restricting settlement in countries inhabited " by men of European race." Labor leaders didn't worry about the exploitative labor conditions under which Asian workers toiled. Rather, they worried that white workers could not labor in these conditions. So they argued that exclusion was the only way to protect white workers from the " natural propensity of the Chinese toward toilsome work."

But this rhetoric did not match the reality: While labor leaders were busy denouncing competition and often voicing overt anti-immigrant sentiment, the real issue plaguing workers - dangerous and exploitative corporate practices - continued unabated. The unsupported fear that immigrants were taking away jobs took priority over opposing the power of corporations, or tackling issues of working hours or fair pay for all workers - the very conditions that actually bedeviled workers.

This skewed understanding of the problem made race, not class, the biggest divide. White U.S. workers and their leaders supported anti-immigration legislation that excluded particular racial groups in solidarity with white workers in Canada and Australia. This can be most clearly seen in the anti-Asian immigration restrictions put in place at the turn of the century in all three countries, which created systems of passports, border control and deportation to curtail nonwhite immigration while incentivizing white immigration - even though white immigration meant more competition for jobs. These restrictions also meant that while workers of color remained an important resource, they labored under informal, unfree and exploitative conditions.

Tragically, this racially segmented regime of mobility and political inclusion meant efforts to curtail corporations' power fell by the wayside, and as a result, white workers became willing partners for corporations and imperial projects as long as they benefited marginally.

These dynamics are at play once again today. The ability of global corporations to pick and choose among laborers worldwide, and to leverage this power to the detriment of workers everywhere, is at its highest. Their willingness and ability to avoid taxes and other forms of political responsibility has depleted public resources available for education, health and other services that previously led to a better quality of life for the working and middle classes in the West, something that is now becoming out of reach for all.

So the easy solution is back: Blame migrants for taking jobs and public resources. When leaders like Trump make these claims, they are enlisting imperial racial ideologies to pit worker against worker and entrench the exploitation of laborers everywhere.

Make no mistake: Immigrants are not taking our jobs. Jobs are decreasing in numbers and quality because of corporate practices (condoned by states) that harm the well-being of workers and the middle classes worldwide. The violent policing of migrants and refugees does nothing to change that, and indeed only distracts the public from the task of holding accountable the unchecked power of corporations to determine our well-being and political fate.

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Perspective | Why anti-immigration politics hurt white workers

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President Trump is obsessed with " JOBS, JOBS, JOBS!" But his chants aren't just about the economy - jobs are also central to advancing Trump's anti-immigration agenda. He has repeatedly, and inaccurately, promoted the long-standing idea that working-class white Americans are losing jobs because of immigration. The data doesn't support this analysis.

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In the image at the end there are two children that you don't know but maybe they have the same dreams but the difference is that one will be judged where  he was born and they will not let him follow his dreams.

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Pew Research Center for the People and the Press

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Most continue to favor legal status for undocumented immigrants

The American public is broadly critical of the way that the federal government is dealing with the increased number of people seeking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. When it comes to what should be done about the situation, large majorities say it is important to increase the number of judges handling asylum cases and to provide safe and sanitary conditions for asylum seekers.

Nearly two-thirds of Americans (65%) say the federal government is doing a very bad (38%) or somewhat bad (27%) job dealing with the increased number of people seeking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border; just 33% say the government is doing a good job, according to the new survey by Pew Research Center conducted July 22-Aug. 4 among 4,175 adults.

In assessing the situation at the U.S.-Mexico border, the public views several goals as important. But more people give priority to addressing the backlog of asylum cases and improving conditions for asylum seekers than to making it harder - or easier - for asylum seekers to be granted legal status.

Overall, 86% say it is either very (52%) or somewhat (34%) important to increase the number of judges handling asylum cases. Nearly as many (82%) say it is important to provide safe and sanitary conditions for asylum seekers once they arrive in the United States, including 52% who say this is very important.

The public also emphasizes stemming the flow of people to the border: 74% say it is at least somewhat important to reduce the number of people coming to the U.S. to seek asylum, and 69% say it is important to provide more assistance to countries in places like Central America, where many asylum seekers are coming from.

Fairly similar shares of the public view as at least somewhat important the conflicting goals of making it easier (60%) or harder (53%) for asylum seekers to be granted legal status in the U.S. These views are deeply divided along partisan lines, with 77% of Republicans saying it is important to make it more difficult for asylum seekers to gain legal status and a comparable majority of Democrats (79%) saying it is important to make this process easier.

The survey also finds:

Broad public support for path to legal status for undocumented immigrants. Nearly three-quarters of Americans (72%) say undocumented immigrants should be allowed to stay in the U.S. legally if certain conditions are met. This is a modest decline from 77% in March 2017, with most of the change occurring among Republicans.

Most Americans say people who are in the U.S. illegally are no more likely than citizens to commit serious crimes. Nearly seven-in-ten (69%) say this. Large majorities also say undocumented immigrants mostly fill the jobs that American citizens don't want (77%) and are as honest and hardworking as American citizens (73%).

As many agree with the Republican Party as with the Democratic Party on illegal immigration. Among the public overall, 40% say they agree with the Democratic Party's policies on illegal immigration and 39% agree with the GOP's positions; 19% don't agree with either party on this issue. Republicans are more likely than Democrats to agree with their own party on illegal immigration.

Partisans' priorities for U.S. asylum policy

In many respects, Republicans and Democrats differ in their priorities for the situation at the border, especially over the process for granting legal status to asylum seekers. However, there are some areas of general agreement.

For instance, majorities of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents (89%) and Republicans and Republican leaners (83%) say it is important to increase the number of judges handling asylum cases. However, a larger share of Democrats (58%) than Republicans (45%) rate this as very important.

On other dimensions as well, there are pronounced partisan differences in the intensity of sentiment. For example, majorities in each party say it is at least somewhat important that asylum seekers are provided safe and sanitary conditions once they arrive in the U.S. (91% of Democrats, 73% of Republicans).

However, Democrats are more than twice as likely as Republicans to say providing safe and sanitary conditions for asylum seekers is very important (71% vs. 32%).

By contrast, while majorities in both parties say it is important to reduce the number of people coming to the U.S. to seek asylum, 65% of Republicans say this is very important, compared with just 24% of Democrats.

Partisans take opposing views on how difficult the process of asylum seekers being granted legal status should be. Most Republicans (77%) say it's important to make it harder for asylum seekers to be granted legal status in the U.S., though fewer than half (40%) say this is very important. Just a third of Democrats view this as important.

Most Democrats (79%) say it is important to make it easier for asylum seekers to be granted legal status; a much smaller share of Republicans (37%) say the same.

However, just 37% of Democrats say it is very important to make it easier for asylum seekers to get legal status; far larger shares of Democrats place high importance on increasing the number of judges handling asylum cases (58%) and providing safe and sanitary conditions to asylum seekers (71%).

The public is highly critical of the way the government is dealing with asylum seekers. While there are clear partisan differences in these views, a sizable minority of Republicans and Republican leaners (44%) say the government is doing a bad job in dealing with the increased number of asylum seekers at the border; 55% say the government is doing a good job.

A substantial majority of Democrats and Democratic leaners (84%) say the government is doing a bad job - with 58% saying it is doing a very bad job.

Majority continues to favor path to legal status for undocumented immigrants in U.S.

When it comes to undocumented immigrants who are currently living in the U.S. illegally, a majority of Americans continue to support a way for them to stay in the country legally.

Overall, 72% say there should be a way for undocumented immigrants to stay in the country legally, if certain requirements are met; far fewer (27%) say there should not be a way for undocumented immigrants to stay in the country legally. The share who supports a path to legal status for undocumented immigrants has edged lower since March 2017 (from 77%), driven by a shift in Republican views.

Among Republicans and Republican leaners, 54% say there should be a way for undocumented immigrants to stay in the country legally, compared with 45% who say there should not be a path to legal status. In March 2017, Republicans supported a path to legal status by a wider margin (61% to 38%).

In the current survey, conservative Republicans are especially skeptical about legal status for undocumented immigrants living in the U.S.: 47% support a way for them to stay in the country legally, while 52% are against this. By comparison, 63% of moderate and liberal Republicans say there should be a way for undocumented immigrants to stay in the country legally.

Democrats and Democratic leaners overwhelmingly support a way for undocumented immigrants to gain legal status, if certain requirements are met: 87% support this, which is virtually unchanged from two years ago. Comparable majorities of liberal Democrats (91%) and conservative and moderate Democrats (85%) back a path to legal status.

In a follow-up question, most of those who are against a path to legal status for undocumented immigrants say they would support a national law enforcement effort to deport all immigrants who are now living in the U.S. illegally. Overall, 23% of the public opposes legal status for undocumented immigrants and supports a national effort to deport all immigrants living in the country illegally. Among Republicans and Republican leaners, 42% - including nearly half (49%) of conservative Republicans - would support an effort to deport all undocumented immigrants in the U.S.

Most say undocumented immigrants fill jobs U.S. citizens don't want

The public expresses relatively positive views of undocumented immigrants currently in the U.S. when asked to consider traits such as honesty and hard work, their likelihood to commit serious crimes and their impact on jobs.

About three-quarters (77%) say undocumented immigrants mostly fill jobs American citizens don't want; just 20% say they fill jobs citizens would like to have. In addition, 73% say undocumented immigrants are as honest and hardworking as American citizens and 69% say they are no more likely than citizens to commit serious crimes.

Nearly nine-in-ten Democrats say undocumented immigrants are as honest and hardworking as U.S. citizens (89%), mostly fill jobs citizens do not want (88%) and are no more likely than citizens to commit serious crimes (88%).

Republicans are less positive in their views of undocumented immigrants. Still, nearly two-thirds of Republicans (64%) say undocumented immigrants in the U.S. mostly take jobs citizens do not want, and a narrow majority (54%) say they are as honest and hardworking as U.S. citizens.

Republicans are divided on whether undocumented immigrants are more likely than U.S. citizens to commit serious crimes: 49% say they are more likely to do this, while 46% say they are not. Among conservative Republicans, 54% say undocumented immigrants are more likely than citizens to commit serious crimes; fewer moderate and liberal Republicans (43%) express this view.

Similar shares of the public agree with each party's approaches in dealing with illegal immigration

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to agree with their own party's policies on illegal immigration. The gap is especially wide on strong agreement with their party on this issue.

Among the public overall, 40% say they agree with the Democratic Party on illegal immigration, while about as many (39%) agree with the Republican Party. Large shares of partisans favor their own side's positions, but views are not entirely parallel.

Overall, 77% of Republicans and Republican leaners say they agree with their own party's policies to deal with illegal immigration. A slightly smaller majority of Democrats and Democratic leaners (70%) say they agree with the Democratic Party's policies on the issue. In addition, a greater share of Republicans (54%) than Democrats (37%) say they strongly agree with their own party's stance on illegal immigration.

Among Republicans, conservatives (85%) are more likely to agree with their party's positions on illegal immigration than moderates and liberals (64%). Similarly, a larger share of liberal Democrats (82%) than conservative and moderate Democrats (61%) agree with their own party's positions on the issue.

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Public's Priorities for U.S. Asylum Policy: More Judges for Cases, Safe Conditions for Migrants

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Most continue to favor legal status for undocumented immigrants The American public is broadly critical of the way that the federal government is dealing with the increased number of people seeking asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border.

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This video explains two of the most common inmigration myths that exist in the U.S.

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Crime and Welfare: Two Myths of Immigration

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This image speaks for itself.

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Inmigrants busting myths about inmigration.

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Inmigrants busting myths about inmigration.

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US Immigrants Bust Myths About Immigration | Truth or Myth

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Many times some Americans are guided by what their president Donal Trump says in his interviews, and in the video they discover some fellowships he has said

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Fact Check: Do illegal immigrants commit more crimes?

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I found this page that talks about all the myths of immigrants and gives information with specific data as many myths are not true

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404 Error Page | Berkshire Immigrant Center

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This article talks about how immigrants are more likely to create jobs in America then native-born Americans. Immigrants also create new businesses at twice the rate of native born Americans and are more likely to be and self-employed.

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Pervasive Myths About Immigrants | George W. Bush Presidential Center

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In this article, they are showned different researches that prove how much the undocumented immigrants contribute to the pay of taxes. It is explained that about 6.1 of the average taxes are paid by the immigrants. Also, it says that about 11.2 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States were already paying a significant quantity of taxes.

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New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is asking Americans to reframe the way they see immigration policy, asserting that it isn't "about 'containing a problem'"-'it's about realising the opportunity and value inherent in all people."

To drive her point home, Ocasio-Cortez stressed that undocumented immigrants in the U.S. "pay taxes," meaning they "pay for your kids' schooling too."

"For the last time: People who are undocumented pay taxes!" Ocasio-Cortez said in a tweet. "Public goods aren't 'gifts' to immigrants-they pay for your kids' schooling too."

Immigration policy isnâ€™t about â€œcontaining a problem.â€

Itâ€™s about realizing the opportunity & value inherent in all people.

Also, for the last time: ðŸ—£ people who are undocumented pay taxes!

Public goods arenâ€™t â€œgiftsâ€ to immigrants - they pay for your kidsâ€™ schooling too.
- Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (@AOC) July 31, 2019

Indeed, the fact that undocumented immigrants pay billions of dollars in federal taxes each year often goes overlooked in the immigration debate.

However, studies have long shown that millions of undocumented immigrants in the U.S. pay taxes-and that immigration reform allowing undocumented immigrants to work in the U.S. legally would boost their state and local tax contributions.

While it is difficult to say exactly how much undocumented immigrants contribute in taxes today, a 2013 report from the Institute On Taxation and Economic Policy highlighted how "the 11.2 million undocumented immigrants living in the United States" at the time were "already paying a significant share of their income in state and local taxes."

"Like other people living and working in the United States, undocumented immigrants currently contribute a significant share of their income to state and local taxes," the report said. "In addition to paying sales and excise taxes when they purchase goods and services like utilities, clothing and gasoline, undocumented immigrants also pay property taxes directly on their homes or indirectly as renters, and at least half are paying income taxes despite lacking legal status."

Collectively, the report said, undocumented immigrants paid an estimated $10.6 billion in 2010 "with contributions ranging from less than $2 million in Montana to more than $2.2 billion in California."

"This means these families are likely paying about 6.4 percent on average of their income in state and local taxes," it said.

The report also stressed that those numbers "would rise under immigration reform."

"Undocumented immigrants currently contribute significantly to state and local taxes," the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy said.

At the time, the institute maintained that "allowing undocumented immigrants to work in the United States legally would increase their state and local tax contributions by an estimated $2 billion a year."

"Their effective state and local tax rate would also increase to 7 percent on average, which would put their tax contributions more in line with documented taxpayers with similar incomes," it said.

While the 2013 report noted that "the aggregate state and local taxes paid by undocumented immigrants in each state may seem modest compared to overall tax collections," it noted that "undocumented immigrants make up 5 percent of the labor force and are a small share of most states' populations."

Further, it said, "their effective rate is close to taxpayers in similar income situations and, in many states, can be higher than the effective tax rates paid by upper income taxpayers."

As the National Immigration Law Center pointed out in 2017, many undocumented immigrants rely on an "Individual Taxpayer Identification Number (ITIN) to file their taxes.

"Since 1996, the IRS has issued ITINs to taxpayers and their dependents who are not eligible to obtain a Social Security number," the law center says on its website.

In its own analysis, Washington-based think tank The Bipartisan Policy Center, noted that "most experts believe the vast majority of tax returns filed with ITINs today are filed by undocumented immigrants," with 4.35 million tax returns filed using ITINs in 2015, representing more than $13.6 billion in taxes.

In an analysis of how and why undocumented immigrants pay taxes, the National Immigration Law Center provided several reasons, including that residents want to show they are complying with federal tax laws and that paying taxes can help demonstrate "good moral character" in potential future cases for legal status.

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Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez reminds America undocumented immigrants pay taxes: "They pay your kids' schooling"

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New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is asking Americans to reframe the way they see immigration policy, asserting that it isn't "about 'containing a problem'"-'it's about realising the opportunity and value inherent in all people." To drive her point home, Ocasio-Cortez stressed that undocumented immigrants in the U.S.

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In this video, there is a general explanation about the immigrants situations and the main myths about them.

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Busting The Biggest Immigration Myths In America

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/ The Conversation

Mary Jo Dudley is director of the Cornell Farmworker Program at Cornell University.
The nation's attention is once again focused on the southern border, where President Trump claims the U.S. is facing a "crisis" over illegal immigration.

Sometimes forgotten as the nation focuses attention on migrants currently trying to cross the border is that millions of undocumented immigrants continue to live in the U.S. - and most of them work.

And in fact, these workers play vital roles in the U.S. economy, erecting American buildings, picking American apples and grapes, and taking care of American babies. Oh, and paying American taxes.

My work as the director of the Cornell Farmworker Program involves meeting with undocumented workers in New York, and the farmers who employ them. Here's a snapshot of who they are, where they work - and why Americans should care about them.

A snapshot of who they are

Pew Research Center estimates that about 11.3 million people are currently living in the U.S. without authorization, down from a peak of 12.2 million in 2007. More than half come from Mexico, and about 15 percent come from other parts Latin America.

About 8 million of them have jobs, making up 5 percent of the U.S. workforce, figures that have remained more or less steady for the past decade.

Geographically, these unauthorized workers are spread throughout the U.S. but are unsurprisingly most concentrated in border states like California and Texas, where they make up about 9 percent of both states' workforces, while in Nevada, their share is over 10 percent.

Their representation in particular industries is even more pronounced, and the Department of Agriculture estimates that about half of the nation's farmworkers are unauthorized, while 15 percent of those in construction lack papers - more than the share of legal immigrants in either industry. In the service sector, which would include jobs such as fast food and domestic help, the figure is about 9 percent.

Further studies show that the importance of this population of workers will only grow in coming years. For example, in 2014, unauthorized immigrants made up 24 percent of maids and cleaners, an occupation expected to need 112,000 more workers by 2024. In construction, the number of additional laborers needed is estimated at close to 150,000. And while only 4 percent of personal care and home health aides are undocumented, the U.S. will soon require more than 800,000 people to fill the jobs necessary to take care of retiring baby boomers.

Vital to American farms

Since agriculture is the industry that's most reliant on undocumented workers - and it's my area of expertise and research - let's zoom in on it.

Overall, the agricultural industry in the United States has been on the decline since 1950. Back then, farming was a family business that employed more than 10 million workers, 77 percent of whom were classified as "family." As of 2000 - the latest such data available - only 3 million work on farms, and as noted earlier, an estimated half are undocumented.

Increasingly, dairy farms such as those in New York rely on workers from Mexico and Guatemala, many of whom are believed to be undocumented. Currently, there is no visa program for year-round workers on dairy farms, so the precarious status of these workers poses serious concerns for the economic viability of the dairy industry.

In 2017 research conducted by the Cornell Farmworker Program, 30 New York dairy farmers told us they turned to undocumented workers because they were unable to find and keep reliable U.S. citizens to do the jobs. That's in part because farm work can be physically demanding, dirty and socially denigrated work. More importantly, it is one the most dangerous occupations in the U.S.

A study commissioned by the dairy industry suggested that if federal labor and immigration policies reduced the number of foreign-born workers by 50 percent, more than 3,500 dairy farms would close, leading to a big drop in milk production and a spike in prices of about 30 percent. Total elimination of immigrant labor would increase milk prices by 90 percent.

The U.S. fruit, vegetable and meat industries are similarly at risk, and without the help of unauthorized workers, production would drop and consumers would likely see higher prices.

This has become of particular concern as immigration enforcement in agricultural communities intensifies.

Although the focus is usually on the southern border, what happens in the north matters as well, in part because the Border Patrol's 100-mile jurisdiction means immigrants living in most of New England can be pursued anywhere. As such, the surge in immigration enforcement along the border with Canada in recent years has resulted in more farmworkers being deported.

It also has meant fresh produce has been gone unpicked, left to rot in fields. One New York apple grower told us that due to labor shortages and dwindling prices for his red delicious variety, he plans to let his 100-year-old orchard go, because any investments in production would result in significant economic loss.

Who cares? Most Americans

Judging by the pronouncements from the White House, you might think most people don't realize how integral undocumented immigrants are to the U.S. economy. But in fact, polls suggest that Americans do understand this, and also don't believe that immigrants take their jobs.

In a poll Cornell conducted in 2017, we asked New Yorkers, "How do you believe undocumented farmworkers impact local communities?"

About 75 percent of those we polled said they have "generally positive impacts," up from 62 percent in 2008. Of those who had a positive impression, most said it was because migrants fill jobs unwanted by citizens or provide essential farm help and keep prices low.

And national polling backs this up. A 2016 Pew poll found that 76 percent believe undocumented immigrants are as honest and hard-working as U.S. citizens, while 71 percent said they mostly fill jobs that Americans aren't willing to do.

In other words, not only are there lots of reasons to care, the vast majority of Americans actually do.

This is an updated version of an article originally published June 25, 2018. Originally published on The Conversation.

More from CBS News

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These U.S. industries can't work without illegal immigrants

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Some 8 million undocumented workers pick American fruit, construct American buildings, raise American babies - and pay American taxes

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Here is information of the education of immigrants

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Immigrant Fact Sheet High Res for DPD 3_med

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Here is some information on how immigrants contribute economically

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Copia de Immigrant Fact Sheet High Res for DPD 3_med

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In this article, they discuss the different ideas formed by the news, and how some may not be true compared to the data they found. Also they inform us about a lot of the false assumptions that are formed about immigrants.

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WASHINGTON - President Donald Trump has long railed against immigration as a scourge on the economy and national security. He's committed his administration to starting construction on a wall along the Mexican border to stop illegal immigration and asylum seekers, yet he reversed his past policy efforts on restricting legal immigration in this year's State of the Union address.

Trump managed to accuse immigrants in the country illegally of stealing jobs from American workers, while declaring that the country needs more immigrants because of its economic boom. This argument rested on a series of false stereotypes.

"I want people to come into our country in the largest numbers ever, but they have to come in legally," he declared, only to say later, "Working-class Americans are left to pay the price for mass illegal immigration: reduced jobs, lower wages, overburdened schools, hospitals that are so crowded you can't get in, increased crime, and a depleted social safety net."
READ MORE: How Trump has already changed immigration policy
That's a slight variation on his drumbeat going back to 2015, when he declared: "They're taking our jobs, they're taking our manufacturing jobs, they're taking our money, they're killing us."

The fact is that 75 percent of immigrants arrived legally, according to the Pew Research Center. In general, the entire immigrant population is increasingly better educated than native-born Americans.

They're more likely to have jobs. They're less likely to commit violent crimes. They help fuel economic growth. And as a group over time, they're no more a drain on taxpayers than native-born citizens.

Moreover, for all the attention to the southern border, in recent years immigrants to the U.S. have been more likely to come from Asia than from Mexico.

Three Harvard University economists released a paper in June that looked at immigration in multiple countries and concluded that native-born Americans as a whole wildly overestimate the prevalence of immigrants. These Americans estimated, on average, that legal immigrants made up 36 percent of the U.S. population, more than triple their actual share. They thought that immigrants were less likely to work and more dependent on government aid than immigrants actually are - and these stereotypes made them less supportive of social programs that might aid immigrants.

"We were surprised by how much of a misperception there was about the level of education, income and contribution to society that immigrants give," said Alberto Alesini, a Harvard economist who co-wrote the paper.

Here are some fundamental myths about U.S. immigration and the economy:
MYTH: VAST NUMBERS OF IMMIGRANTS ARE POURING ACROSS U.S. BORDERS
REALITY: Not really.

The net flow of all migration into the United States in recent years - around 0.3 percent of the total population - is roughly at a long-standing historical average, according to an analysis of government data by Lyman Stone, an economist who studies demographic issues.

"It isn't rock-bottom, but it isn't that high either," Stone said.
READ MORE: Trump says there's a 'crisis' at the border. Here's what the data says
Economists say that restricting immigration would probably weaken economic growth. Given today's lower birth rates in the United States, immigrants are increasingly needed to sustain a level of population growth for the U.S. economy to keep expanding.

Immigrants as a whole do make up a greater percentage of the total U.S. population than they did back in 1970, having grown from less than 5 percent of the population to more than 13 percent now.

But there's a largely overlooked reason for that: Native-born Americans are having fewer children. The falling birth rate means that immigrants now make up a greater share of the population. In 2030, it's projected that immigrants will become the primary driver for U.S. population growth, overtaking U.S. births.
MYTH: IMMIGRANTS ARE TAKING AWAY JOBS
REALITY: Many people have firsthand stories of losing a construction bid or an office job to a foreign worker. This happens in an economy as large and diverse as the United States', where numerous people also lose jobs to native-born Americans.

But employment data suggest that the influx of immigrants helps increase overall hiring for the U.S. economy rather than erode job growth. The trend is clear in the government's monthly jobs report. The data doesn't distinguish between immigrants who are in the U.S. legally and illegally.

Nearly 64 percent of immigrants hold jobs, compared with roughly 60 percent of workers born in the United States, according to the Labor Department. Last year, immigrants accounted for roughly 40 percent of the 2.4 million jobs added.

Because a steady growth in the workforce helps the economy expand, economists say fewer immigrants would equal slower growth and fewer jobs. Falling birth rates and the retirement of the vast generation of baby boomers mean fewer people will flow into the workforce in the coming years - a drag on economic growth, which will, in turn, probably limit hiring.

Many economists have noted that adding immigrants would help maintain the flow of workers into the economy and support growth.
MYTH: IMMIGRANTS ARE UNEDUCATED
REALITY: The president has pledged to create an immigration system based on "merit," thereby implying that the United States is a destination mainly of unskilled and uneducated workers.

"When Mexico sends its people, they're not sending their best," Trump said at his 2015 campaign kickoff.

But today's immigrants are more likely to be better educated than Americans. And the country has increasingly become a magnet for foreigners with doctorates and master's degrees. Sixteen percent of all immigrants who arrived since 2000 hold an advanced degree, compared with 13 percent of the native-born population, according to the Census Bureau.

As of 2017, immigrants who have become citizens are almost twice as likely to hold a doctorate than are native-born U.S. citizens. Foreign-born citizens were more likely to have a doctorate at least as far back as 2000.

And Census records also show that the children of immigrants are more likely to graduate from college than are those of native-born parentage.

This doesn't mean, of course, that all immigrants are better educated. Such are the disparities within the immigrant population that immigrants as a whole are less likely than native-born Americans to have completed high school. But the trend shows that the United States is increasingly a home for foreigners with graduate degrees and higher earnings.
MYTH: IMMIGRANTS ARE TO BLAME FOR TODAY'S SLUGGISH WAGE GROWTH
REALITY: The weight of the research suggests that immigrants have not suppressed wages.

David Card, an economist at the University of California at Berkeley, first studied the issue in 1990 by reviewing the arrival of Cuban migrants in Miami during the 1980 "Mariel boat lift." This historical rush of immigrants created a natural experiment to measure what then happened to incomes in the local area. He concluded: "The influx appears to have had virtually no effect on the wages or unemployment rates of less-skilled workers."

Giovanni Peri, an economist at the University of California at Davis, studied immigration into California between 1960 and 2005. He wrote in a 2010 paper that it had "essentially" no effect on wages or employment of native-born workers.

But many people seeking to reduce immigration rely on research from George Borjas, a Harvard economist. His research found that the arrival of Cubans in the Mariel boat lift caused wages to fall for native-born high school dropouts in Miami. Other economists have questioned his methodology.

In addition, Borjas' findings would apply to a small fraction of U.S. jobholders today, only about 6.2 percent of whom lack a high school degree.

Other explanations for sluggish wage growth go beyond immigration. They include the decline in unionization, an intensified push to maximize corporate profits, growing health insurance costs that supplant wages and the rise of a lower-wage global labor force that in an intertwined worldwide economy can hinder pay growth for Americans.
MYTH: IMMIGRANTS ARE A DRAIN ON TAXPAYERS
REALITY: The National Academy of Sciences explored the costs to taxpayers in 2016. It's a tricky issue. The federal government runs a budget deficit, which means it spends more than it collects in taxes. This means that, on average, most Americans are a net drain on taxpayers.

All told, the costs imposed by immigrants are about the same as they are for native-born citizens.

"An immigrant and a native-born person with similar characteristics will likely have the same fiscal impact," the report said.

But the report also examined spending by states and localities, which generally must maintain balanced budgets. Because state and local governments supply most of the money for public schools, immigrants often receive more in benefits than they pay in taxes.

That said, there are longer-term benefits from educating children, who grow into adults who get jobs, buy cars, buy houses and pay taxes and thereby contribute to economic growth. The National Academy found that the net cost from 2011 to 2013 for state and local budgets combined averaged $1,600 a year for a first-generation immigrant. But that figure became a net positive of $1,700 for the second generation and $1,300 for the third.

Immigrant households with children are generally more likely to use welfare programs like food assistance and Medicaid than native-born households, largely because the immigrant families have lower average incomes and larger families, according to the National Academy report.
MYTH: ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION LEADS TO VIOLENT CRIME
REALITY: Trump frequently highlights violence by the "savage" MS-13 gang, saying in his speech Tuesday that it operates in at least 20 states and "they almost all come through our southern border."

He invokes that gang, whose members come predominantly from El Salvador or are U.S. citizens descended from there, to portray immigrants as criminals. Widespread crime makes it harder, of course, to run a business, spend money and engage in the daily transactions that keep an economy humming.

But there is scant evidence that immigrants are perpetuating a crime wave. In a paper published last year, sociologists Michael Light and Ty Miller reviewed crime in every state and the District of Columbia from 1990 to 2014. They found that a rising number of immigrants in the country illegally corresponded with a drop, not a rise, in reported crime.

The authors acknowledged that it's possible that people who came illegally are less likely to report a crime. But the authors also note that such immigrants overwhelmingly arrived to work, a trend that helps to reduce crime levels. Past research cited in their paper found that 93 percent of the men in the country illegally either have a job or are looking for one.

"At a minimum, the results of our study call into question claims that undocumented immigration increases violent crime," their paper concluded. "If anything, the data suggest the opposite."
READ MORE: Trump says walls work. It's much more complicated

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AP fact check: Trump plays on immigration myths

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WASHINGTON - President Donald Trump has long railed against immigration as a scourge on the economy and national security. He's committed his administration to starting construction on a wall along the Mexican border to stop illegal immigration and asylum seekers, yet he reversed his past policy efforts on restricting legal immigration in this year's State of the Union address.

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This article talks about some of the myths and discusses the benefits of having immigrants.

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Making Sen$e

President Donald Trump has been stoking fears about immigrants in the days leading up to the midterm elections. He's tweeted anti-immigrant ads and threatened to revoke birthright citizenship, something lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have said would be unconstitutional, as he campaigns to drive up Republican turnout.

In a Thursday speech, Trump, a vocal critic of illegal immigration long before he reached the White House, claimed it costs the U.S. billions of dollars each year.

"Illegal immigration hurts Americans workers, burdens American taxpayers and undermines public safety, and places enormous strains on local schools, hospitals and communities in general, taking precious resources away from the poorest Americans who need them most," Trump said.

Immigration has an overall positive impact on the long-run economic growth in the U.S.

While Trump's rhetoric has lately focused on unauthorized immigrants, his policies have targeted legal immigration as well. Under his administration, refugee admissions in 2017 dropped to their lowest since at least 2002. Trump signed an executive order tightening restrictions on HB1 visas for skilled immigrants. He has pushed for a merit-based immigration system, and his administration has proposed cutting public benefits to legal immigrants.

Trump's characterization of immigrants, as people who drain public resources, however, is not backed by the data. Unauthorized immigrants aren't usually eligible for federal benefits, for instance, and multiple studies have found that immigrants help the economy grow.
READ MORE: Trump retweets false claim on immigrant aid
Here are some of the most widespread myths about how immigrants affect the U.S. economy, and the research that refutes them.
Myth #1: Immigrants take more from the U.S. government than they contribute Fact: Immigrants contribute more in tax revenue than they take in government benefits
A 2017 report from the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine found immigration "has an overall positive impact on the long-run economic growth in the U.S."

How that breaks down is important.

First-generation immigrants cost the government more than native-born Americans, according to the report - about $1,600 per person annually. But second generation immigrants are "among the strongest fiscal and economic contributors in the U.S.," the report found. They contribute about $1,700 per person per year. All other native-born Americans, including third generation immigrants, contribute $1,300 per year on average.

It is difficult to determine the exact cost or contribution of unauthorized immigrants because they are harder to survey, but the study suggests they likely have a more positive effect than their legal counterparts because they are, on average, younger and do not qualify for public benefits.

It's also important to note that less-educated immigrants tend to work more than people with the same level of education born in the U.S. About half of all U.S.-born Americans with no high school diploma work, compared to about 70 percent of immigrants with the same education level, Giovanni Peri, an economics professor at the University of California, Davis, said in a recent interview with PBS NewsHour.
WATCH:Proposed immigration policy penalizes legal residents for use of public benefits
In general, more people working means more taxes - and that's true overall with undocumented immigrants as well. Undocumented immigrants pay an estimated $11.6 billion a year in taxes, according to the Institute on Taxation & Economic Policy.

Undocumented immigrants pay an estimated $11.6 billion a year in taxes.

Immigrants are also less likely to take public benefits than the native-born population for two reasons.

First, to receive most public benefits under the social safety net, immigrants must be lawful permanent residents for at least five years.

There are approximately 9 million immigrants that fit that definition in the U.S. Of those, many would not qualify for welfare or other programs because their incomes are too high.

"While it is really important to ensure that immigrants and their children have access to the safety net, there are already a lot of eligibility barriers in place," said Hamutal Bernstein, a senior research associate at the Urban Institute.

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Many immigrants are hesitant to take public benefits even if they are eligible, Peri said.

"There is a little bit of a stigma in applying for welfare because they have come here to work, to support their families," Peri said.

Immigrants can be a financial burden to state and local governments through the cost of sending their children to public school - something Trump mentioned Thursday.

But Trump's claim ignored a critical point. Educating those children has economic benefits later down the road when they get better-paying jobs and, in turn, pay higher taxes.
Myth #2: Immigrants take American jobs Fact: Immigrants workers often take jobs that boost other parts of the economy
Immigrants make up 17 percent of the U.S. labor force, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, but few experts believe they're taking jobs from Americans, as Trump claims.

"Most economists agree that in spite of being a very big part of the labor force, immigrants have not come at the cost either of American jobs, nor of American wages," Peri, the UC Davis professor, said.

The reason is that immigrants often have jobs that Americans tend not to take. So instead of competing with Americans' for work, immigrants tend to complement American workers.

On a farm, for example, owners, managers and salespeople are often born in America. Immigrants tend to work as field hands. Neither group could do their job without the other.

Immigrants who work as child care providers give Americans, specifically women, more opportunity to join the labor force. And immigrants are playing an increasingly critical role in taking care of the elderly as baby boomers retire. Census data shows that immigrants accounted for 24 percent of nursing, psychiatric and home care aides in 2015.
WATCH: What happened when this struggling city opened its arms to refugees
A study from the bipartisan research organization New American Economy found immigrants were 15 percent more likely to work unusual hours than similar U.S.-born workers. They are also more likely to be employed in dangerous jobs, according to data from the American Community Survey and Bureau of Statistics.

In addition, the latest jobs report shows the U.S. economy performing strongly enough that it can absorb large numbers of workers, including immigrants.

Immigrants fill those roles in part because they are on average less educated than native-born Americans. About 26 percent have less than a high school degree, compared to 5 percent of native-born workers, according to the Urban Institute. But one in three immigrant workers have a college or advanced degree, a rate on par with Americans born here. Unauthorized immigrants tend to have slightly lower education levels; about 13 percent have college degrees.
Myth #3: The U.S. economy does not need immigrants Fact: Immigrants are key to offsetting a falling birth rate
The U.S. birth rate is 1.8 births per woman, down from 3.65 in 1960, according to the World Bank. Demographers consider 2.1 births per woman as the rate needed to replace the existing population.

According to the Pew Research Center, if not for immigrants, the U.S. workforce would be shrinking. That would create a host of problems for the federal government.

If not for immigrants, the U.S. workforce would be shrinking.

Social Security, which is paid for by current workers, would be in even more serious budgetary trouble than it already is. Economic growth would also likely stagnate or even contract, as it has in Japan, a country where the population is shrinking and does not attract many immigrants.

Automation can buttress economic growth for a while, but investment in new technology only goes so far, said Betsey Stevenson, an associate professor of economics at the University of Michigan.

Plus, immigrants increase demand for goods and services, which further boosts economic growth, she added.
Myth #4: It would be better for the economy if immigrants' children were not citizens Fact: Children with citizenship are more productive workers
At his rally Thursday night in Columbia, Missouri, Trump criticized the 14th Amendment, which was ratified after the Civil War and guaranteed citizenship to "all persons born or naturalized in the United States," including people who were formerly enslaved.

Trump said the idea was "a crazy, lunatic policy" supported by Democrats that today allows "hundreds of thousands of children born to illegal immigrants" to become citizens each year.

Research shows that repealing birthright citizenship could have significant negative consequences for the U.S. economy because children who are citizens have more economic opportunity and rely less on government assistance.

A Migration Policy Institute analysis estimates the number of unauthorized immigrants would increase from 11 million to 16 million by 2050 if birthright citizenship were repealed.

"Over the course of decades, you'd end up with a growing population that is cut off from the rest of society because they live in fear of deportation and they can't get jobs," said Randy Capps, the director of research for U.S. programs at the Migration Policy Institute.

Take, for example, the population of so-called "Dreamers" who were brought to the U.S. illegally as children. One study estimated the U.S. is losing out on $15 billion in economic potential from that group because they often face problems getting into college and getting a job.

An experiment in Germany, which does not have birthright citizenship, also showed that when children of immigrants were given citizenship at birth, those children experienced better health outcomes and had fewer children of their own.

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What the data says about birthright citizenship

Trump sparks outrage over tweet with anti-immigrant ad

WATCH: Trump announces plans to sign immigration order, raising legal questions

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4 myths about how immigrants affect the U.S. economy

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Making Sen$e President Donald Trump has been stoking fears about immigrants in the days leading up to the midterm elections. He's tweeted anti-immigrant ads and threatened to revoke birthright citizenship, something lawmakers on both sides of the aisle have said would be unconstitutional, as he campaigns to drive up Republican turnout.

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"Immigrants take the best jobs from Americans"

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"Immigrants take the best jobs from Americans"

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Many Americans against immigrants argument that they take the best jobs, but in the real life, this are the most common jobs they take.

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Immigrants have long been an integral part of the U.S. workforce. And while there isn't any one industry where immigrants make up the majority of workers, there are some jobs where foreign born workers dominate, a new report from Pew Research finds.

That's especially the case in America's beauty business, where immigrants made up 63% of those that provide services as manicurists and pedicurists, makeup artists, shampooers and skin care specialists. Slightly more than half of these workers (51%) were authorized to be in the country, while 12% of them were undocumented, Pew found in its analysis of 2014 Census Bureau data.

Pew also found that 60% of the workers who ensure that no bad fruits or vegetables get to supermarkets are immigrants.

Related: Without immigrants, U.S. workforce would shrink dramatically over next 20 years

Other jobs where immigrants made up more than half of the workforce included plasterers and stucco masons, sewing machine operatorsand farm workers.

Many of the jobs held by immigrants -- especially those who are undocumented -- pay low wages, said Jeffrey Passel, a senior demographer at Pew Research Center.

"Undocumented workers, as a group, tend to work in low-paying jobs that don't require certifications, which is why you often find them working as drywall hangers or stucco masons, but don't find them in plumbing and electrical work," he said.

According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, the median hourly wage for a manicurist in 2014 was $9.43 and an agricultural sorter earned $9.57. Sewing machine operators earned $10.54 an hour. Construction helpers like painters and paperhangers earned $12.46 an hour, while plasterers and stucco masons earned a much higher wage of $18.05 an hour.

The Pew researchers found that there was no particular industry where immigrants were the majority of workers.

Private household employment, which includes maids, gardeners and nannies, had the largest share of immigrant workers at 45%.Among these workers there was a nearly even split between authorized and undocumentedworkers, the researchers found.

Related: The worker shortage facing America's farmers

Foreign born workers represented about 36% of the textile, apparel and leather manufacturing industry and 33% of the overall agriculture industry in 2014. Meanwhile, Pew found that 18% of the farming industry's foreign-born workforce was composed of undocumented immigrants, while 15% were authorized to work in the U.S.

Overall, immigrants made up 17% of the U.S. workforce in 2014, which represented about 27.6 million of the country's 161.4 million workers. Pew derived its figures from the U.S. Census American Community Survey (ACS), which includes employed, unemployed and military workers. The survey also accounts for unauthorized workers.

About 19.6 million immigrant workers -- or about 12.1% of the total U.S. workforce -- were in the U.S. legally in 2014, Pew reported. About 8 million -- or 5% of the U.S. workforce -- were undocumented. However, Pew noted that about 10% of this undocumented population were authorized to work through Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, and temporary status protection.

Pew noted the share of authorized immigrants in the U.S. workforce has grown from 9% in 1995 to 12% in 2014, while the share of undocumented workers has risen from 3% in 1995 to 5% in 2014 -- a percentage that has remained relatively stable since 2005.

Related: America's undocumented workforce has stopped growing

As fewer migrant workers come into the country, specialty fruit and vegetable producers say they're experiencing a worker shortage that has forced them to pay higher wages. With a national average wage of roughly $12 an hour, most American workers don't want to do the work for that pay, industry sources said.

The shortage has incited the American Farm Bureau Federationto ask Congress to consider issuing more agricultural worker visas.

"This issue is critical for our farmers, who need access to a legal and stable workforce," said Kristi Boswell, director of Congressional relations for the organization. "We need Congress to pass legislation to make that happen."

CNNMoney (New York) First published March 16, 2017: 2:00 PM ET

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Immigrant workers are most likely to have these jobs

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That's especially the case in America's beauty business, where immigrants made up 63% of those that provide services as manicurists and pedicurists, makeup artists, shampooers and skin care specialists. Slightly more than half of these workers (51%) were authorized to be in the country, while 12% of them were undocumented, Pew found in its analysis of 2014 Census Bureau data.

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"Immigrants take the best jobs from Americans"

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"Immigrants take the best jobs from Americans"

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In this map, it shows the principal jobs immigrants take in the specific state.

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It talks a little bit about how immigrants don’t take good jobs

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Throughout his campaign and into his presidency, President Trump has promised to implement new immigration policies that will help improve the U.S. economy and job market.

A motivating factor behind Trump's proposed policies-including the construction of a new U.S.-Mexico border wall, more border patrol agents, and stricter deportation policies-is his belief that immigrants are stealing job opportunities from American workers. As he said in July 2015, "They're taking our jobs. They're taking our manufacturing jobs. They're taking our money. They're killing us."

But is that really the case? In new research, Brookings experts explore how immigration affects the economy, and what Trump's proposed policies could mean for the future the U.S. workforce.
Trump's proposed policies aim to decrease immigration
In one of his first proactive attempts to decrease the number of immigrants illegally entering the U.S. and the nation's workforce, Trump has vowed to increase the number of U.S. Border Patrol Agents to an unprecedented 26,370.

Trump has also proposed building a wall along the U.S. Mexico border in order to prevent immigration into the U.S. This border wall has been a priority for President Trump since his campaign. At a recent campaign rally in Arizona, Trump threatened to shut down the government if Congress does not allocate funding to building a border wall.
Immigrants often fill the jobs Americans don't want
However, some argue that the work of these agents to protect against "job-stealing" immigrants may be in vain. As Brookings Senior Fellow Vanda Felbab-Brown explains in her new Brookings Essay, " The Wall," immigrants may not actually be "stealing" as many U.S. jobs as Trump thinks. As she put it, "the impact of immigrant labor on the wages of native-born workers is low... However, undocumented workers often work the unpleasant, back-breaking jobs that native-born workers are not willing to do."

Felbab-Brown explains that many of the jobs occupied by undocumented workers in the United States are physically demanding jobs that Americans do not want, such as gutting fish or work on farm fields. She argues, "fixing immigration is not about mass deportations of people but about creating a legal visa system for jobs Americans do not want. And it is about providing better education opportunities, skills-development and retooling, and safety nets for American workers. And to date, Trump hasn't offered serious policy proposals on many-if any-of these areas."
Prioritizing only highly-skilled immigrants isn't necessary
But what about legal immigrants and high-skilled workers? Brookings Senior Fellow William Frey takes issue with a proposal from President Trump to cut quotas for legal immigration in half and to prioritize the entrance of those with high skills. He argues that "these [proposals] fly in the face of census statistics that show that current immigration levels are increasingly vital to the growth of much of America, and that recent arrivals are more highly skilled than ever before."

As for prioritizing immigrants with high skill levels, Frey points out that recent immigrants are already more highly educated than those of the past. In fact, he explains that "college graduates are more prevalent among recent immigrant adults than among all adults in 90 of the 100 largest metropolitan areas."
Immigration is tied to positive economic growth and innovation
Frey also explains that immigration is especially important for areas that are experiencing a decline in domestic migration and that U.S. immigration levels are currently fueling most community demographic gains. These gains are especially important as the nation's population gets older and fertility remains low.

Brookings Senior Fellow Dany Bahar also examined the positive link between immigration and economic growth. Bahar explains that while immigrants represent about 15 percent of the general U.S. workforce, they account for around a quarter of entrepreneurs and a quarter of investors in the U.S. and that over one third of new firms have at least one immigrants entrepreneur in its initial leadership team.

Moreover, Bahar explains that the impact of immigration on the wages of native-born workers is very small. "If anything," he concludes, "negative impacts occur for the most part on wages of prior immigrants with similar set of skills."

As Bahar mentions, "by cutting on immigration, the country will miss an opportunity for new inventions and ventures that could generate the jobs that the president is so committed to bring back. Thus, if the current administration wants to create jobs and 'make America great again,' it should consider enlisting more migrants."

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Do immigrants "steal" jobs from American workers?

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A motivating factor behind Trump's proposed policies-including the construction of a new U.S.- Mexico border wall, more border patrol agents, and stricter deportation policies--is his belief that immigrants are stealing job opportunities from American workers. As he said in July 2015, "They're takin

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Here, this article talks about how immigrants don't take those jobs, just make new.

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Over the past 20 years, legal immigrants have accounted for a strikingly large share of American entrepreneurs. Using data from the Pew Research Center and the Fiscal Policy Institute researching small business owners, the immigration blog Migreat built a great chart looking at which countries' natives are most likely to start businesses upon moving to the US:

The light blue columns indicate the rate of self starters among each ethnic group and the dark blue columns show the percentage of all migrant entrepreneurs each group accounts for.

Mexicans, Indians, Chinese, Koreans and Cubans make up the bulk of migrant entrepreneurs, with 35 percent. But the entrepreneurship rate among Greek, Israeli, Palestinian and Syrian immigrants was higher than other nationalities.

Over the last two decades, immigrant owned businesses have made up 30 percent of the growth in the small business economy, a significant chunk given that immigrants only account for 13 percent of the US population. Their businesses also performed better than your average American. Employees within these small companies earned over $55,000 a year over the median earned income of $41,000 a year, according to the Fiscal Policy Institute's report.

Despite this share of the market, these businesses tend to be smaller and are often confined to cities. The chart below illustrates how business ownership among immigrants varies between urban areas:

It's worth noting that there's not a single city on that chart where the foreign-born share of business owners doesn't exceed the foreign-born share of the population.

Of course, this data doesn't apply to children of immigrants. We do know they lead more financially secure lives than their parents, but a Babson College Report on global entrepreneurship says that second generation immigrants tend not to be self employed because of their increased familiarity with the country. First time immigrants, by contrast, often lacked the contacts necessary to gain employment from anyone but themselves.

Further reading: Danielle Kurtzleben explains why America's entrepreneurial spirit is dying.

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Immigrants aren't taking your jobs, they're making their own

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Over the past 20 years, legal immigrants have accounted for a strikingly large share of American entrepreneurs.

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"Immigrants bring insecurity to the country"

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"Immigrants bring insecurity to the country"

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In this article there is an explanation about the different researches that expain there is no connection beetween the crimes and the immigrants in the area.

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For undocumented immigrants, being arrested for any reason would mean facing eventual deportation - and for some a return to whatever danger or deprivation they'd sought to escape at home.

There is no exact count of unauthorized immigrants living in the United States. To create estimates, experts at Pew subtracted Department of Homeland Security counts of immigrants with legal status from the number of foreign-born people counted by the Census Bureau. Many organizations and agencies, including the D.H.S., use this residual estimation method; it is generally considered the best one available. As of 2016, there were an estimated 10.7 million undocumented immigrants nationwide, down a million and a half since 2007.

Jeffrey Passel, a Pew senior demographer, and his team estimated changes in undocumented populations for roughly 180 metropolitan areas between 2007 and 2016. For comparison, The Marshall Project calculated corresponding three-year averages of violent and property crime rates from the Uniform Crime Reporting program, and the change in those rates.

The results of the analysis resemble those of other studies on the relationship between undocumented immigration and crime. Last year, a report by the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, found that unauthorized immigrants in Texas committed fewer crimes than their native-born counterparts. A state-level analysis in Criminology, an academic journal, found that undocumented immigration did not increase violent crime and was in fact associated with slight decreases in it.Another Cato study found that unauthorized immigrants are less likely to be incarcerated.

At the more local level, an analysis by Governing magazine reported that metropolitan areas with more undocumented residents had similar rates of violent crime, and significantly lower rates of property crime, than areas with smaller numbers of such residents in 2014. After controlling for multiple socioeconomic factors, the author of the analysis, Mike Maciag, found that for every 1 percentage point increase in an area's population that was undocumented there were 94 fewer property crimes per 100,000 residents.

More research is underway about the potential effects of undocumented immigration on crime. Robert Adelman, a professor at the University at Buffalo, SUNY, whose group's research The Marshall Project and The Upshot have previously documented, is leading a team to expand on the Governing analysis. Early results suggest unauthorized immigration has no effect on violent crime, and is associated with lower property crime, the same as Mr. Maciag found.

Preliminary findings indicate that other socioeconomic factors like unemployment rates, housing instability and measures of economic hardship all predict higher rates of different types of crime, while undocumented immigrant populations do not.

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Is There a Connection Between Undocumented Immigrants and Crime?

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For undocumented immigrants, being arrested for any reason would mean facing eventual deportation - and for some a return to whatever danger or deprivation they'd sought to escape at home. There is no exact count of unauthorized immigrants living in the United States.

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In this video, a family of undocumented immigrants expose the truth about this myth. They show how they have been living in the US, paying taxes and contributing to the American Economy, as if they were citizens.

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Do Undocumented Immigrants Pay Taxes? Breaking Down the Truth | Opinions | NowThis