# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Skip to text

Text begins

Start of text box
Mental wellness resources and crisis help for First Nations people, Métis and Inuit
End of text box

Acknowledgments

We would like to acknowledge the review of preliminary findings and/or draft versions of the report by Indigenous organizations, including Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, the Métis National Council, and the National Association of Friendship Centres, and federal departments including Indigenous Services Canada and Crown Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada. The analysis and the report were greatly strengthened by the suggestions and recommendations provided in the process. We also thank Jodie Golden, Public Health Agency of Canada ( PHAC) for reviewing the draft report for safe messaging.

Abstract

Suicide rates have consistently been shown to be higher among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit in Canada than the rate among non-Indigenous people; however, suicide rates vary by community, Indigenous group, age group and sex. The historical and ongoing impacts of colonization, forced placement of Indigenous children in residential schools in the 19th and 20th centuries, removal of Indigenous children from their families and communities during the "Sixties scoop" and the forced relocation of communities has been well documented. These resulted in the breakdown of families, communities, political and economic structures; loss of language, culture and traditions; exposure to abuse; intergenerational transmission of trauma; and marginalization, which are suggested to be associated with the high rates of suicide. While suicide among Indigenous people has been examined previously, studies were based on a decades-old cohort or used an area-based geozones approach. Past studies also examined suicides among only one or two Indigenous groups using the same methodology. Finally, they did not examine suicide among Indigenous people for some geographies such as on and off reserve, rural areas and small, medium and large population centres.

This article attempts to fill some of these knowledge gaps using the 2011 Canadian Census Health and Environment Cohort (CanCHEC), resulting from a record integration between the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS) and the Canadian Vital Statistics Database (CVSD). It presents suicide rates for the 2011 to 2016 time period among self-identifying First Nations, Métis, Inuit, and non-Indigenous people in private dwellings in Canada. It also explores the influence of socioeconomic factors in the disparity in risk of suicide between First Nations people, Métis, Inuit and non-Indigenous people in Canada.

Suicide rates among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit were significantly higher than the rate among non-Indigenous people. The rate among First Nations people (24.3 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk) was three times higher than the rate among non-Indigenous people (8.0 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk). Among First Nations people living on reserve, the rate was about twice as high as that among those living off reserve. However, suicide rates varied by First Nations band, with just over 60% of bands having a zero suicide rate. The rate among Métis (14.7 Note E: Use with caution deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk) was approximately twice as high as the rate among non-Indigenous people. Among Inuit, the rate was approximately nine times higher than the non-Indigenous rate (72.3 versus 8.0 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk). Suicide rates and disparities were highest in youth and young adults (15 to 24 years) among First Nations males and Inuit male and females.

Socioeconomic factors, including household income, labour force status, level of education, marital status and geographic factors such as living on or off reserve (First Nations people) and community size (Inuit) accounted for a notable proportion of the disparity in risk of death by suicide among First Nations people (78%), Métis (37%) and Inuit (40%) adults, 25 years or older. However, due to limitations of the data, the role of other previously-identified factors such as historical and intergenerational trauma, community distress, cultural continuity, family strength and mental wellness were not explored here.

The findings from this study could contribute further to the understanding of suicide among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit in Canada, particularly with respect to the variability in suicide rates and socioeconomic factors associated with the disparity in suicide risk.

Introduction

First Nations people living on and off reserve, Métis and Inuit, die by suicide at a higher rate than non-Indigenous people. These suicides not only result in loss to family, friends and peers leading to immense grief and bereavement, but also to the community and society at large, in particular when the deceased is a young person. The impact of suicide is more widespread and severe in small Indigenous communities where many people are related and many experience similar personal and collective adversity.

The suicide rate for children and youth was previously reported to be 10 times higher among males and 22 times higher among females between 2005 and 2007 in areas with a high percentage of First Nations people compared with low-percentage areas. In Inuit Nunangat, the Inuit homeland made up of the Inuvialuit Region (northwest part of Northwest Territories), Nunavut, Nunavik (Northern Québec), and Nunatsiavut (Northern Labrador), the suicide rate among children and youth was 33 times higher than for the rest of Canada between 2004 and 2008. In fact, suicide is one of the leading causes of death among children and youth in areas with a high proportion of First Nations people and in Inuit Nunangat.

In adults, the suicide rates (1991 to 2006) among First Nations people and Métis have been reported to be twice as high as that among non-Indigenous adults. The suicide rate among adults in Inuit Nunangat (1999 to 2003) was four times higher than the rate among all adults in Canada; the disparity was greater among men than women.

It is important to note, however, that national level suicide rates may underestimate regional or community level differences. For example, previous reports have shown that suicide rates among First Nations youth in British Columbia range from 0 to 633 deaths per 100,000 people by tribal council. In fact, the majority of these tribal councils had a zero or very low suicide rate. A similar regional variance has been seen among Inuit communities in Nunavut. The suicide rate varied from under 50 deaths per 100,000 in Whale Cove to just over 250 deaths per 100,000 people in Qikiqtarjuaq.

Several representatives of Indigenous peoples and governments, communities and government agencies have developed programs, policies or strategies to address the high suicide rate among First Nations people, Inuit and Métis. Development and evaluation of these require timely data on suicide rates. Many existing estimates of suicide rates are based on an older cohort (1991 Census cohort), which excluded non-tax filers and those under 25, or are from studies that used an area-based geozones approach. The latter classified areas with higher proportions of First Nations residents as First Nations "identity areas" or examined mortality rate in Inuit Nunangat as a proxy for the rate among Inuit. These approaches may have led to under or over estimation of suicide rates. In addition, past reports have only estimated suicide rates among one or two Indigenous groups using the same methodology. Finally, there are gaps in knowledge of suicide rates among Indigenous people for certain geographical areas, including urban areas and on or off reserve.

This article presents suicide rates among self-identifying First Nations, Métis, Inuit and non-Indigenous peoples, who lived in private dwellings (i.e., excluding those who were in collective dwellings and institutions), for the 2011 to 2016 time period. These findings are based on the 2011 Canadian Census Health and Environment Cohort (CanCHEC), which was developed by integrating records in the the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS) and the Canadian Vital Statistics - Deaths Database (CSVD from 2011 to 2016). Suicides that occurred over the follow up period of 5.63 years (from Census day on May 10, 2011 to end of follow-up on December 31, 2016) were used to generate age-standardized and age-specific mortality rates. These are presented as estimated number of deaths by suicide per 100,000 person-years at risk. The person-year concept is often used in cohort studies and represents unit of time when individuals are at risk of dying, and can be roughly understood as persons per year. Specifically, the article (1) presents suicide rates among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit alongside comparisons with the suicide rates of non-Indigenous people to explore disparities, a better understading of which could inform prevention strategies, (2) presents the estimated proportion of First Nations bands that experienced no suicides as an estimate of the variability in suicide rates, and (3) explores the role of socioeconomic and geographic factors in explaining the excess mortality from suicide among the three groups.

Results

Suicide among First Nations people in Canada

In the current analyses, among the 851,280 First Nations people (based on population estimates using the 2011 CanCHEC and its weights), including status and non-status individuals, living on and off reserve and in private dwellings in 2011, an estimated 1,180 people died by suicide between 2011 and 2016. This resulted in an age-standardized suicide rate of 24.3 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk (Table 1), which was three times higher than the suicide rate among non-Indigenous people (8.0). The suicide rate was higher among males than females (29.6 versus 19.5, respectively). This pattern is similar to that seen among non-Indigenous people among whom males (12.3) also had a higher suicide rate than females (3.9). However, these numbers indicate that the disparity in suicide rates - measured by dividing the suicide rate among First Nations people by that among non-Indigenous people (or rate ratios [ RR]) - between First Nations and non-Indigenous peoples is higher among females than males (RR = 5.0 among First Nations females and RR = 2.4 among First Nations males; Table 1).

﻿

Suicide rates were highest among youth aged 15 to 24 (48.7; non age-standardized) (data not shown) when compared with other age groups. Suicide rates were lower among the older age groups. They were significantly higher among First Nations people than non-Indigenous people in most age groups under 45 years of age, but the disparities were widest among those under 15 years ( RR = 8.9) and 15 to 24 years ( RR = 6.3) (data not shown). This was particularly apparent among females between 15 and 24 years of age ( RR = 12.0; Table A.1 in appendix).

The suicide rate was nearly twice as high among First Nations people living on reserve than among First Nations people living off reserve (non age-standardized rate of 34.1 versus 19.5, respectively). Among on-reserve First Nations people, suicide rates were highest for males aged 15 to 24 years (78.8) (Chart 1). Rates were lower in the older age groups among both males and females on reserve (Table A.2 in appendix). Disparities were particularly elevated among 15 to 24-year-old First Nations females living on reserve ( RR = 15.8) in comparison to non-Indigenous females across Canada. Disparities were smaller in the older age groups, but continued to be seen until age 55 for females and age 45 for males. For those aged 55 and older, suicide rates were not statistically different between on-reserve First Nations and non-Indigenous people. A similar comparison to rates among First Nations people living off reserve was not done since most age-specific estimates were not published due to low cell counts or precision (table A.2 in appendix).

No significant differences were seen in the suicide rates among First Nations people (on and off reserve combined) by province and territory. However, in every province, the suicide rate among First Nations people was higher than the non-Indigenous rate (Atlantic provinces were grouped together to increase sample size; suicide rates were not reportable for the non-Indigenous population in Yukon, Northwest Territories and Nunavut). And, the rate ratios were notably higher in the Prairie provinces. It was 4.6, 4.5 and 3.5 in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta, respectively. In other provinces, it ranged from 1.9 to 2.6. Suicide rates did not differ significantly by type of population centre. It was 28.8 among First Nations people in rural areas, 22.9 Note E: Use with caution among those in small population centres and 18.8 Note E: Use with caution among those in large population centres. The suicide rate among First Nations people in each of these areas was significantly higher compared with non-Indigenous rates (9.3 for rural areas, 9.0 for small population centres and 7.2 for large population centres).

These national and provincial level estimates, while useful, underestimate the variability in the suicide rates among individual First Nations communities. Suicide rates were estimated at the band level using a geographic approach (for more details, please refer to the methods section). Of the just over 600 First Nations bands in Canada, 555 were associated with reserves that were enumerated in the 2011 NHS and with individuals in the CanCHEC cohort. Just over 60% of First Nations bands had experienced no suicides between 2011 and 2016. The proportion of bands without suicides, when examined in the context of the overall on-reserve suicide rate among First Nations people (34.1) highlights the obscuring of variability in the national level estimate. This proportion of bands with zero suicide rate varied by province and territory. A larger proportion of bands in the Atlantic provinces (55%), Ontario (71%), Saskatchewan (53%), British Columbia (78%), Yukon (80%) and Northwest Territories (74%) had zero suicide rates. In the other provinces, the proportion ranged from 39% to 44%. It should be noted that 31 reserves were incompletely enumerated in the 2011 Census many of which were in Ontario and Québec (a brief description of these reserves can be found in the methods section), and were not included in this analysis. Also, band members who did not live on their band's reserve at the time of the Census were not included in the analysis.

Socioeconomic factors have previously been shown to be associated with suicide among Indigenous people in North America. To examine if similar patterns were evident in the 2011 CanCHEC cohort, the role of individual socioeconomic factors such as household income, labour force status, level of education, marital status and geographic factors such as living on or off reserve on risk of death by suicide were examined for First Nations people aged 25 years or older. After adjusting for age and sex, the risk of suicide among First Nations adults was twice as high as that among non-Indigenous adults (hazard ratio [HR] = 2.0; Table A.4 in appendix). Adjusting for household income resulted in a decrease in risk by 35%. After further adjusting for labour force status, level of education and marital status, First Nations adults were still at a higher risk of suicide than non-Indigenous adults ( HR = 1.4). Together, these factors accounted for 66% of the excess suicide risk. Further adjusting for living on and off reserve resulted in a HR of 1.2, which was not significantly different from 1.0. Together, all these factors accounted for 78% of the excess suicide risk among First Nations adults.

Suicide among Métis in Canada

Based on the current analysis, of the 452,985 self-identifying Métis (based on population estimates using the 2011 CanCHEC and its weights) who lived in private households in 2011, approximately 415 individuals died by suicide in the 2011 to 2016 period. As a result, the suicide rate was 14.7 Note E: Use with caution deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk (Table 2), which was nearly twice as high as the rate among non-Indigenous people (8.0). The rate among Métis males (22.6 Note E: Use with caution ) was more than three times higher than the rate among Métis females (7.2 Note E: Use with caution ). The suicide rate was nearly twice as high among Métis (22.6 Note E: Use with caution ) as non-Indigenous males (12.3). However, the suicide rates for Métis (7.2 Note E: Use with caution ) and non-Indigenous females (3.9) were not significantly different from each other.

﻿

Among the provinces and territories, because of low counts when broken down, suicide rates for Métis could only be generated for Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia combined (Ontario and west). In these provinces, the rate among Métis (13.4 Note E: Use with caution ) were higher than that among non-Indigenous people (7.6). Suicide rates among Métis in rural (16.5 Note E: Use with caution ), small (12.8 Note E: Use with caution ) and large population centres (15.5 Note E: Use with caution ) were not significantly different. The rate among Métis in large population centres was higher than the rate among non-Indigenous people (7.2; marginally significant). Suicide rates could not be published for medium population centres due to low cell counts.

Among Métis adults over 25, after adjusting for age and sex, the risk of suicide was twice as high as that among non-Indigenous adults (hazard ratio = 1.9; Table A.4 in appendix). Adjusting for household income, labour force status, population centre type of place of residence, level of education and marital status accounted for 37% of excess suicide risk. The risk of suicide was 1.6 times higher among Métis than non-Indigenous people after adjusting for these factors.

Suicide among Inuit in Canada

There were approximately 59,220 Inuit in Canada in 2011 who lived in private households (based on population estimates using the 2011 CanCHEC and its weights). Among them, there were an estimated 250 deaths by suicide between 2011 and 2016. This lead to a suicide rate of 72.3 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk (Table 3). This was nine times higher ( RR = 9.0) than the suicide rate among non-Indigenous people (8.0). The suicide rate was three times higher among Inuit males than Inuit females (109.3 versus 35.4 Note E: Use with caution , respectively).

﻿

Suicide rates among Inuit were highest in youth; the highest suicide rate was seen among Inuit males between 15 and 24 years of age (363.2; non age-standardized) living in Inuit Nunangat (Chart 2). Publishable estimates could only be produced for Inuit females between the ages of 15 and 24 and 25 to 34. Suicide rate among females 15 to 24 years of age was 108.9 Note E: Use with caution , which was 33 times higher than non-Indigenous females of that age (Table A.3 in appendix).

Rates among Inuit were also compared by Inuit Nunangat region. Rates were significantly higher among Inuit in Nunatsiavut (188.2 Note E: Use with caution ; non age-standardized) than those in Nunavik (98.1) and Nunavut (94.0). Rates among Inuit in Inuvialuit region could not be published due to low reliability of estimates.

The national, Inuit Nunangat and Inuit regional level estimates underestimate the variation in rates among individual Inuit communities. Among the 50 Inuit communities, 11 communities had a suicide rate of zero. However, for most communities (66%), estimates were too unreliable to be published. It should be noted that some deaths may not have linked to the NHS and others may not have been in Vital Statistics at the time of data integration. The latter shortcoming has previously been reported by Jack Hicks. These exclusions may have biased the estimate of number of communities without suicides.

In multivariate analyses, among Inuit adults 25 years and older, the risk of death by suicide was 4.8 times higher than the risk among non-Indigenous adults, after accounting for age and sex (Table A.4 in appendix). After further adjusting for household income, labour force status, level of education and marital status, the hazard ratio decreased to 3.4 suggesting that these factors accounted for 37% of the excess risk of death by suicide among Inuit. After adjusting for size of community (population centre type), Inuit adults were still at 3.3 times higher risk of suicide than non-Indigenous adults ( HR = 3.3). All combined, these factors accounted for 40% of the excess risk of suicide among Inuit adults.

Discussion

The report is the first to examine suicide rates among all three Indigenous peoples, including First Nations people, Métis and Inuit, of different age groups and living in different geographies using one methodology. However, gaps in knowledge remain. Further research is needed to assess long-term trends and estimate the role of other risk and protective factors of suicide among Indigenous peoples, which should be done in consultation with First Nations people, Métis and Inuit, as recommended by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.

In the current analysis, the suicide rates among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit were many times higher than the non-Indigenous rate during the 2011 to 2016 time period. The rates were highest among Inuit and, specifically, adolescents and young adults. The suicide rate among First Nations people living on reserve was higher than that among those living off reserve, and among males than females. The higher suicide rate among males has been attributed to their tendency to use more lethal methods and to the differential effect of specific stressors in the two sexes. However, greater disparities were observed among First Nations females, where higher suicide rates were seen when compared with non-Indigenous females. These patterns are similar to what has been previously reported.

Of particular concern is the high rate of suicide among Indigenous children under 15. The suicide rate among First Nations boys, nationally, was four times higher than among non-Indigenous boys. It was ten times higher among First Nations boys living on reserve. As with other national trends, this rate may obscure regional differences. Previously reports have suggested that in some remote First Nations communities in Ontario, under-15 suicide rates were nearly 50 times higher than non-Indigenous rates. And, among Inuit communities of Nunatsiavut, the age-specific disparity was largest among 10 to 19-year-olds relative to their non-Indigenous counterparts outside Inuit Nunangat ( RR = 15.8). Also, rate of death by suicide among Inuit children 10 to 14 years of age appears to be increasing since 1989 although significant fluctuations are seen across time. In line with these rates among children, suicidal ideation among grade 5 to 8 school children in Saskatoon was nearly twice as high among Indigenous children as non-Indigenous children after accounting for mental health, cognitive abilities and bullying experiences. While risk factors for suicide among children are numerous and complex, a recent report suggests that Inuit children and youth in Nunavut experience a lack of mental health services that are specific to them, culturally relevant and of adequate quality.

And, while time trends were not examined here, suicide attempts among First Nations people in British Columbia have been reported elsewhere to be declining. Risk of self-inflicted injury hospitalization among Registered Indians, and disparity between them and their non-Indigenous counterparts decreased between 1991 to 2010. However, this is in contrast to trends in remote First Nations communities in Ontario. There, Indigenous youth suicide was previously reported to be on the rise because of the emergence of suicide among communities that previously did not experience it, exposure to suicide or suicide attempts among family members and peers, and increase in clusters of suicides.

Methods

Data

The 2011 Canadian Census Health and Environment Cohort (CanCHEC) used here is a population-based integrated dataset that follows the non-institutional (household) population enumerated in the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS) for different health outcomes such as mortality, cancer, and hospitalizations. Briefly, record integration for the 2011 CanCHEC was carried out using Statistics Canada's Social Data Linkage Environment (SDLE). The SDLE helps create linked population data files for social analysis through integration to the Derived Record Depository (DRD), a dynamic relational database containing only basic personal identifiers. Survey and administrative data are linked to the DRD using a generalized record integration software that supports deterministic and probabilistic integration.

The NHS is a voluntary survey, conducted in May 2011, of approximately 4.5 million (30%) private dwellings randomly selected from the 2011 Census of Population. The NHS covers all persons who usually live in Canada, including permanent and non-permanent residents, and individuals living on First Nations reserves, Métis settlements or Inuit communities. There were 36 incompletely enumerated First Nations reserves in the 2011 NHS. In 13 of these communities, enumeration was delayed because of forest fires in Northern Ontario and occurred at a later date. The NHS excludes residents of institutions (for example, hospitals, nursing homes, penitentiaries) and collective dwellings (for example, work camps, hotels, shelters).

Records for approximately 6.7 million NHS respondents were eligible for integration; 97% linked to the DRD using a probabilistic approach based on telephone number, surnames, given names, birthdate, and place of residence. No differences in integration rates were found by collection mode, province, sex, or birth decade. To ensure representativeness of the linked cohort, weights were calculated to adjust for non-integration.

To protect the confidentiality of Census respondents, data made available for analysis did not contain personal identifiers such as name, and address. In addition, estimates based on small cell counts (fewer than five deaths or fewer than 10 total individuals) were suppressed.

Variables

Self-reported Indigenous identity, age, sex, household income, labour force status, highest level of education, marital status and province of residence variables were available in the 2011 NHS dissemination dataset. Variables for the Inuit Nunangat regions were generated using Standard Geographical Classification (SGC) codes. Similarly, a variable for on and off-reserve areas of residence was generated using SGC. A binary suicide variable was created using ICD-10 codes in the "Underlying cause of death" variable in the CVSD. Generation of suicide and person-years at risk variables are described in the following section.

Estimation of weighted suicide rates

For suicide rate estimates, each person's time at risk of death by suicide was split into single years of follow-up, and within each year of follow-up, into durations before and after birth date. In the process, each person was aged on his or her birthday. This allows for the appropriate categorization into age groups for computing suicide rates. Weighted age-standardized suicide rates (ASMRs) (see figure 1 for a brief description of this measure) and their 95% confidence intervals were estimated. Those under the age of one were excluded from the analysis due to under-representation of this group in the integrated dataset. Briefly, ASMRs were computed by dividing the count of cohort members who died by suicide in the follow-up period by the total person-years at risk. Age standardization was done with age-specific mortality rates in 5-year age groups using the 2011 total Indigenous population as the reference population. Weighted age-specific suicide rates generated without age standardization were used for comparisons between age groups within an Indigenous group or between an Indigenous group and the non-Indigenous population. These rates were also used to compare suicide rates in the on and off-reserve First Nations populations since their age structures were somewhat similar in 2011 (median age: 23.9 and 27.1 years, respectively). Suicides were identified using the following International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems 10th Revisions ( ICD-10) codes: X60-X84, Y87.0. For each member of the cohort, person-years of follow-up were calculated as the number of days from the beginning of the study period to the date of death or end of study divided by 365.25. Variance was calculated using 500 bootstrap weights.

Description for Figure 1
﻿

Figure 1 is a schematic showing the method used to estimate the suicide rate using number of deaths as the numerator and person-years as the denominator. The schematic illustrates a hypothetical example with seven individuals who were "followed" from May 10, 2011 (Census day) to December 31, 2016 (end of follow-up period) to see if they had died. In this example, three of the seven individuals died during follow-up. Person 1, 4 and 7, who died during the follow-up period, each contributed 3.0, 1.5 and 4.2 person-years at risk, respectively, to the denominator. The others, who were alive as of December 31, 2016, each contributed 5.6 person-years to the denominator. In all, the seven individuals contributed 31.1 person-years to the denominator. The crude mortality rate is calculated by dividing the number of deaths by the total person-years contributed by the seven individuals, and multiplied by 100,000. In this hypothetical example, the crude suicide-related mortality rate is 9,646.3 deaths per 100,000 person-years of follow-up.

Age-standardized and age-specific suicide rates, expressed as the number of deaths by suicide per 100,000 person-years at risk, were generated by sex, Indigenous identity and select geographic areas. Indigenous identity, as self-reported in the 2011 NHS Survey, included: First Nations, Métis, Inuit, Multiple Indigenous identity, Indigenous identity responses not indicated elsewhere and non-Indigenous. However, in this paper, only estimates for single identity groups are presented. Geographic areas studied include: province/territory; on or off-reserve; rural areas or small, medium and large population centres, and for Inuit, inside/outside Inuit Nunangat and by the four regions of Inuit Nunangat (Nunatsiavut, Nunavik, Nunavut, and the Inuvialuit region), as well as outside Inuit Nunangat. Rate ratios, or the ratio of suicide rate among First Nations people, Métis or Inuit over suicide rate among non-Indigenous people were computed to examine the magnitude of disparity in the Indigenous group compared to the non-Indigenous population. To estimate variance of the rate ratios, variance and covariance of the mortality rates in the Indigenous group of interest and non-Indigenous population were estimated using PROC RATIO in SAS-callable SUDAAN. Variance of the rate ratios was then computed using Taylor linearization and the variance and covariance estimates from PROC RATIO, and used in generating 95% confidence intervals.

Hypothesis testing was done to identify suicide rates that were significantly different from one another using p<0.05. The weighted number of suicides and suicide rates were not published if (1) the unweighted number of suicides in a cell was less than five, (2) the weighted population count in the cell were less than 10, or (3) coefficient of variance (CV) was greater than 33.3% (40% for those under 15 years). Weighted numbers of suicides were also randomly rounded to base five. ASMRs with CV greater than 16.6% and less than or equal to 33.3% are presented with an "E" to indicate that these should be used with caution.

Estimation of suicide rate by First Nations band

For estimating suicide rates by First Nations band, reserve CSDs associated with each band were grouped. Reserves that were shared by multiple bands were grouped separately. This was done for seven reserves. Three of these had a population of 10 or less. And, one was incompletely enumerated in the 2011 NHS. This grouping resulted in about 600 First Nations bands. Of these, 561 included individuals that were in the 2011 CanCHEC. Others were associated with reserves that were incompletely enumerated in the 2011 NHS or had participated in the 2011 Census and not the NHS. In the end, 555 bands were included in the analysis. Suicide rates were computed by First Nations band, from which the number and percentage of bands with a reportable zero suicide rate were identified. The percentage of bands with a zero suicide rate were calculated with and without the reserves that were associated with multiple bands and were found to be similar.

Multivariate analysis

To examine the role of socioeconomic and geographic factors in the excess risk of suicide among Indigenous people relative to non-Indigenous people, Cox proportional hazards modelling was performed. Analyses were restricted to those 25 years and older to allow for the use of labour force status, level of education and marital status as covariates. For this analysis, age at baseline on Census day, was used since other covariates also had the same reference period. Hazard ratios for suicide were estimated among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit (with non-Indigenous people as the reference group). Covariates were entered sequentially into the model in this order: age group together with sex, household income quintile (based on after-tax income adjusted for economic family size), labour force status (employed, unemployed and not in the labour force), highest level of education (less than high school, high school, post-secondary education below Bachelor's level and university degree), marital status (never legally married or single, legally married and not separated, separated but still legally married, divorced or widowed) and living on or off reserve (for First Nations people) or in population centres or rural areas (for Métis and Inuit). Household income quintiles were generated for each province and territory separately to account for regional differences. In secondary analysis, household income was used as a continuous variable or household income quintiles were generated at the national level and used in place of the original income quintile variable to examine the robustness of the influence of this predictor on the relative risk of death by suicide among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit. Covariates were chosen based on previous literature on the relationship between socioeconomic factors and suicide. and the availability of related variables in the 2011 NHS data.

From the hazard ratios (age and sex-adjusted and additionally adjusted for socioeconomic factors), the percent of excess risk of suicide among First Nations, Métis and Inuit people accounted for by household income, labour force status, highest level of education, marital status and geography was computed. The proportion of excess mortality explained was calculated as the difference between the age and sex-adjusted and the final hazard ratios, divided by the former minus 1. Analyses were not carried out separately by sex due to sample size limitations.

Assessing validity of suicide rates

Suicide rates based on the linked 2011 CanCHEC cohort were compared with previously generated estimates using different methodologies to assess validity.

The non age-standardized suicide rate for the total population of Canada between 2009 and 2013 was previously estimated to be 11.4 deaths per 100,000 people; in comparison, in the CanCHEC cohort, the overall suicide rate was 10.5 deaths per 100,000 person years between 2011 and 2016. While there are no published rates of suicide for First Nations people, Métis and Inuit for the 2011 to 2016 period, suicide rates for all individuals in Inuit Nunangat, which is home to 73% of Inuit in Canada, was previously estimated to be 83.5 deaths per 100,000 people. In the 2011 CanCHEC cohort, the rate was 83.5 deaths per 100,000 person years at risk. However, the estimates by Inuit Nunangat region between 2011 and 2016 (167.3 Note E: Use with caution in Nunatsiavut, 87.5 in Nunavik and 83.1 in Nunavut) were somewhat different in comparison to previous estimates from the 2009 to 2013 period (185.4, 98.3, 79.0, respectively). While, the estimates are similar, there are several potential reasons for this discrepancy between the two sets of estimates. While there is some overlap in time periods for the two estimates (2009 to 2013 for previous estimates and 2011 to 2016 for the estimates in this report), they are not identical. There is some year-to-year fluctuation in suicides rates. For example, in Nunavut, previous estimates suggest that the rate ranged from 58.2 to 108.5 deaths per 100,000 people. Some deaths that occurred between 2011 and 2016 were not linked to the 2011 NHS. Also, the CanCHEC cohort excludes institutional population (e.g., nursing homes, jails), and those living in collective dwellings (e.g., motels, hotels, rooming houses) at the time of census collection and those that were not enumerated by the 2011 NHS. The denominators used in the two studies are also different; in the previously published tables, the suicide rates are per 100,000 people; in the current study, the rates are per 100,000 person years.

Limitations

Several limitations of the analysis should be noted. Suicide rates presented in this article may underestimate the true rates because of (1) exclusion of the institutional population and population living in collective dwelling, (2) exclusion of persons not enumerated by the 2011 NHS including the homeless among whom Indigenous people are overrepresented, (3) non-integration of some deaths between 2011 and 2016 to the 2011 NHS, (4) potential integration error, (5) potential misclassification of suicides in the CVSD to avoid stigmatization or as a result of misclassification as an accident, or inability in ascribing a cause, etc., and (6) potentially missing deaths, due to processing delays, in Vital Statistics at the time of data integration. Furthermore, Indigenous identity in the Census is self-reported, which may have led to underestimation or overestimation of suicide rates in some Indigenous groups. Also, 36 Indian reserves and Indian settlements were incompletely enumerated in the 2011 NHS, which could have resulted in under or over-estimation of suicide rates. Most (29) of these reserves were in Québec and Ontario, with the rest in Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia. Among the ones in Québec and Ontario, some are proximal to Census Metropolitan Areas (CMA) while others were rural or remote. The former includes Kahnawake, Kanesatake and Wendake. Mortality rates for small areas and small subgroups of the population may experience substantial year-to-year random fluctuations since death is a relatively rare event, particularly death by suicide. Finally, baseline socioeconomic and demographic factors used in the multivariate analysis may not reflect conditions at the time of death. This may have led to some biases in the findings.

Appendix

﻿ ﻿ ﻿ ﻿ ﻿ ﻿

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Suicide among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit (2011-2016): Findings from the 2011 Canadian Census Health and Environment Cohort (CanCHEC)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The article presents suicide rates for the 2011-2016 time period among self-identifying First Nations, Métis, Inuit, and non-Indigenous people in private dwellings in Canada. It also explores the influence of socioeconomic factors in the disparity in risk of suicide between First Nations people, Métis, Inuit and non-Indigenous people in Canada.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Families of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls met with participants of the 2016 National Roundtable at a separate gathering yesterday to discuss directly with provincial and territorial leaders their recommendations for achieving justice and ending violence.

Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne provided an update on the Canada-wide prevention and awareness campaign committed to at the 2015 National Roundtable.

Alberta Indigenous Relations Minister Richard Feehan shared an update on work underway through the Aboriginal Affairs Working Group to develop a socio-economic action plan for Aboriginal women. The plan will present a comprehensive account of the challenges and barriers that adversely impact socio-economic outcomes for Aboriginal women. It will share best practices and identify collaborative means to improve socio-economic outcomes of Aboriginal women.

Federal Ministers Jody Wilson-Raybould, Dr. Carolyn Bennett and Patty Hajdu provided an update on the engagement process and planning for a National Inquiry on missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls. Participants shared their support for a National Inquiry and views on how to best engage and reflect regional interests and perspectives.

All participants want to acknowledge the excellent work accomplished at the 2016 Justice Practitioners' Summit, and will work to examine all of the recommendations contained within the report. The Summit gathered together nearly two hundred participants from across Canada representing experts and practitioners in three key sectors: victim services; policing; and prosecutions.

Roundtable participants expressed support for ongoing efforts among all governments and organizations engaged in ending violence against Indigenous women and girls.

2016 National Roundtable on MMIWG participants included families of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls, Manitoba Premier Greg Selinger, Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne, federal Ministers of Justice, Indigenous Affairs and Status of Women, provincial and territorial Ministers, Assembly of First Nations National Chief Perry Bellegarde, Congress of Aboriginal Peoples National Chief Dwight Dorey, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami President Natan Obed, Métis National Council President Clément Chartier, Native Women's Association of Canada President Dawn Lavell-Harvard, Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada President Rebecca Kudloo, Les Femmes Michif Otipemisiwak / Women of the Métis Nation President Melanie Omeniho.

View the full list of participants to the 2016 National Roundtable on MMIWG here.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
MMIWG Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls and Ending Violence - Assembly of First Nations - AFN

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Families of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls met with participants of the 2016 National Roundtable at a separate gathering yesterday to discuss directly with provincial and territorial leaders their recommendations for achieving justice and ending violence. Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne provided an update on the Canada-wide prevention and awareness campaign committed to at the 2015 National Roundtable.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The federal government has not done enough to ensure people in First Nations communities have reliable access to safe drinking water, says the federal auditor general.

In an audit report tabled in Parliament today, Auditor General Karen Hogan said many First Nations will continue to live without access to clean water without long-term solutions to address deficiencies in their water systems.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau committed during the 2015 election to eliminating all long-term drinking water advisories on public water systems on First Nations reserves by March 31, 2021.

The auditor general found that since the prime minister made that commitment, 100 advisories have been lifted. But 60 remained in effect in 41 First Nations communities as of November 2020, and some communities won't be able to get clean water out of their taps for many years.

"I am very concerned and honestly disheartened that this longstanding issue is still not resolved," Hogan told a press conference in Ottawa today.

"Access to safe drinking water is a basic human necessity. I don't believe anyone would say that this is in any way an acceptable situation in Canada in 2021."
WATCH | AG has strong words for Ottawa on First Nations drinking water:

The findings are in one of five audit reports issued by Hogan today. One of those reports raises concerns about Transport Canada's lack of progress in ensuring safety oversight of railway companies, while another concluded Canada's national shipbuilding strategy has been slow to deliver new ships.

The auditor's review of the First Nations drinking water crisis found Indigenous Services Canada's efforts to lift boil water advisories have been constrained by a funding policy that hasn't been updated in 30 years, and by the lack of a regulatory regime that includes legal protections comparable with other communities in Canada.

Delays predate COVID-19: AG

Last fall, a CBC News survey determined the Liberal government would miss its March 2021 deadline to lift all long-term boil water advisories - something that Indigenous Services Minister Marc Miller acknowledged in December 2020.

The audit found that COVID-19 pushed the timeline back on some water projects, but Indigenous Services Canada was already behind schedule by the end of March 2020 - before the pandemic hit.

The problems persist despite the Liberal government allocating over $3 billion to resolve the issue.

Hogan recommended the department work with First Nations to proactively identify and address deficiencies in water systems, with a focus on long-term solutions that prevent recurring problems.

She also called on the government to commit sufficient funding to operations and maintenance of water infrastructure and pass legislation that includes legal protections comparable with other communities in Canada.

"Until these solutions are implemented, First Nations communities will continue to experience challenges in accessing safe drinking water," the report said.
WATCH | Indigenous Services minister responds to AG report criticizing First Nations water plan:

Indigenous Services Minister Marc Miller said the federal government welcomes the auditor general's report and agrees with her recommendations. He said the government is committed to funding 100 per cent of the operations and maintenance costs for water and wastewater on reserves.

He said there are project plans in place to lift all remaining boil water advisories, but he couldn't say when he expects them all to be lifted.

"Despite the challenges, we're confident we're on the right path," said Miller.

Opposition politicians slammed the Liberal government for what they called a lack of progress.

"Government success isn't measured by funding announcements, it's measured by outcomes," said Conservative MP Gary Vidal. "The Liberals like to make eye-catching promises in order to win elections but their consistent failure to deliver on these promises is undermining trust and hurting reconciliation."

"Indigenous communities are no better off now after six years of the Liberals being in government," said NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh.

Shipbuilding strategy slow to replace federal fleet

The auditor general's review of the national shipbuilding strategy - implemented in 2010 to manufacture combat and non-combat ships for the Canadian Navy and the Coast Guard - found that it has been plagued by delays and cost overruns.

"[The federal departments] did not manage the National Shipbuilding Strategy in a manner that supported timely renewal of the federal large vessel fleet during the audit period, but they did address issues that threatened the future renewal of the federal fleet," Hogan concluded.

The audit was conducted between Jan. 1, 2018 and Jan. 30, 2020. Only two of four ships scheduled for delivery during that period arrived, but both were late, the audit found. The delivery dates for some other vessels also were pushed back during the audit period - in some cases by several years.

Design and construction delays have added hundreds of millions of dollars to the cost of procuring the ships and threaten to leave Canada ill-equipped to defend and patrol its waters, Hogan warned.

"The late delivery of ships for the Royal Canadian Navy and the Canadian Coast Guard could put at risk Canada's ability to perform critical operations," the auditor's report said.

"These operations support the navy's peace, defence and security missions in Canada and around the world and the coast guard's search and rescue missions, icebreaking and other operations to ensure safety in Canadian waters."

Since the audit period, the COVID-19 pandemic has further delayed ship construction. Irving Shipbuilding and Vancouver Shipyards were forced to either temporarily shut down operations or operate at reduced capacities for periods of time because of public health restrictions.

The auditor general's report comes one day after Canada's budget watchdog predicted that construction of the navy's new frigate fleet could cost at least $77.3 billion - a number that could rise even higher if the frequently-delayed program faces any more setbacks.

Other findings

Among the other findings released by the auditor general on Thursday:

The Canada Revenue Agency was praised for its management of the Canada Child Benefit program, which the audit found paid out $24 billion promptly and to the right people during the fiscal year 2019-2020. But the auditors found that the government in some cases kept making payments based on outdated information - and the program's assumption that female parents are the primary caregivers isn't always correct, causing problems for some families.

A one-time top-up payment of $300 per child to help families during the pandemic, announced in May 2020, paid out $88 million to almost 265,000 higher-income families who wouldn't normally qualify for the benefit.

Transport Canada was criticized for failing to implement a number of recommendations included in a 2013 audit of its safety management practices. The most recent audit found that Transport Canada's checks on rail safety have improved to focus more on riskier areas and to better follow up on safety deficiencies in rail companies' practices. The department has not, however, examined the companies' safety management systems for effectiveness, according to the auditors - only for whether they tick the necessary regulatory boxes.

Staff who work in federal departments that buy complex information technology systems need better training. Public Services and Procurement Canada, Shared Services Canada, the Treasury Board and Employment and Social Development Canada are adopting "agile" procurement models that involve a lot more back-and-forth with potential vendors - something for which the officials doing the procuring aren't always equipped. The auditors also concluded procurement agencies should make more use of data analytics to spot cases of potential bid-rigging and other problems.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Too many First Nations lack clean drinking water and it's Ottawa's fault, says auditor general | CBC News

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The federal government has not done enough to ensure people in First Nations communities have reliable access to safe drinking water, says the federal auditor general.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Safe Water for First Nations

Nothing is more important than clean water.

Yet at any given time there are drinking water advisories in dozens of First Nations communities across Canada. The lack of clean, safe drinking water in First Nations is one of the greatest violations of the UN-recognized human rights to water and sanitation.

While there has been progress in recent years, there are still 28 long term drinking water advisories on reserves including some that have been in place for more than 25 years. There is also a deficit in funding for the maintenance and operation of drinking water systems on reserves, which the Parliamentary Budget Officer identified as amounting to $138 million per year.

Instead, the Liberal government has been promoting public-private partnerships (P3s) as a solution. History has shown that P3s not only cost more, but they also lead to the privatization of water and a loss of community control and jobs. P3s are not the answer to the drinking water crisis in First Nations.

The Council of Canadians fights for safe, clean water for everyone. We support Indigenous peoples' right to self-government and self-determination. Greater control by and for First Nations over water is a basic step toward reconciliation, a requirement of  the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, and a necessary precondition to ending drinking water advisories in First Nations for good.

20+ years

Some of the advisories date as far back as 1995 - like Neskantaga First Nation.

July 2010

In 2010, the United Nations declared water and sanitation human rights, acknowledging they are essential to the realization of all other rights.

5,000

A single drinking water advisory can mean as many at 5,000 people lack access to safe, clean drinking water.

73%

73 per cent of First Nations' water systems are at high or medium risk of contamination.

Long-term drinking water advisories with public systems on reserves
First Nation Reserves with long-term drinking water advisories

View the Water Drops photo gallery
Sources:

Alternative Federal Budget, Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, February 2019, policyalternatives.ca

Glass half empty? David Suzuki Foundation and Council of Canadians, February 2017

Indigenous Services Canada, Government of Canada, canada.ca/en/indigenous-services-canada.html

Read more analysis

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
There are still 28 long term drinking water advisories on reserves including some that have been in place for more than 25 years.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.authors[].name
Robert Olson, Librarian, BA, MLIS, Centre for Suicide Prevention

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Canada’s Indigenous Communities and Suicide - Centre for Suicide Prevention

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Why do some Indigenous communities have higher suicide rates than others? This editorial examines factors that put Indigenous communities at risk.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Note: This content may be emotionally difficult. The Hope For Wellness help line is 1-855-242-3310 or via online chat, Additional supports are available through We Matter.

A new report on Indigenous suicide in Canada has generated the most comprehensive picture of the crisis to date, despite health authorities continuing not to collect data about the problem.

Released at the end of June, the Statistics Canada report titled " Suicide among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit (2011-2016)" found that, overall, Indigenous people in Canada die by suicide at a rate three times as high as non-Indigenous Canadians.

While comprehensive, the report acknowledges there are limitations to the findings that likely result in underestimations of the actual rates. The report's analysis includes a number of socio-economic factors, as well as comparative differences based on age, sex and location - on or off reserve.

The lead researcher of the report, Mohan Kumar, said he wants readers to remember that for each of the numbers in the report "there is a person behind them, and their deaths meant an incredible loss to family, friends, community and the society at large."

He also contextualizes the findings in light of existing research that shows how aspects of colonization contribute to the Indigenous suicide crisis. So that the high rates, he says, shouldn't be taken as indicative of personal, community or cultural failings.

Canada doesn't track suicides specifically by Indigenous identity, and the process that Kumar and co-researcher Michael Tjepkema used to overcome this is important to look at, as are the limitations inherent to these findings. The findings are estimations not full counts, as they're based on only a sample portion of the full population, and there are some population groups not surveyed.

But as Indigenous researchers Roland Chrisjohn and Shaunessy McKay wrote in Dying To Please You: Indigenous Suicide in Contemporary Canada, their 2017 book on the suicide crisis, discourse about the problem and solutions is often unhelpful and not evidence-based: "It sounds like drumbeats of a PR bandwagon, like Native people are being recruited to a mainstream viewpoint rather than being convinced with real data; with all parties repeating a mantra over and over again until they parrot it without any real understanding."

Thus, the Statistics Canada report's contributions in terms of new, fuller data analysis are important.

The report's central finding - that First Nations people die by suicide at three times the rate of non-Indigenous Canadians, Inuit at nine times the rate, and Métis at two times - illustrates a crisis but is not likely to surprise those familiar with previous statistics. For those unfamiliar, it puts Inuit among the people with the highest rates of suicide anywhere in the world.

The report examines each of the three groups separately, and is based on 2011 populations, when the census had 851,560 people self-identify as First Nations, 59,445 as Inuit and 451,795 as Métis .

The report estimates that there were 1,845 total deaths by suicide of the Indigenous population in Canada from May 10, 2011, through Dec. 31, 2016. This total consists of 1,180 First Nations people, 250 Inuit and 415 Métis.

Looking at it side by side with murder data can help contextualize the scale of the problem.

For the five years since StatCan started tracking homicides by Indigenous identity, there have been 710 recorded Indigenous victims of homicide. The number of estimated suicides from the StatCan report is approximately two and a half times larger, though it applies to a slightly longer period.

The public interest in addressing the problem of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls (MMIWG) in Canada illustrates the scale of the energy that could be mustered in service of a similar reckoning with the suicide crisis.

A Statistics Canada report found that Indigenous people die by suicide at a rate three times as high as non-Indigenous Canadians. But the report acknowledges there are limitations to the findings that likely result in underestimations of actual rates

Younger Indigenous people suffer higher rates of suicide

When comparing overall populations of the identity groups, the report uses age-standardized suicide rates to account for the groups' different age distributions - the 2011 census shows median age was 26 for First Nations, 23 for Inuit, 31 for Métis and 41 for non-Indigenous. Kumar said the approach ensured that the findings were in the form of "the rate that would be expected if the age structures of the populations were the same."

The highest rates of Indigenous suicide are seen in youth and young adults, between the ages of 15 and 24, Kumar told National Observer. For First Nations people, the rate for these ages is 6.2 times higher than for non-Indigenous population in the same age range; for Inuit people, the rate is 23.9 times higher. (There wasn't enough data to generate accurate rates for Métis by age range.)

Not all communities are equally affected by the suicide crisis

For the First Nations population, the suicide rate was two times as high for those living on-reserve as those living off-reserve.

While a critique of much of the general discourse around Indigenous issues is that it is negative or problem-focused, this report did aim to "to look at it from the perspective of resiliency (instead) of having a deficiency-based estimate," according to Kumar.

In conversation, he highlighted that the report's findings show that of "close to 600 bands ... 60% of those FN bands had not experienced suicides (of any people in the sampled population), so they have a zero suicide rate."

For Inuit Nunangat, "11 out of 50 Inuit communites had a zero suicide rate."

These numbers do need qualifying, as these zero suicide rates don't necessarily mean there were no deaths by suicide from these bands and Inuit communities over the roughly five-and-a-half-year period covered by the report. This is due to the methodology.

How to count Indigenous suicides when the government doesn't track Indigenous suicides

This research is based on the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS), which replaced the long-form census, and was based on voluntary responses. These responses accounted for a total of just over six million of the Canadian population, including what was then approximately a third (466,000) of self-identified Indigenous people in the country.

For the First Nations communities that participated in the NHS (over 90 per cent of the over 600 in Canada), all households on reserve received the survey while First Nations people living off-reserve were, like those in the general population, selected to receive the survey at random. All Métis living in households in surveyed areas, including the Métis Settlements of Alberta, received the survey while Métis living outside of survey areas were part of the random selection process to receive the survey.

For Inuit, every household in Inuit Nunangat (spanning parts of Northwest Territories, Quebec, and Labrador as well as all of Nunavut) received the survey, but individuals outside of the territory were selected for the NHS at random as part of the general population.

The NHS was used as a way to determine who among the suicide deaths were Indigenous, because the Canadian government doesn't track that in its records of health statistics.

"In the Canadian Vital Statistics Database (CVSD), there are no Indigenous identifiers, so you can't say if a death that occurred is of a First Nations person or a Métis or Inuit," Kumar explained.

"So the only way we can do that is we link the mortality records (from the CVSD) to the National Household Survey records, and in the NHS people self-identified as either a First Nations person, Inuit or Métis, or they didn't identify as Indigenous and so they would be considered non-Indigenous."

He noted a small percentage identify as belonging to more than one of the three Indigenous groups, about 0.8 per cent of the 2011 Indigenous population, though there is no separate analysis of their data in this report.

The report uses the deaths by suicide recorded in the CVSD starting from the day the NHS was collected, May 10, 2011, through the end of December 2016 - the period of 5.6 years.

Who - and what - was and wasn't counted

The NHS is a survey of private dwellings that omits people living in institutions (jails, medical facilities, etc.), collective dwellings (group homes, hostels, etc.), and many of those who are homeless.

These unmeasured groups may have higher rates of death by suicide compared with those who were surveyed; also, a higher proportion of the Indigenous population may be in those unmeasured groups than of the non-Indigenous population. It is for these reasons, and other less specific factors relating to the counting of deaths by suicide, that the report states "suicide rates presented (here) may underestimate the true rates."

The NHS also doesn't include data on gender or sexual identity, so there are no specific suicide rates in this report for two-spirit people or by sexual orientation or trans and non-binary gender identities - though these individuals are part of the overall statistics, except for those who are part of the unmeasured groups.

Kumar said the government is looking at having gender identity and sexual orientation identification included for the 2021 long-form census in consultation with Indigenous organizations.

"There are so many other factors that are behind the suicide rate we couldn't look into because we were restricted to what was collected in the NHS," Kumar said. The report itself identified some of these factors: "historical and intergenerational trauma, community distress, cultural continuity, family strength and mental wellness were not explored here."

Socio-economic factors

The report was able to do an analysis based on five socio-economic factors contained in the NHS: household income, level of education, labour force status, marital status, and, for First Nations, on- or off-reserve, while for Métis and Inuit, the size of the community in which they lived.

This itself, may be a unique contribution to the knowledge base of research on Indigenous suicide, especially with the large population range covered in this research.

But there were limitations to this too: only individuals 25 and older could be included to accurately analyze the roles of education, labour and marital status. This is a problem, because suicide rates for Indigenous youths and young adults are disproportionately high, and they are not reflected in this part of the report's analysis.

Adjusting for these socio-economic factors found that for the applicable age groups, 78 per cent of the difference in suicide rates disappears when the five factors are controlled for between First Nations and non-Indigenous; for Métis, 37 per cent of the difference disappears; and for Inuit, 40 per cent disappears (and closer to 50 per cent when household income was factored with the northern higher costs of living).

To illustrate what this adjustment means (in statistical terms, 'controlling for' these variables), is that First Nations median income in 2011 was $15,615 compared to $28,239 for non-Indigenous, but this part of the analysis compared the rates of suicide for First Nations and non-Indigenous who have similar incomes (and similarly adjusts for the other four factors), and found rates that were only 22% different. This also implies that for the non-Indigenous population in and of itself, suicide rates are not uniform, but vary corresponding with these socio-economic factors.

Kumar commented on the differing percentages of difference (i.e. the 78, 37, and 40 per cents, respectively) that disappeared for First Nations, Métis, or Inuit: "There are so many other things that are going on ... probably the better answer is that we don't quite understand why there is a difference."

It's also important to note the difference between causation and correlation: this analysis doesn't necessarily mean these factors are the cause of the different suicide rates, but that they are occurring together, which may be indicative of what is behind the problem.

Where to go from here

This analysis indicates that widespread societal imbalances between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations are a large aspect of the Indigenous suicide crisis. Thus, individual-focused suicide-prevention programs are not a full solution.

That idea is parallel to how the Calls For Justice from the MMIWG inquiry final report do not solely focus on directly stopping murderers or murders, nor say that the murders and disappearances are the genocide itself, but look more to changing the current conditions that result from the continuity of genocidal practices and that cause Indigenous victimization.

Three of the five socio-economic factors - the areas of education, employment and poverty - are included in parts of the MMIWG inquiry Calls For Justice ( pages 170-221), as well as in the " Master List of Report Recommendations" that the inquiry compiled from 100 previous reports they reviewed during their process.

The need for repair, to create equitable conditions and treatment, was also recognized recently when the Canadian government was ordered by the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal to pay $40,000 each to all individual First Nations children and some parents/grandparents who were affected by the government's discriminatory practices in child welfare and service provision, including in the area of suicide-prevention services, as part of an ongoing tribunal case to end discriminatory policies.

The Statistics Canada report findings may help shape future research on Indigenous suicide, "There are lots of questions that probably come up (based on this report), which need to be addressed in future research," Kumar said. "I think it's up to other researchers to come up with questions or what sort of direction other research should go."

Kumar, who previously worked at the National Aboriginal Health Organization, also noted the importance of the involvement of national Indigenous organizations, including Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, the Métis National Council, and the National Association of Friendship Centres, and their contributions to the research process: it's important that Indigenous peoples do have a leading role in such knowledge production, and in developing approaches to these problems.

​​What people, communities, organizations, and governments do about the continuing suicide crises is crucial. It is a long-term problem that hasn't been adequately addressed, often only appearing in the general public consciousness when a specific community is forced to declare a state of emergency - as God's Lake First Nation, about 1,000 kilometres northwest of Winnipeg, did at the end of August.

International Suicide Awareness Day was marked on Sept. 10, with the annual Celebrate Life event hosted by Inuit at Canada's Parliament Hill and other events across the country. The report's findings will add to these discussions, as well as those at the bi-annual World International Suicide Prevention Conference, being held next Aug. 25-27 in Winnipeg, an opportunity for all working on this problem.

But perhaps the most important part of the report may be its affirmation, with the best quantitative evidence currently available, that there continues to be a crisis and that the approaches used to address it have not been sufficient.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Canada's Indigenous suicide crisis is worse than we thought

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
A Statistics Canada report's central finding - that First Nations people die by suicide at three times the rate of non-Indigenous Canadians, Inuit at nine times the rate, and Métis at two times - illustrates a crisis but is not likely to surprise those familiar with previous statistics.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
In 2018 and 2019, there was a continual increase in suicides amongst Indigenous Peoples, specifically in Australia. Why is this happening at such an alarming rate? What is the cause of these deaths, especially among the youth?

Globally, suicide is the second highest contributor to adolescent deaths. Studies from high-income countries including Australia, New Zealand, the United States, Canada, and Arctic nations consistently find elevated suicide rates among Indigenous populations, with substantial rate disparities compared to non-Indigenous populations. According to the World Health Organization, low- and middle-income countries and high-income countries have similar annual standardized suicide rates. However, low- and middle-income countries account for 75 percent of suicide deaths worldwide, and there is often a disproportionate burden amongst specific subgroups within countries, such as Indigenous Peoples.

In Canada, the highest suicide rates have been reported among First Nations Peoples. According to Canada's Centre for Suicide Prevention, suicide and self-inflicted injuries are the leading causes of death for First Nations youths and adults up to age 44. The suicide rate for First Nations male youths ages 15-24 is 126 per 100,000, compared to 24 per 100,000 for non-Indigenous male youth. For First Nations females, the suicide rate is 35 per 100,000 compared to 5 per 100,000 for non-Indigenous females. Suicide rates for Inuit youth are among the highest in the world, at 11 times the national average.

In Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders between the ages of 15-24 are almost 4 times more likely to commit suicide than non-Indigenous people in the same age bracket. The Australian Bureau of Statistics reported that suicide is the leading cause of death for Indigenous children ages 5-17. From 2014-2018, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children accounted for close to 25 percent of all child suicide deaths.

To better understand the issue of suicide among Indigenous Peoples, Cultural Survival Indigenous Rights Radio Producer, Shaldon Ferris (KhoiSan), recently spoke to Pat Dudgeon (Bardi), director of the Centre of Best Practice in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander on Suicide Prevention at the University of Western Australia (UWA). She is a psychologist, professor, Fellow of the Australian Psychological Society, and Poche Research Fellow at the School of Indigenous Studies at UWA in Perth.

Cultural Survival: Is the spike in the Indigenous suicide rate a recent trend, or has it been on the rise for some time?
Pat Dudgeon: Indigenous suicides have always been a big issue. It's probably gained a lot more national media attention in recent times, but it has been a growing concern in the last 40 years. Our Indigenous suicide rate is twice that of the general population, so it's become a big, big issue.

CS: What are some of the leading reasons for Indigenous suicides?
PD: For any suicide there is a whole matrix of different issues and problems. We believe that it's the history of colonization that Indigenous people have lived through. The country was taken over, there was genocide, people were removed from their countries and moved into missions and reserves. We went through a period we call the Stolen Generations, where people were forcibly taken from their families and put into institutions. In contemporary times, as well as having intergenerational trauma that's been passed down, there are a whole lot of social determinants that impact Indigenous people. We have higher rates of poverty and incarceration, and racism is ongoing, so those are factors that contribute to suicide and bad mental health. It's not a simple or clear answer. There's a lot of grief and loss in the community, substance abuse issues, sexual abuse, and so on, but for Indigenous people, having that history of colonization and ongoing racism is certainly a big part of the story.

CS: Is a loss of identity due to the impacts of colonialism a factor?
PD: Absolutely. We've gone out and done workshops and roundtables with community people, and we've done empowerment programs. What amazes me is how people implicitly know that what the mainstream has done-what the State has done to them-is wrong. They've seen their mothers and grandmothers subject to racist acts and treatments. To have it explicitly taught to them, to say, 'yes, this legislation happened and this was the impact,' validates their experience, and people are very conscious to hold on and to strengthen their cultural identity. I think we're in a process of remaking and restrengthening our cultural identity. Lucky for us, colonization has been a relatively short history compared to other countries. It could've been much more damaging. With Stolen Generations, some of those people were moved far away from home, and we have had some big initiatives called Bringing Them Home, which were about helping people come back to rediscover who their family or language group were, and to reconnect. Archie Roach (a local Indigenous singer) has written about the children coming home. That's important for us, to ensure that we strengthen our identity and people build faith so they know who they are and their role in the future.

CS: Are there patterns of similar occurrences happening in other Indigenous communities around the world?
PD: Yes, it's a very similar story. In November 2018, we held the second World Indigenous Suicide Prevention Conference. We ran it in a certain way where we privileged Indigenous presence and voices. When we formed our committees to plan the conference, we ensured there were youth representatives on there, elders, members of our LGBTQIA+ groups. Having the World Indigenous Suicide Prevention Conference was very important because we had people from Canada, New Zealand, the U.S., and so on, present. We looked at the global Indigenous suicide rates; they are very similar, it's a similar story. So I think all Indigenous societies are in a greater or lesser state of recovery from colonization, and one of the markers is a very high suicide rate, much higher than the rest of the population. That was important to us, to come together as world Indigenous people and to share our stories and to share what the solutions could be. We are seeing a global movement happening, and that's very important. I think we join up with our Indigenous brothers and sisters from other countries to talk, to learn from each other, and to share our knowledge and go forward. And, while we claim the right to have leadership in the discussion, there are certainly great nonIndigenous supporters and governments that support us as well.

CS: Do you think we should be talking to our respective governments about solutions, or should this issue be solved by us as Indigenous Peoples?
PD: Definitely from the people. The State has a very important role, and that is to give the resources to the people. It's very important to ensure that resources are sent into the community. Our position is for Aboriginal people themselves. Unless they're in charge of identifying the problem, the issues, and then implementing the solutions, we're going to have very limited effective suicide prevention or any kind of programs. We know that culture, self- determination, and cultural reclamation is important. Both were assumptions on the work done by Professor Michael J. Chandler in Canada, where they did some research with First Nations people and showed that communities with little self-determination and little cultural reclamation had higher suicide rates. We also used the work of the Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development in the United States, where they've shown that Indigenous communities that are much happier and have higher health rates are ones that are also exercising their self-determination. That's very important for any group of human beings: they need to be there at the table, making decisions, being part of deciding what happens, how, when, and where.

CS: Is enough being done to reduce the Indigenous suicide rate? Do you think there's hope?
PD: I'm optimistic. I think Australia is alarmed at what's happening in its country. I think the government does want change to happen. I think the communities themselves want change to happen, because we had an elders group at our World Indigenous Suicide Prevention conference who were very vocal in what they wanted. They wanted a royal commission to look at the issue, and they were very vocal in what they thought the government should do. I think that all supporters of our society, whether it's governments, whether it's people on the ground, certainly the communities themselves, they want accountability and they want to be part of the discussion. So, I think things will change. I don't think it'll be an overnight solution, because it's taken us years to get to this point. For some sections it might take time to turn this around, but it will be turned around.

CS: What message can we give the Indigenous person who is in a remote area somewhere, contemplating suicide?
PD: Firstly, don't do it. Do not do it. Things will get better, but go and get help. It would be great if we could have a telephone crisis center that's culturally appropriate and knows our values and our issues and can give immediate help. Counselors too, they need to be trained to be more culturally knowledgeable. But there will be people in your family and in your community who can help. In every family and every community there is usually one strong person, or more, who will help the others. We need to nurture those people. They're the people we go to, and we've all got one or two in our lives, so go to those people, talk to them, get help from them.

Top photo: Pat Dudgeon speaks at the 2nd World Indigenous Suicide Prevention Conference. Photo courtesy of Pat Dudgeon.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Combatting Suicide Amongst Indigenous Peoples: An Interview with Pat Dudgeon

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
In 2018 and 2019, there was a continual increase in suicides amongst Indigenous Peoples, specifically in Australia. Why is this happening at such an alarming rate? What is the cause of these deaths, especially among the youth? Globally, suicide is the second highest contributor to adolescent deaths.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
For decades, the suicide rates among First Nations, Inuit and Métis people in Canada have been many times higher than for the non-Indigenous population.

Recent estimates suggest that suicide rates among Indigenous peoples in Canada are at least three times higher than non-Indigenous peoples. For Inuit people specifically, the rate is 9 times higher.

Many Indigenous communities have declared states of emergency over the suicide crisis. In 2016, the First Nation of Attawapiskat received international media attention after it declared a state of emergency following nearly a dozen suicide attempts in one night, including one by an 11-year-old. In the months before that, there were 100 other suicide attempts.

Story continues below advertisement

This August, God's Lake First Nation declared a state of emergency after four young people died by suicide. There had been dozens of suicide attempts all summer in the northern Manitoba community of around 1,500 people.

"We must develop a comprehensive plan in partnership with the federal government, otherwise the crisis will continue, and we will continue to experience tragedy and trauma," said God's Lake Chief Gilbert Andrews at the time.

Ahead of the federal election, First Nations leaders and health advocates are urging parties to prioritize this issue and are reflecting on the ways it was addressed over the last four years by the previous Liberal government.

"There is no silver bullet for suicide prevention," said Carol Hopkins, executive director of the Thunderbird Partnership, which specializes in addictions and mental health advocacy for Indigenous Peoples.

Story continues below advertisement

She said that a number of mental health and suicide prevention initiatives have been pursued under the Liberal government but that gaps in funding and oversight remain a significant barrier to making lasting progress.

READ MORE: Andrew Scheer rejects use of 'genocide' in reference to Indigenous women, girls

It also pledges to implement the NDP motion previously passed by the House of Commons on suicide prevention.

Story continues below advertisement

It also says the party would "take action to implement" the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) by the end of 2020.

Story continues below advertisement

Scheer also told reporters in September that he will support a national suicide crisis strategy.

Hopkins said there are many pilot projects and research efforts on the suicide crisis funded by levels of government, but many are short term. This poses a problem.

Story continues below advertisement

"We have tons of evidence about what works," she said. "But we don't have sustainable funding and flexible funding to put those things into place."

There needs to be a change in philosophy by the government to recognize that Indigenous Peoples "are not optional" and that "our needs are not optional," Hopkins said.

Because the suicide crisis is directly linked to the violent history of colonization and ongoing policies stemming from it, Hopkins said it's important to situate the high suicide rates - and solutions - in that broader context.

"We have to shift our focus and understand that we have to invest in the environment as well as we are investing in the problems of the people," Hopkins said. "It's also understanding the problems that they have with the environment around them that sustains the depression, the anxiety and the decision that leads to suicide."

"If we invest in interventions that are focused solely on the individual, then we're not going to make any difference at all," she said.

She said initiatives such as the campaign, modelled after It Gets Better, is a good example of positive work being done. We Matter is a website created in 2016 by and for Indigenous youth, where people can share stories of hardship and also support. We Matter also has toolkits for Indigenous youth, teachers and other support workers to address mental health challenges.

Story continues below advertisement

READ MORE: Liberals benefited from record Indigenous voter turnout in 2015. Can they again?

Hopkins also pointed to a lack of good data on the issue of Indigenous suicides. There's a lack of co-ordination and consistency of data collection on this issue, and Canada doesn't break suicide numbers down by Indigenous identity.

"We see these crises pop up every now and again because Indigenous leadership and government have tried to follow the path to explore partnerships for funding, and following that path has not yielded enough results to get a significant impact. And so they're constantly treading water to try and save their future there," Hopkins said.

Hopkins added she would also like to see governments support Indigenous people with their own data collection.

"We don't even know the whole true picture because of the lack of data," Hopkins said. "My question is what's high enough? What's the number? When does that number and that data trigger change?"

Story continues below advertisement

The report situates the crisis within the "historical and ongoing impacts of colonization, forced placement of Indigenous children in residential schools ... removal of Indigenous children from their families ... and the forced relocation of communities."

It also highlights some positive trends discovered within the data, including the fact that more than 60 per cent of First Nations bands had a zero suicide rate. Further, several "resiliency factors" are linked to lower suicide rates within Indigenous communities, specifically "cultural continuity."

This can happen when a high proportion of the community has knowledge of an Indigenous language or when communities "gain control over educational, health care, police and fire services" and establish cultural facilities.

READ MORE: Indigenous communities and water crises - is a real solution in the works?

Alvin Fiddler is the grand chief of Nishnawbe Aski Nation (NAN), which represents 49 First Nations communities in northern Ontario spanning roughly two-thirds of the province - a population of about 45,000 people.

NAN began tracking suicides in its communities when the deaths began to rise in the mid-1980s - t he total since then has reached more than 500. Fiddler told Global News that NAN loses about 18 youth and adults per year to suicide. In 2017, that number jumped to around 38.

Story continues below advertisement

He said there are a number of suicide prevention initiatives taking place that seem to be bringing about positive changes. But he said they need more permanent solutions and sustainable funding.

"It cannot just be one year or two years," Fiddler said.
READ MORE: God's Lake First Nation declares state of emergency after string of suicides
He also pointed out that a significant factor in discussing solutions to the suicide crisis is the conditions in the communities.

"There's a lot of challenges around infrastructure," he said.

"We're looking at the parties that are running in this election, what sort of platform, or what are they saying about infrastructure on reserve? Are they committed to improving quality of life, making investments on housing and water, on infrastructure and broadband?" he said.

Fiddler referenced the UNDRIP and said implementing that declaration as legislation would be a good place to start on the journey of reconciliation.

"We haven't even, in my view, begun to really make or take any significant steps towards that. That would have been a really good signal, especially the children and youth, that the government is serious about addressing these issues."
If you or someone you know is in crisis and needs help, resources are available. In case of an emergency, please call 911 for immediate help. Youth in crisis can contact Kids Help Phone at 1-800-668-6868 or the First Nations and Inuit Hope for Wellness Help Line at 1-855-242-3310.
Story continues below advertisement

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
'Our needs are not optional': How federal leaders plan to address the Indigenous suicide crisis

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
For decades, the suicide rates among First Nations, Inuit and Métis people in Canada have been many times higher than for the non-Indigenous population. Recent estimates suggest that suicide rates among Indigenous peoples in Canada are at least three times higher than non-Indigenous peoples. For Inuit people specifically, the rate is 9 times higher.

# data[].attributes.body
About 3 years ago, the Canadian Government’s website released a shocking report about suicide among First Nations. Suicide rate among First Nations is about not two, but three times higher than the rate among non-indigenous people. And that is, with underestimated data since there were limitations to the research. That said, what caused their rate to be this dramatically high?

The First Nations of today still bear the trauma of european colonization. They were stripped from their homes, discriminated against, assimilated by force and had their culture suppressed resulting in them losing their native language, their identity, their traditional values and their families. Their tragic stories were passed down through the years and as of this day, these events still haunt them. This has caused a phenomenon of suicidal contagion, where very close members of the same Nation are exposed to suicide and or suicidal behaviours and tend to have higher chances of experiencing similar situations.

However, we talked about the First Nations rate, and not the rate in each specific clan. If we take a closer look, the rate among Métis is around 14.7 deaths per 100 000 person at risk, which is about twice as much as non-indigenous people, and within the Inuit clan, their rate is about nine times higher than the non-indigenous population, 72.3 against 8 death per 100 000 person at risk.

Now, what are the possible ways to solve this problem? First, the government should start by creating more in-depth reports about this issue. We should also increase the number of suicide prevention programs in indigenous schools as well as suicide prevention lines for First Nations to help prevent this rate from getting any higher. Finally, it is essential that the federal government works in cooperation with the First Nations to negotiate an economic and social based plan to help keep this issue under control as much as possible.

Dear Canadians, it is our job to help out the First Nations to feel safer in their homeland. Is it our duty to raise awareness about this issue among our population and to influence the government into taking action. We can start by raising awareness amongst our people and encourage the federal authorities to follow up on this social problem. You can start making a difference today, whether it’s donating to a charity or talking about this issue to your family or your friends. It might seem trivial, but keep in mind that your actions could potentially save a person’s life.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Indigenous people continue to be dramatically overrepresented among Canadian murder victims, according to a new report released by Statistics Canada.

First Nations, Métis and Inuit make up only 5% of Canada's population, but in 2018 they made up 22% of the country's homicide victims. Of the 651 murders that took place in Canada in 2018, 140 were of Indigenous people: 96 men and 44 women.

"While the number of male victims decreased for the first time since 2014 ... there were six more female victims of homicide than in 2017, marking a second consecutive annual increase," the report reads.

The data on murders is only one part of a much larger picture of violence made complicated by poor data collection procedures.

Earlier this year, the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls released its damning final report. That document called what is happening to Canada's Indigenous peoples a "genocide" that "has been empowered by colonial structures".

The annual police-reported crime statistics have only been tracking Indigenous peoples specifically since 2014. Throughout that time, Indigenous peoples have represented between one-quarter and one-fifth of all murder victims each year. Estimates from before that time suggest that the numbers would have been similarly high before tracking began.

Data collection about crime and Indigenous people in Canada is spotty, as the National Observer reported in June. "Up until very recently, [Royal Canadian Mounted Police] didn't even record whether victims or offenders were Indigenous," the Observer reported. "And such data that does exist was reported inconsistently."

The RCMP, Canada's national force, polices more than 600 Indigenous communities across the country. Its current and historical role in the ongoing crisis in Indigenous communities was a major topic in the national inquiry.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Indigenous people much more likely to be murdered than other Canadians

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Indigenous people continue to be dramatically overrepresented among Canadian murder victims, according to a new report released by Statistics Canada. First Nations, Métis and Inuit make up only 5% of Canada's population, but in 2018 they made up 22% of the country's homicide victims. Of the 651 murders that took place in Canada in 2018, 140 were of Indigenous people: 96 men and 44 women.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
View the most recent version.

by Vivian O'Donnell and Susan Wallace

PDF version

Skip to text

Introduction
A growing population
Indian status
Distribution of Aboriginal women across the country
Living in census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations
Living in rural areas
Living on reserve
Living in Inuit Nunangat
A relatively young population
Senior Aboriginal women
Life expectancy
Aboriginal women and their families
Lone parents
Fertility rates
Teen parents
Crowded housing
Housing adequacy
Aboriginal languages
Older women more likely to speak an Aboriginal language
Higher proportions speak Aboriginal languages on reserve and in the North
Factors in Aboriginal language retention
Paid work
Sales and service most common occupation
High unemployment rates
Unemployment rates decrease with higher levels of education
Inuit harvesting activities
Income
Sources of income
Below the low income cut-off (LICO)
Incomplete high school
Aboriginal women less likely to have a university degree
More Aboriginal women achieving postsecondary qualifications
Residential school attendance
Spousal violence
Missing and murdered Aboriginal women
Health
Living with chronic conditions
Arthritis or rheumatism the most common chronic condition among Aboriginal women
Contact with health care professionals
Definition

Text begins

Aboriginal women share many of the same challenges and concerns as other women in Canada. However, demographically, culturally and socioeconomically, Aboriginal women are also a unique population. There is also much diversity within the Aboriginal population. Broadly speaking, Aboriginal people can be considered as three distinct groups: First Nations (North American Indian), Métis and Inuit. Within each of these groups are many distinct cultural groups. This chapter will explore some of the unique characteristics of the Aboriginal female population, and examine how things have been changing over time.

Start of the text box

Aboriginal population definition

There are various ways to define the Aboriginal population depending on the focus and the requirements of the data user. This article focuses on the Aboriginal identity population. Aboriginal identity refers to those persons who reported identifying with at least one Aboriginal group, that is, First Nations (North American Indian), Métis or Inuit, and/or those who reported being a Treaty Indian or a Registered Indian, as defined by the Indian Act of Canada, and/or those who reported they were members of an Indian band or First Nation. Data are presented for each of the three Aboriginal identity groups: Inuit, Métis and First Nations (North American Indian). In some tables, data are also presented for the Status Indian population. The term 'First Nations' is used throughout the article to refer to people who identified as North American Indian and includes both Status and non-Status Indians. In this article, the Aboriginal female population is also referred to as 'Aboriginal women and girls'.

End of the text box

A growing population

In 2006, there were 600,695 Aboriginal females in Canada. Aboriginal women and girls made up 4% of the total Canadian female population that year (Table 1).

Table 1 Aboriginal population, Canada, 2006

In 2006, 60% of the Aboriginal female population reported being First Nations (includes both Status and non-Status Indians), while 33% were Métis and 4% were Inuit. The remaining 3% either reported belonging to more than one Aboriginal group, or they did not identify with an Aboriginal group, but reported having Registered Indian status and/or band membership (Table 1).

Table 2 Aboriginal female population, by province or territory, Canada, 2006

The female Aboriginal population is growing much more rapidly than the rest of the female population in Canada. In the period from 1996 to 2006, the number of Aboriginal females rose by 45%, compared to a 9% growth rate in the non-Aboriginal female population.

Of the three groups of Aboriginal women, the Métis population increased the most from 1996 to 2006: a growth of 91% growth for Métis, 30% for First Nations, and 27% for Inuit. The growth of the Métis population is due not only to factors such as high birth rates and improved enumeration, but also because an increasing number of people are newly reporting Métis identity. (See the text box: 'Ethnic mobility' and the growth of the Métis population.)

As with the overall population, women make up the slight majority of Aboriginal people in Canada. In 2006, women made up 51% of the total Aboriginal population. That year, 52% of the total First Nations population in Canada was female, while the figure was around 50% for both the Métis and Inuit groups (Table 1).

Start of the text box

'Ethnic mobility' and the growth of the Métis population

It is clear that increasing numbers of Canadians are newly reporting Aboriginal identity on the census over time. This phenomenon is captured by the term 'ethnic mobility'. The concept of ethnic mobility has been identified as a major contributor to the high growth rate of the Aboriginal population in general and the Métis population in particular. It is difficult to identify precisely the reasons that more people are identifying as Métis over time. One factor may include increased awareness of Métis issues as a result of recent judicial decisions regarding the Aboriginal rights of the Métis (for example, the Supreme Court of Canada's decision in R. v. Powley, 2003).

End of the text box

The Indian Act defines an Indian as 'a person who, pursuant to this Act, is registered as an Indian or is entitled to be registered as an Indian.' The federal government maintains an official list of Status Indians called the Indian Register. Status Indians are entitled to certain rights and benefits under the law.

In 2006, a majority of those who identified as First Nations people were registered under the Indian Act. In 2006, almost 292,000 First Nations females, 81% of the total, were registered, as were 81% of First Nations males. The remaining First Nations people who do not have Registered Indian status are often referred to as 'non-Status Indians'.

Because Registered Indian status is a legal concept, the number of Status Indians has been affected by changes to legislation throughout history. For example, significant growth in the Status Indian population in recent decades has been not only the result of factors such as longer life expectancy, high birth rates, and improved enumeration, but also due to legislative changes to the Indian Act (see text box: Bill C-31 and Bill C-3).

In 1981, the Status Indian population was 289,175. It had increased to 385,805 by 1991 and to 558,175 in 2001. In 2006, the Status Indian population had reached 623,780 (Table 3).

Table 3 Status Indian population, by area of residence, Canada, 1981, 1991, 1996, 2001 and 2006

Projections from Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) indicate that the Status Indian population will continue to grow, although the rate of growth is expected to decrease over time. Decreases are expected to occur because of declining fertility and loss of registration entitlement among a growing number of descendents of Status Indians. It is important to note that INAC's projections were released prior to the creation of Bill C-3: Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act (see text box: Bill C-31 and Bill C-3).

Start of the text box

Bill C-31 and Bill C-3

The Status Indian population has undergone dramatic increases in the past couple of decades. A significant part of this growth can be attributed to legislative changes. In particular, the Indian Act was amended in 1985 through Bill C-31 to redress certain provisions in the Indian Act that discriminated against women. Prior to the 1985 amendments, Status Indian women who married non-Status men lost their Registered Indian status. As well, these women could no longer pass Registered Indian status on to their children. The opposite was true for Status Indian men. Non-status women who married Status Indian men were automatically conferred Indian status.

Bill C-31 amendments allowed many women and their children to reclaim Indian status, and, in some cases, their First Nation (band) membership. Others who had voluntarily or involuntarily lost their Indian status through other provisions of the Indian Act could also apply to have their status restored. By the end of 2002, more than 114,000 individuals had been added to the Registered Indian population through these provisions.

Bill C-31 also introduced new inheritance rules regarding the passing of Registered Indian status from parents to children. Both parents must have Registered Indian status to pass Indian status on to their children. An exception occurs when at least one parent has been registered under section 6(1) of the legislation. In this case, if one parent is registered under 6(1) and the other parent is not registered, children remain eligible for registration under section 6(2). However, a parent registered under 6(2) cannot pass Registered Indian status to a child unless the other parent is also a Status Indian.

Bill C-31 provided that the children of women who had lost status through marriage to a non-Indian under the previous rules were re-instated under section 6(2). In effect, the cut-off for passing on Indian status would come a generation earlier for grandchildren of Indian women who had out-married than the grandchildren of Indian men who had out-married. A court challenge by Sharon McIvor, on the basis of equality under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, resulted in the Supreme Court of British Columbia ordering the Government of Canada to revise the Indian Act to include these grandchildren. The Government of Canada has created Bill C-3: Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act to make these revisions. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada estimates that as a result of this legislation approximately 45,000 persons will become newly entitled to registration.

End of the text box

Distribution of Aboriginal women across the country

Of the provinces, Manitoba and Saskatchewan have the largest proportion of Aboriginal females out of the overall female populations. In 2006, Aboriginal women and girls made up 16% of all females in Manitoba and 15% of all females in Saskatchewan, while the figure was 6% in Alberta, 5% in both British Columbia and Newfoundland and Labrador, and 3% or less in the remaining provinces (Table 2).

Aboriginal females make up much larger shares of the population living in the territories. In 2006, more than half (52%) of females in the Northwest Territories and 26% of those in the Yukon were Aboriginal women and girls. In Nunavut, 86% of women and girls were Inuit (Table 2).

In terms of actual numbers, however, Ontario has the largest number of Aboriginal females. In 2006, there were 124,900 Aboriginal women and girls in Ontario. That year, 21% of all Aboriginal females lived in Ontario, while 17% resided in British Columbia, 16% lived in Alberta, 15% in Manitoba, 12% in Saskatchewan, 9% in Québec, and 5% in the Atlantic Provinces. The remaining 5% of the female Aboriginal population lived in one of the territories (Table 2).

There is also considerable variation in the distribution of females in the different Aboriginal groups across the country. In 2006, the largest share of First Nations women and girls lived in Ontario (23%), while Alberta was home to the largest share of Métis females (22%) and almost half (48%) of Inuit women and girls lived in Nunavut.

Living in census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations

In Canada's census metropolitan areas (CMAs), the largest concentrations of Aboriginal females were found in Winnipeg, Saskatoon and, Regina. In 2006, 10% of the total female population in Winnipeg was Aboriginal, as was 9% of that in each of Saskatoon and Regina. Aboriginal women and girls also accounted for 5% of the female population in Edmonton.

Winnipeg had the largest number of Aboriginal women and girls. In 2006, there were almost 36,000 Aboriginal females living in Winnipeg, while there were 27,375 Aboriginal females living in Edmonton, 21,290 in Vancouver, and approximately 14,000 each in Toronto and Calgary (Chart 1).

Chart 1 Aboriginal population in selected census metropolitan areas, Canada, 2006

In each of the census metropolitan areas (CMAs) listed in chart 1, a slight majority of Aboriginal residents were female. For example, in Toronto, 54% of Aboriginal residents were female. In Winnipeg, Edmonton, Vancouver, Calgary, Ottawa-Gatineau, Regina and Victoria, 53% of Aboriginal residents were female. It was also the case that among non-Aboriginal residents of these CMA s, females were in the majority.

Table 4 Female population, by Aboriginal identity, selected census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations, Canada, 2006

In 2006, the census agglomerations (CAs) with the largest female Aboriginal populations were Prince Albert (7,130), Prince George (4,520) and Sault Ste Marie (4,100) (Table 4). The Aboriginal women and girls make up between 34% and 40% of the female population of Thompson, Prince Rupert and Prince Albert. As of a percentage of total female population, Aboriginal women and girls often make up a larger proportion of the female populations in CAs as compared to CMAs.

There are small numbers of Inuit women and girls in many CMAs and CAs. The CMA with the largest female Inuit population was Ottawa-Gatineau, with a population of 410 women and girls, while Yellowknife and Whitehorse were the CAs with the largest Inuit population (405 and 135 women and girls, respectively). The Inuit population makes up small proportions of most CMAs and CAs. For example, Inuit women formed 0.1% of the population of Ottawa-Gatineau. It was only in Yellowknife and Whitehorse where Inuit women and girls formed more than 1% of the female population (data not shown).

Living in rural areas

In 2006, Métis women were the most likely of the three Aboriginal groups to live in rural areas. That year, 28% of Métis females and 12% of First Nations women lived in rural areas (not including reserves). That same year, 5% of Inuit women lived in rural areas (outside of Inuit Nunangat) and 18% of non-Aboriginal women lived in rural areas.

Generally speaking, only Status Indians are eligible to reside on reserve. In 2006, less than half (46%) of Status Indian females were living on reserve, making Status Indian women slightly less likely than their male counterparts to live on a reserve. That year, 50% of Status Indian males resided on a reserve (Table 5).

In 2006, there were a total of 169,480 women and girls living on a reserve (Status and non-Status included), representing less than half (49%) of the on-reserve population.

Table 5 Area of residence of the First Nations population, Status Indian population and non-Status Indian population, by sex, Canada, 2006

Living in Inuit Nunangat

The 2006 Census enumerated 50,485 Inuit living in Canada; over three-quarters (78%) lived in the area known as Inuit Nunangat. Inuit Nunangat is comprised of four regions created through the signing of land claims agreements and from west to east includes the Inuvialuit region in the Northwest Territories, Nunavut, Nunavik north of the 55th parallel in Quebec and Nunatsiavut in northern Labrador (Table 6).

Table 6 Area of residence of Inuit, Canada, 2006

Overall there were 19,540 Inuit women and girls living in Inuit Nunangat in 2006. The proportion of Inuit females living within Inuit Nunangat decreased from 82% in 1996 to 77% in 2006.

The region with the largest Inuit female population was the territory of Nunavut, home to 12,215 Inuit females (Table 6).

A relatively young population

The Aboriginal population is much younger than the non-Aboriginal population. In 2006, the median age of Aboriginal females was 27.7 years, compared with 40.5 years for non-Aboriginal females, a gap of almost 13 years. (The median age is the point where exactly one-half of the population is older, and the other half is younger.)

Of the three Aboriginal groups, Inuit are the youngest. The median age of Inuit women and girls was 22.3 years, compared to 26.4 years for First Nations females, and 29.9 years for Métis females.

In 2006, almost half (46%) of Aboriginal females were children and youth; 28% of the female Aboriginal population were under 15 years of age, and 18% were aged 15 to 24.

Among the Inuit female population, about one-third (34%) were under the age of 15, while the figure was 31% among First Nations females and 24% among the Métis female population (Chart 2). (For more information, see the text box entitled 'Aboriginal girls and teens'.)

Chart 2 Age structure of the female population, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2006

Senior Aboriginal women

The Aboriginal population continues to be a relatively young population, compared to the non-Aboriginal population. In 2006, 5% of Aboriginal women were aged 65 and over, compared with 15% of non-Aboriginal women. However, the number of Aboriginal senior women, while relatively small, doubled between 1996 and 2006, while the number of senior women in the non-Aboriginal population increased 20%.

As with the non-Aboriginal population, women account for the majority of Aboriginal seniors. In 2006, 55% of all Aboriginal people aged 65 and over were female. In particular, women made up 56% of First Nations seniors, and 51% of Métis and Inuit aged 65 and over.

Life expectancy

While life expectancy has been improving, a gap between the life expectancy of Aboriginal women and non-Aboriginal women persists. In 2001, the estimated life expectancy at birth for Aboriginal females was 76.8 years, over five years less than their non-Aboriginal counterparts who could expect to live, on average, just over
82 years (Chart 3).

Chart 3 Life expectancy at birth, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2001

In 2001, Métis women had a life expectancy of 77.7 years, while the figure for First Nations women was 76.7 years. Inuit women had a shorter life expectancy of 71.7 years. In all three Aboriginal groups, though, women had longer life expectancies than men.

In 2001, Aboriginal females had a life expectancy at birth of 76.8 years, compared with 70.9 years for Aboriginal males.

Other recently-released research had similar findings. It concluded that this gap has widened in recent decades. In 1991, life expectancy at birth for women in the Inuit-inhabited areas was about 69.6 years, which was about 11 years lower than for Canadian women overall (80.9 years). In 2001, life expectancy for women in Inuit-inhabited areas did not increase (69.8 years), although it rose by about 1 year for Canadian women as a whole (82.0).

A different study found that at age 25, a Métis woman could expect to live an additional 53.7 years, about 4.2 years longer than Métis men and 5.5 years less than non-Aboriginal women. Life expectancy at age 25 was estimated to be about 52.9 additional years for Status Indian women, about 6 years shorter than non-Aboriginal women.

This study also examined whether socioeconomic indicators, such as income, education and occupation could explain the excess mortality for Métis and Status Indians. It found that differences in socioeconomic indicators could explain roughly two-thirds of the excess mortality for Métis and Status Indian men, and nearly 30% for Métis and Status Indian women.

Aboriginal women and their families

A large proportion of Aboriginal women in Canada live with either their immediate or extended family. In 2006, 86% of Aboriginal women aged 15 and over lived with family members, compared with 83% of non-Aboriginal women (Table 7).

Table 7 Family status of women aged 15 and over, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2006

Among Aboriginal women, Inuit are the most likely to live with family members. In 2006, 92% of Inuit women lived with either their immediate or extended families, while the figures were 87% for First Nations women and 84% for Métis women.

Aboriginal women were less likely than non-Aboriginal women to be legally married. In 2006, 30% of Aboriginal women aged 15 and over, versus 47% of non-Aboriginal women, lived with a spouse. In contrast, a larger proportion of Aboriginal women were living in a common-law relationship compared to non-Aboriginal women, 17% versus 10%. Common-law status refers to persons who live together as a couple but who are not legally married to each other.

Married and common-law couples include those of the opposite sex or of the same sex. The 2006 Census enumerated about 1,350 Aboriginal women in same-sex couples; about 15% of Aboriginal women in same-sex couples were married, while the remainder were living in a common-law relationship.

Relatively few Aboriginal women were living alone. In 2006, just 10% of Aboriginal women lived alone, compared with 14% of non-Aboriginal women. Among Aboriginal women, Métis women were the most likely to live alone. That year, 11% of Métis women, versus 9% of First Nations women and 5% of Inuit women, lived by themselves. It should be noted that nearly half of non-Aboriginal women who lived alone were 65 years and over, compared to 23% of Aboriginal women (Table 7).

Aboriginal women were more likely to be lone parents than non-Aboriginal women. In 2006, 18% of Aboriginal women aged 15 and over were heading families on their own, compared with 8% of non-Aboriginal women (Table 7).

In 2006, 20% of First Nations women over the age of 15 were lone parents, while this was the case for 17% of Inuit women and 14% of Métis women.

Lone-parent families headed by Aboriginal women tend to be larger than those headed by their non-Aboriginal counterparts. In 2006, 22% of Aboriginal female lone parents had three or more children, more than twice the figure for their non-Aboriginal counterparts at 10%. About one in four First Nations (25%) and Inuit (23%) female lone parents had three or more children, while 16% of Métis female lone parents had three or more children.

Fertility rates remain higher for Aboriginal women compared to non-Aboriginal women. In the 1996 to 2001 period, the fertility rate of Aboriginal women was 2.6 children, that is, they could expect to have that many children, on average, over the course of their lifetime; this compared with a figure of 1.5 among all Canadian women. In the same period, the fertility rate for Inuit women was estimated to be 3.4 children, compared with rates of 2.9 children for First Nations women and 2.2 for Métis women.

Census data reveal that in 2006, 8% of Aboriginal teenage girls (15 to 19 years old) were parents, compared to 1.3% of their non-Aboriginal counterparts. Almost one in ten (9%) of First Nations and Inuit teenage girls were parents; this proportion was higher for First Nations teenage girls living on reserve (12%). About 4% of Métis teenage girls were parents in 2006.

A recent study has found that the fertility rate of Status Indian teenagers aged 15 to 19, from 1986 to 2004, is six times higher than that of other Canadian teens. In Manitoba, the fertility rate during the 2000 to 2004 period for teenage Status Indian women was 125 births per 1,000 women, the highest of all the provinces. As for the consequences of being a teen parent, the study notes that, 'generally speaking, early motherhood increases the vulnerability of a young First Nations woman who is already disadvantaged socio-economically by reason of her cultural background and gender.'

Start of the text box

Recent research findings about Aboriginal girls and teens

Many young Aboriginal children growing up in large families with young parents

According to the 2006 Census, there were approximately 7,000 Inuit, 35,000 Métis and 86,000 First Nations children under the age of 6 years across Canada. Roughly half (49%) of these children were girls.

Compared to non-Aboriginal children, higher percentages of these young Aboriginal children are growing up in large families. Of those under the age of 6, 28% of Inuit girls, 25% of First Nations girls, and 11% of Métis girls were living in families with four or more children. This is compared to 8% of non-Aboriginal girls under the age of 6 in Canada.

About one in four Inuit (24%) and First Nations (26%) girls, and one in five (21%) Métis girls had mothers between the ages of 15 to 24; this is compared to 8% of non-Aboriginal girls.

Many persons involved in raising young Aboriginal children

While many young Aboriginal children are being raised by lone parents (36% versus 13% of their non-Aboriginal counterparts), the Aboriginal Children's Survey found that other people, including extended family and community members, are involved in raising them.

In 2006, among children under the age of 6 years, 67% of First Nations children living off reserve, 69% of Métis children, and 71% of Inuit children received focused attention from their grandparents at least once a week. Furthermore, 26% of First Nations children, 24% of Métis children, and 35% of Inuit children received focused attention from Elders at least once a week.

Guèvremont (2010) reported that while Inuit and Métis children living with two parents were more likely to have four or more people raising them, this was not the case for First Nations children living off-reserve. The percentage of off-reserve First Nations children with four or more people raising them was not different for children living with a lone parent compared to children living with two parents.

End of the text box

Household crowding has been linked to a number of health and social issues, including increased rates of respiratory infections, mental health problems and family violence. Crowded dwellings are defined as having more than 1 person per room. Not counted as rooms are bathrooms, halls, vestibules and rooms used solely for business purposes.

In 2006, 31% of Inuit women and girls were living in crowded homes, compared to 3% of non-Aboriginal females. The percentage of Inuit females living in crowded homes had declined from 36% in 1996.

Crowding was of particular concern in Inuit Nunangat, where 39% of Inuit women and girls were living in crowded conditions. In the Inuit region of Nunavik in northern Quebec, half of Inuit females were living in crowded conditions, as were 39% in Nunavut, 19% in the Inuvialuit region in Northwest Territories and 11% in Nunatsiavut in Labrador (Table 8).

Table 8 Proportion of Inuit females living in crowded dwellings and in homes requiring major repairs, by Inuit region, Canada, 2006

While sufficient housing is important in every part of Canada, research indicates that Inuit, in particular, face a number of housing challenges. "As most communities have no homeless shelters and as extreme winter temperatures make living outside dangerous, some Inuit are taken into the homes of family and friends that may already be crowded."

In 2006, 14% of First Nations women and girls were living in crowded dwellings, over three times higher than the proportion of non-Aboriginal females (3%). In reserve communities, 26% of First Nations women and girls were living in crowded conditions; among First Nations females living off reserve, 6% were living in crowded conditions. Overall, the proportion of First Nations females living in crowded conditions declined approximately 5 percentage points since 1996.

Overall, about the same percentage of Métis women and girls were living in crowded conditions as non-Aboriginal women and girls (3%).

Start of the text box

Half of Nunavut homes overcrowded

The 2009/2010 Nunavut Housing Needs Survey found that 49% of occupied dwellings in Nunavut were crowded and/or in need of major repairs. In crowded dwellings, the median household size was six. About half (53%) of respondents in crowded dwellings reported that the living room was used for sleeping. The survey also found that about 1,220 residents of Nunavut (about 4% of the population) did not have a usual home and were living temporarily in another person's dwelling.

End of the text box

One way to measure housing adequacy is to ask respondents if their dwelling requires major repairs (for example the repair of defective plumbing or electrical wiring, structural repairs to walls, floors or ceilings).

In 2006, 28% of Inuit women and girls were living in homes requiring major repairs; the proportion was higher in Inuit Nunangat (32%). This is compared to 7% of non-Aboriginal women and girls in Canada overall (Table 8).

In 2006, 28% of First Nations women and girls were living in dwellings that were in need of major repairs, compared with 7% of non-Aboriginal women and girls. Among First Nations females living off reserve, 16% were living in dwellings in need of major repairs. The need for major repairs is most pronounced in reserve communities where 44% of women and girls were living in homes that needed major repairs.

In 2006, 14% of Métis women and girls were living in dwellings that required major repairs, twice the percentage of non-Aboriginal females (7%) (Chart 4).

Chart 4 Housing conditions of women and girls, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2006

English or French is the mother tongue-the language first learned at home in childhood and still understood-for the majority of Aboriginal females. In 2006, 73% of all Aboriginal females and girls reported that English was their mother tongue, while another 8% said French was their mother tongue. At the same time, though, the mother tongue of 19% of the female Aboriginal population was an Aboriginal language.

There were significant differences in the percentages of those with an Aboriginal mother tongue when looking at specific groups. In 2006, 65% of Inuit women and girls reported an Aboriginal mother tongue, compared to 25% of First Nations females and 3% of Métis females.

The proportion of Aboriginal women and girls who are able to speak an Aboriginal language is somewhat larger than the share whose mother tongue is an Aboriginal language. In 2006, 22% of Aboriginal females said they could converse in an Aboriginal language, whereas 19% reported one of these languages as their mother tongue (the language they first learned in childhood and still understand). This indicates that some Aboriginal women and girls may be learning Aboriginal languages as a second language.

This trend is also evident in each of the Aboriginal groups. While 25% of First Nations women and girls reported having an Aboriginal mother tongue, 29% reported knowledge of, or the ability to converse in, an Aboriginal language. For Inuit, these figures were 65% and 70%. For Métis, they were 3% and 4%.

Findings from the 2006 Aboriginal Peoples Survey indicated that Aboriginal languages are important to Aboriginal women. In fact, 59% of Aboriginal women 15 years and over reported that learning, relearning or maintaining their Aboriginal language was very or somewhat important. Among Inuit women, 86% reported that keeping, learning or re-learning an Aboriginal language was very or somewhat important, as did 67% of First Nations women living off reserve, and 50% of Métis women.

Older women more likely to speak an Aboriginal language

Older women were more likely than their younger counterparts to be able to speak an Aboriginal language. In 2006, 35% of Aboriginal women aged 65 and over reported they could speak an Aboriginal language, compared to 18% of those under the age of 25 years.

This pattern was also observed when looking at each Aboriginal group separately; half (50%) of First Nations women 65 years and over could speak an Aboriginal language compared to 22% of those under the age of 25. One in ten (10%) senior Métis women could speak an Aboriginal language compared to 2% of those under the age of 25. The difference was less striking for Inuit-while 74% of Inuit women 65 years and over could speak an Aboriginal language, 68% of those under the age of 25 years reported knowledge of an Aboriginal language (Chart 5).

Chart 5 Aboriginal women and girls by knowledge of Aboriginal language, by group and age, Canada, 2006

Higher proportions speak Aboriginal languages on reserve and in the North

There are also differences in the ability to speak an Aboriginal language depending on where women live. In 2006, approximately half (51%) of First Nations women living on reserve reported that they were able to speak an Aboriginal language, as compared to 12% of First Nations women living off reserve.

For Inuit women, 84% had knowledge of the Inuit language in Inuit Nunangat, compared to 18% of those living outside of Inuit Nunangat. In Nunavik, 99% could speak the Inuit language, compared to 91% in Nunavut, 28% in Nunatsiavut and 22% in the Inuvialuit region.

Among Métis women, 4% had knowledge of an Aboriginal language. This proportion was slightly higher for those living in rural areas with 6%.

Factors in Aboriginal language retention

A recent study of young First Nations children living off reserve (those under 6 years old) revealed that the strongest predictor that a child will be able to speak an Aboriginal language is daily exposure to Aboriginal languages at home, holding all other characteristics constant. The odds of understanding an Aboriginal language for young off-reserve First Nations children who were exposed to an Aboriginal language on a daily basis at home were 6.6 times the odds for children who were not.

This research finding was consistent with previous work, which found that the decline in Aboriginal mother tongue transmission from parents to children is informed first and foremost by home use. 'The ever-diminishing use of Aboriginal languages as 'major home languages' reduces the chances of younger people acquiring their traditional language as a mother tongue.'

The previous research also found that the Aboriginal mother tongue transmission from parents to children was linked to the life cycle; most notably for women. Using a cohort analysis of census data, the study showed that 'the most pronounced decline in home use of Aboriginal languages occurred among female youth from the ages of 20 to 24 in 1981 to ages 35 to 39 in 1996.' The study notes that this is significant given that it is this period (from age 20 to 39 years) in the life cycle when women tend to leave the home, enter the labour force, marry, and bring up young children.

Aboriginal women are generally less likely than their non-Aboriginal counterparts to be part of the paid work force. According to the 2006 Census, 51.1% of Aboriginal women aged 15 and over were employed, compared with 57.7% of non-Aboriginal women. Aboriginal women were also less likely than their male counterparts, 51.1% versus 56.5%, to be employed (Table 9).

Table 9 Labour force indicators and median income, population aged 15 years and over, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2006

In 2006, 60.0% of Métis women were employed, slightly higher than the figure for the non-Aboriginal female population. About half (49.1%) of Inuit women, and 46.1% of First Nations women, were employed (Table 9).

As with the overall population, Aboriginal women aged 25 to 54 are more likely to be employed than both their younger and older counterparts. In 2006, 62.4% of Aboriginal women between 25 and 54 years were employed, as compared to 40.0% of women aged 15 to 24 years and 28.5% of women 55 years and over. This same pattern can be observed among Métis, Inuit and First Nations women (data not shown).

In each age group, Aboriginal women were less likely to be employed than non-Aboriginal women. The gap between the employment rates of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women was particularly wide in the 15 to 24 age group in which 40.0% of Aboriginal women, versus 58.4% of non-Aboriginal women, were employed (data not shown).

Among those in the core working age group (25 to 54 years) in each of the three Aboriginal groups, women were less likely to be employed than men. In 2006, 61.5% of First Nations women living off-reserve were employed compared to 72.4% of their male counterparts. Similarly, 70.4% of Métis women were employed compared to 79.2% of Métis men. However, the gap in employment rates between men and women among First Nations people living on reserve and Inuit were less pronounced; 61.0% of Inuit women were employed, compared to 61.2% of Inuit men. Among First Nations people living on reserve, the employment rates of women (51.6%) and men (51.9%) were similar (data not shown).

Sales and service most common occupation

Generally speaking, Canadian women in the labour force continue to be concentrated in occupations traditionally held by women. In 2006, 37% of all Aboriginal women employed between January 1, 2005 and May 16, 2006 reported working in sales or service, and 23% reported administrative jobs. Aboriginal women were more than twice as likely to report working in these occupations as Aboriginal men, only 27% of whom reported employment in these sectors. The proportion of Aboriginal women who worked in these sectors (60%) was slightly higher than the proportion of non-Aboriginal women (56%). The high proportion of women reporting employment in sales and service or administrative occupations was observed across all Aboriginal groups (58% of First Nations women, 61% of Métis women and 60% of Inuit women) (Table 10).

Higher proportions of First Nations women living on reserve and Inuit women reported employment in 'social science, education, government service and religious occupations' compared to non-Aboriginal women. In 2006, 21% of Inuit women and 24% of First Nations women living on reserve reported employment in these occupations, compared to 12% of their non-Aboriginal counterparts.

Aboriginal women were also about as likely as both their non-Aboriginal counterparts and Aboriginal men to be employed in management occupations. In 2006, 6% of Aboriginal women reported having managerial positions, whereas the figure was 7% for Aboriginal men and 8% for non-Aboriginal women. The proportion of First Nations, Métis and Inuit women reporting management occupations was the same for each group (6%).

Table 10 Occupational distribution of experienced labour force aged 15 years and over, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2006

High unemployment rates

Unemployment rates for Aboriginal women were twice as high as those of their non-Aboriginal counterparts. In 2006, 13.5% of Aboriginal women were unemployed, compared with a rate of 6.4% for non-Aboriginal women. The unemployment rate among Aboriginal women, though, was lower than that experienced by Aboriginal men, 16.1% of whom were unemployed that year (to be considered unemployed, a person must be without paid work or self-employment work and be available for work or looking for work or be on a temporary lay-off or have arrangements to start a new job within four weeks).

As with the overall population, unemployment rates among Aboriginal women were highest for young adults. In 2006, the unemployment rate for Aboriginal women aged 15 to 24 was 20.1%, compared with 12.1% of those aged 25 to 54. This pattern held for the three Aboriginal groups. Comparing young women (15 to 24 years) to those aged 25 to 54, the unemployment rates for Inuit were 23.1% and 15.1% respectively; for First Nations women 25.4% and 14.5%; and for Métis women 13.9% and 8.2%.

Unemployment rates differed depending on where Aboriginal women lived. Among First Nations women, those living on reserve experienced the highest unemployment rate (20.6%), while the unemployment rate for First Nations women not living on reserve was 13.8%. Inuit women living in Inuit Nunangat had an unemployment rate of 17.5%, compared to 14.1% for those living outside of Inuit Nunangat. For all Métis women, the unemployment rate was 9.5% in 2006; in rural areas it was 10.4%.

Start of the text box

Sharper decrease in employment for Aboriginal people during labour market downturn

Research has shown that prior to the economic downturn that started in 2008, Aboriginal people had lower employment rates when compared to the non-Aboriginal population. When the labour market downturn began between 2008 and 2009, Labour Force Survey (LFS) data revealed that Aboriginal people experienced sharper declines in employment rates than non-Aboriginal people.

According to the LFS, between 2008 and 2009, employment rates fell by 3.2 percentage points among Aboriginal people and 1.9 percentage points among non-Aboriginal people. As a result, the already existing gap between the groups widened.

At the same time, the unemployment rate rose more sharply for Aboriginal than non-Aboriginal people. In 2009, the unemployment rate for Aboriginal people reached 13.9%, up from 10.4% in 2008. In comparison, 8.1% of non-Aboriginal people were unemployed in 2009, up from 6.0% the previous year.

End of the text box

Unemployment rates decrease with higher levels of education

Generally speaking, the gap between the unemployment rates of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women is smaller among those with higher levels of education. In 2006, for those women aged 25 to 54 without high school completion, the unemployment rate was 20.5% for Aboriginal women and 9.2% for non-Aboriginal women, a gap of 11.3 percentage points. For those with university degrees, the unemployment rate was 5.8% for Aboriginal women and 4.6% for non-Aboriginal women, a gap of 1.2 percentage points.

Unemployment rates for Aboriginal women remain higher than non-Aboriginal women regardless of education level, with the exceptions of Métis and Inuit women with university degrees. In 2006, the unemployment rates of Métis and Inuit women with university degrees were about the same as that for non-Aboriginal women. Métis women with university degrees had an unemployment rate of 4.2%, compared to 4.6% of their non-Aboriginal counterparts (Chart 6). The unemployment rate for Inuit women was slightly higher at 5.4%. It is important to note that the proportion of women with university degrees is quite different among these groups (11% of Métis women and 5% of Inuit women compared to 26% of non-Aboriginal women).

Chart 6 Unemployment rates by highest level of schooling, women aged 25 to 54, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2006

Some research has found that those with higher levels of education were less affected by the recent economic downturn than those with lower levels of education. According to the Labour Force Survey between 2008 and 2009, Aboriginal people with less than a high school diploma as well as those with some postsecondary education had larger increases in their unemployment rates than Aboriginal people who had completed postsecondary education.

Inuit harvesting activities

When looking at labour force statistics, it is important to keep in mind that these data do not always reflect the complex work situation of Aboriginal people, especially those living in rural or remote communities. Official unemployment rates, for example, may not always reflect work that is carried out for which no payment is received. Work of this type is common in many Aboriginal communities where large amounts of time are spent fishing, trapping, hunting, sewing, and caring for children of friends and family members. Also, there is much seasonal work in many Aboriginal communities.

According to the 2006 Aboriginal Peoples Survey (APS), the majority of Inuit women aged 15 years and over (62%) in Inuit Nunangat reported harvesting country foods such as seals, whale, caribou, fish and berries. Within Inuit Nunangat, 65% of Inuit lived in homes where at least half of the meat and fish consumed was country food, and 59% of Inuit children ate wild meat at least 3 days per week. A strong tradition of food sharing is reflected in the APS data. The majority of Inuit adults in each of the four Inuit regions reported living in homes where country food was shared with people in other households.

For more information about different types of unpaid work, please see the forthcoming chapter 'Families and unpaid work'.

The incomes of Aboriginal women aged 15 years and over in Canada tend to be relatively low. In 2005, the median income of Aboriginal women was $15,654, about $5,000 less than the figure for non-Aboriginal women, who had a median income of $20,640 that year. The median income of Aboriginal women was also about $3,000 less than that of Aboriginal men, for whom the figure was $18,714 (Table 9).

First Nations women had a median income at $14,490. For Inuit women, the median income was $16,599 and for Métis women, $17,520 (Table 9). The income of Aboriginal women varies depending on their area of residence. For First Nations women, those living on reserve had a median income of $12,466 while the median income for all First Nations women living off reserve was $16,149. For Métis women living in rural areas, the median income was $16,144. Median income for Inuit women living in Inuit Nunangat ($17,141) was higher than for Inuit women living outside of Inuit Nunangat ($15,383). It is important to note that the cost of living in Inuit Nunangat is relatively high compared to southern Canada., For example, in December 2004, a 5 lb bag of potatoes could be purchased for $2.49 in Ottawa, Ontario. The cost for the same item in Clyde River, Nunavut was $7.49.

Start of the text box

Income gap

Recent research measuring the income gap between Aboriginal people and the rest of Canada found that at the Master's or Bachelor's degree levels, Aboriginal people had essentially the same median incomes as non-Aboriginal people in 2006. 'Perhaps most startling, Aboriginal women who have obtained at least a Bachelor's degree actually have higher median incomes than non-Aboriginal Canadian women with equivalent education. This is the only segment of Aboriginal society that exceeds the median incomes of their non-Aboriginal counterparts.' The study also found that below the Bachelor's degree level, Aboriginal people consistently made far less than non-Aboriginal people with the same education level.

End of the text box

The largest share of income of Aboriginal women aged 15 years and over comes from employment sources. In 2005, 70% of all the income of Aboriginal women came from employment income.

One-quarter of Aboriginal women's income came from government transfer payments, such as child benefits and old age security pensions and guaranteed income supplements. In 2005, 9% of all income of Aboriginal women came from child benefits. This figure was 12% for First Nations women, 11% for Inuit women, 5% for Métis women, and 3% for non-Aboriginal women. Child benefits refer to payments received under the Canada Child Tax Benefit program during calendar year 2005 by parents with dependent children under 18 years of age.

Below the low income cut-off (LICO)

It should be noted that the calculations of the low income before tax cut-offs (LICO-BT) do not include people living on Indian reserves, as well as those living in the territories. This means that Inuit who live in the territories (57% of all Inuit women) are missing from the figures for Inuit living below the LICO-BT. Also missing are First Nations people living on reserve (41% of the total female First Nations population).

Aboriginal women aged 15 years and over experienced relatively high rates of low income. In 2005, 30% of all Aboriginal females were classified as living in a household with incomes below Statistics Canada's LICO-BT. This was almost double the figure for non-Aboriginal women, 16% of whom had low incomes that year. The share of Aboriginal women with low incomes was also higher than that of Aboriginal men (26%).

In 2005, 37% First Nations females (off-reserve) were living below the LICO-BT, while the figures were 23% among Métis and Inuit females respectively.

In 2006, 35% of Aboriginal women aged 25 and over had not graduated from high school, whereas the figure was 20% among non-Aboriginal women and 39% among Aboriginal men (Table 11).

More than half of Inuit women aged 25 and over had less than high school (53%), compared to 39% of First Nations women and 27% of Métis women. The percentages of women without high school decreased from 2001 to 2006 for First Nations women (from 48% to 39%) and Métis women (from 40% to 27%). For Inuit, the percentage of women aged 25 and over without high school decreased from 57% in 2001 to 53% in 2006.

When asked why they had not completed elementary or secondary school in the 2006 Aboriginal Peoples Survey, about one in five (23%) Aboriginal women aged 15 to 34 reported 'pregnancy or to take care of children.' About 17% reported 'boredom'. In contrast, about one quarter (26%) of young Aboriginal men cited 'wanted to work' as the reason for leaving school early and 17% said that they were 'bored' with school.

The Youth in Transition Survey found similar results; among 18- to 20- year olds in the total Canadian population 'dissatisfaction with school or other school-related problems' was cited more often as the primary reason for leaving. But some dropouts leave for other primary reasons; work for young men and pregnancy and child rearing for young women.'

Table 11 Highest level of educational attainment of women aged 15 years and over, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2006

Start of the text box

Youth aged 15- to 19-year-olds not in school: Comparing internationally

In 2006, 29% of Aboriginal teenagers aged 15 to 19 were no longer pursuing a formal education (29% of Aboriginal teen boys and 28% of Aboriginal teen girls). This was higher than the average of their non-Aboriginal counterparts (19%) in Canada. Compared with the youth populations of other countries (Indigenous and non-Indigenous combined), the percentage of Aboriginal 15- to 19-year olds not in education in Canada was almost double the average of 15% across the 31 member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in 2008.,

End of the text box

Aboriginal women less likely to have a university degree

There is a gap between the proportions of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal women with university degrees. In 2006, 9% of Aboriginal women aged 25 and over had a university degree, compared with 20% of their non-Aboriginal counterparts (Table 11).

Aboriginal women were slightly more likely to have a university degree than Aboriginal men, 6% of whom had completed university. Indeed, women made up 63% of Aboriginal people aged 25 and over with a university degree in 2006. This gender difference was not observed in the non-Aboriginal population; in 2006, women made up 50% of those aged 25 and over with a university degree.

In 2006, among women aged 25 years and over, 9% of Métis women had a university degree, as did 8% of First Nations women and 5% of Inuit women (Table 11).

At the same time, Aboriginal women were as likely as other women to have a diploma or certificate from a community college. In 2006, 21% of Aboriginal women aged 25 and over were community college graduates, while the figure was 20% among non-Aboriginal women in this age range. Aboriginal women were also more likely than Aboriginal men, 21% versus 14%, to have a community college certificate or diploma.

Almost one in four (23%) Métis women over the age of 25 had a diploma or certificate from a community college, compared to 19% of First Nations women and 18% of Inuit women (Table 11).

The Aboriginal Peoples Survey asked respondents who had taken some education, but who were not currently pursuing postsecondary studies, about the reasons why they had not finished their studies. Of First Nations women living off reserve, Métis women and Inuit women who had started, but had not completed a postsecondary program, 15% reported 'financial reasons' as the reason they had not finished their postsecondary schooling, while 14% 'wanted to work'. About 11% reported that they had to 'care for their own child or pregnancy' as the reason for not completing their postsecondary schooling, and 13% reported 'other family responsibilities.' About 12% reported that they had 'lost interest'.

More Aboriginal women achieving postsecondary qualifications

Higher percentages of Aboriginal women between the ages of 25 and 54 reported completed postsecondary education between 2001 and 2006. In 2006, 47% of Aboriginal women between 25 and 54 had completed postsecondary school, up from 41% in 2001. This higher rate of completed postsecondary schooling among women was seen for First Nations, Métis and Inuit women.

While the percentage of Aboriginal women who had completed postsecondary schooling has increased, the gap between the percentages of Aboriginal women and non-Aboriginal women with postsecondary schooling remained. This is because the percentage of non-Aboriginal women with postsecondary education also increased in this time period (Chart 7).

Chart 7 Percentage of women aged 25 to 54 with postsecondary qualifications, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2001 and 2006

The residential school system operated across Canada between 1830 and the 1990s, peaking in 1931 when 80 residential schools were in operation. Residential schools were largely operated by churches in partnership with the federal government.

The 2006 Aboriginal Peoples Survey (APS) asked respondents: Were you ever a student at a federal residential school or industrial school? They were also asked if they had any family members who were ever students at residential schools.

Among First Nations women living off reserve, 12% of those over the 25 years and over had attended residential school. Older First Nations women were more likely to have attended residential school; in 2006 about one in five First Nations women living off reserve 55 years of age and over had attended a residential school.

There is evidence that higher proportions of First Nations women living on reserve had attended residential school. The 2002/2003 Regional Health Survey found that on-reserve, 20% of First Nations women 18 years and over had attended a residential school.

In 2006, 19% of Inuit women 25 years and over reported attending residential school. Inuit women between the ages of 45 and 54 were the most likely to have attended residential schools -40% of those 45 to 54 years and 31% of those 55 to 64 years reported attending a residential school.

Relatively few Métis women 25 years and over (3%) reported having attended residential school.

The last residential school for Aboriginal children in Canada closed in the 1990s but the impacts will affect many generations of First Nations peoples, their children and their communities., Indeed of those 15 years and over, 34% of First Nations women living off reserve, 15% of Métis women and 21% of Inuit women reported having a parent or grandparent who attended residential school. It should be noted that many women reported that they did not know if their parents or grandparents had attended residential school (21% of First Nations women living off reserve, 21% of Inuit women and 27% of Métis women). Therefore, it is possible that the proportion with a parent or grandparent who had attended residential school is higher.

Previous studies have shown that higher proportions of Aboriginal women experience spousal violence compared to non-Aboriginal women.,, Higher rates of spousal violence among Aboriginal women may be due at least in part to the presence of certain risk factors. Aboriginal women are younger than the total Canadian population, they have lower average incomes, they have higher rates of alcohol abuse and are more likely to live in common-law unions. Other factors that have been linked to violence in Aboriginal communities include the breakdown of family life resulting from residential school experience, and the impact of colonization on traditional values and culture.

Through the General Social Survey (GSS) it is possible to examine spousal violence rates among Aboriginal people. The GSS findings presented here are only for Aboriginal people living in the ten provinces. It is important to note that most Inuit women live in the territories (in 2006 about 57% of Inuit women and girls were living in the territories).

In 2009, about 15% of Aboriginal women who had a spouse or common-law partner reported that they had experienced spousal violence in the previous five years. In the case of non-Aboriginal women the proportion was 6% (Table 12).

Table 12 Self-reported spousal violence for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations, aged 15 and over, Canada, 2009

There is evidence that many Aboriginal women who are victims of spousal violence experience severe and potentially life threatening violence. In 2009, 58% of Aboriginal women who experienced spousal violence reported that they had sustained an injury compared to 41% of non-Aboriginal women. Almost half (48%) of Aboriginal women who had experienced spousal violence reported that they had been sexually assaulted, beaten, choked, or threatened with a gun or knife. A similar proportion (52%) of Aboriginal women who had been victims of spousal violence reported that there were times when they feared for their life (Table 12).

About 38% of Aboriginal women who were victims of spousal violence reported that the incident came to the attention of the police. About one-third (31%) of those who said that the police found out about the violence contacted the police themselves.

Further, about one in three (34%) Aboriginal women in a marital or common-law relationship or who have had contact with an ex-partner in the previous five years reported that they had been emotionally or financially abused by their partner. Again, this was twice the percentage of non-Aboriginal women who reported being victims of emotional or financial abuse (17%). While significantly higher percentages of Aboriginal women reported being victims of spousal violence compared to Aboriginal men, similar percentages of Aboriginal women and Aboriginal men reported being emotionally or financially abused by a spouse or partner (differences were not statistically significant).

Missing and murdered Aboriginal women

In recent years, it has come to light that many Aboriginal women in Canada have been murdered or have gone missing. For a number of reasons, these disappearances and homicides have been difficult to quantify through official statistics .

The Homicide Survey collects information on many socio-demographic characteristics of homicide victims, including Aboriginal identity when known. It is important to note that in about half of all homicides the Aboriginal identity of the victim is reported by police as unknown. For example, in 2009, police reported 610 homicides. Of these, the victim was identified as Aboriginal in 62 homicides, as non-Aboriginal in 164 homicides, and as Aboriginal identity unknown in 384 homicides (Table 13).

Given that the Aboriginal identity of many homicide victims is unknown, it is likely that data from the Homicide Survey undercount the true extent of the homicide of Aboriginal people. Other research stemming from the Sisters in Spirit initiative has suggested that the number of Aboriginal women in Canada who have been murdered or have gone missing in the past 20 years may be in the hundreds.

Table 13 Homicide victims, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2009

The data available show that Aboriginal people are more likely to be victims of homicide than non-Aboriginal people. While Aboriginal people represented about 4% of the total Canadian population in 2006 (the most recent population count available), 27% of homicide victims in 2009 (where the Aboriginal identity of the victim was known) were Aboriginal people. Among homicide victims that were reported to be Aboriginal people, 26% (16 victims) were women or girls (Table 13).

Because information about the Aboriginal identity of victims was unknown for such a large proportion of victims (63%), it was not possible to calculate a homicide rate for the Aboriginal population for 2009. However, previously released Aboriginal homicide rates have indicated that Aboriginal people are more likely to be victims of homicide than non-Aboriginal people. Between 1997 and 2000 the average homicide rate for Aboriginal people was 8.8 per 100,000 population, almost seven times higher than in the non-Aboriginal population (1.3 per 100,000 population). Between 1997 and 2000, an average of 18% of victims had an unknown Aboriginal status.

Between 1997 and 2000, the rate of homicide for Aboriginal females was 5.4 per 100,000 population, compared to 0.8 per 100,000 for non-Aboriginal victims (almost seven times higher). The rate of homicide was higher among Aboriginal male victims - 12.2 per 100,000 population compared to 1.8 for non-Aboriginal males.

For more information, please see the chapter on women and the criminal justice system.

In the 2006 Aboriginal Peoples Survey, among women 15 years and over, 50% of First Nations women living off reserve, 58% of Métis women and 48% of Inuit women self-reported that their health was either excellent or very good (Chart 8). The share of Aboriginal women describing their health in these terms was smaller than the figure for all Aboriginal men, 58% of whom described their health as excellent or very good. It was also smaller than the percentage of women in the total Canadian population who reported excellent or very good health (62%); age standardization was done to reflect to younger age structure of the Aboriginal population. Data for the total Canadian population comes from the 2007 Canadian Community Health Survey.

Chart 8 Percentage of women reporting excellent or very good health, by age group, Canada, 2006/2007

The gap between the self-perceived health ratings of Aboriginal women and the total Canadian female population widens with each age group. In 2006, the difference between the Aboriginal girls aged 15 to 19 (67%) and the total female population in the same age range (65%) who described their health as either excellent or very good was not statistically significant. In contrast, 40% of Aboriginal women aged 55 to 64 compared with 53% of all Canadian women in this age group reported their health as either excellent or very good; this is a gap of 13 percentage points. This trend is observed among all three Aboriginal groups (Chart 8).

Start of the text box

Métis women-Excerpt from 'Aboriginal Peoples Survey, 2006: An overview of the Health of the Métis population'

In 2006, more than half of Métis adults (58%) stated that their health was excellent or very good; similar ratings were observed for men and women. Métis women were more likely (57%) than men (50%) to indicate they had at least one chronic condition. They were also more likely to report two or more chronic conditions (31%) relative to men (24%).

The chronic conditions that were reported more often by Métis women than men were arthritis and/or rheumatism (24% versus 18%), asthma (17% versus 11%), and bronchitis (8% versus 5%). Métis women and men reported similar rates of high blood pressure, ulcers, diabetes and heart problems.

Between 2001 and 2006, a small but increasing gap has developed between Métis men and women in terms of unmet health care needs. In 2001, the proportion of Métis women (12%) and men (11%) with unmet health care needs was about the same. However, in 2006, the figure declined to 9% for Métis men but was unchanged for women. A similar gap was observed in the total population of Canada in 2005 (men, 10%; women, 13%).

This gap may be partly accounted for by the differing experiences women have with health care utilization compared to men. For example, other research has found that men in the total population of Canada had significantly lower wait times than women when accessing diagnostic tests.

Several reasons were provided by Métis adults to explain why they did not receive care when it was needed. The most commonly reported reasons for not receiving care included 'long wait times' (23%) and 'care not available at the time required' (12%). A smaller share of Métis reported that they didn't receive care because 'care was not available in their area' (7%) or they 'decided not to seek care' (7%). Reasons were similar for both men and women.

End of the text box

Living with chronic conditions

While most First Nations women (off reserve), Métis women and Inuit women reported their health status in generally positive terms, more than half reported a chronic health condition. In 2006, 60% of Aboriginal women aged 20 and over had been diagnosed with a chronic condition by a health professional. This compared with 52% of Aboriginal men.

The Aboriginal population structure is much younger than the non-Aboriginal population. As a result, it is necessary to age standardize these two populations when making comparisons. In 2006, 46% of the non-Aboriginal population had been diagnosed with at least one chronic condition, compared to the figures of 51% for the off-reserve First Nations population, 50% for Métis and 39% for Inuit.

Aboriginal men were less likely to have been diagnosed with chronic conditions compared to women. In 2006, 61% of First Nations women aged 20 and over living off reserve had been diagnosed by a health professional with one or more chronic conditions, compared to 53% of their male counterparts. For Métis women and men, these figures were 60% and 53%.

In 2006, 51% of Inuit women had been diagnosed by a health professional with a chronic condition, compared to 39% of Inuit men. It is possible that these relatively low percentages of diagnosis with chronic conditions are linked to the poorer access to health professionals in Inuit Nunangat, where most Inuit live.

As with the overall female population, the percentage of Aboriginal women with a chronic condition rises in the older age groups. Indeed, in 2006, 88% of First Nations women aged 65 and over living off reserve had been diagnosed by a health professional with at least one chronic health condition, as had 92% of Métis senior women and 89% of Inuit senior women (differences are not statistically significant).

Start of the text box

Inuit women-Excerpt from: 'Aboriginal Peoples Survey, 2006: Inuit Health and Social Conditions'

For adults in all age groups, Inuit were less likely to report excellent or very good health than were their counterparts in the total Canadian population. There were no differences between Inuit men and women. About 50% of Inuit adults stated that their health was excellent or very good in 2006.

Inuit in all age groups were less likely than those in the general population to have seen or talked on the phone with a medical doctor in the 12 months prior to the survey. About 56% of Inuit adults had contact with a medical doctor, compared with 79% in the general population (after standardizing for age).

In most Inuit communities, the point of first contact with the medical system was with a nurse. In the year prior to the survey, 7 in 10 Inuit adults living in Inuit communities had contact with a nurse.

About 10% of Inuit adults in Inuit Nunangat stated there was a time they required health care but did not receive it, about the same percentage as for Inuit living outside Inuit Nunangat. However, reasons for not receiving care were different. For Inuit outside Inuit Nunangat, the most frequent reason given was long wait times. In Inuit Nunangat, this was also one of the most frequent responses, although a similar percentage of respondents also cited the lack of availability of care in the area, or at the time required.

Some Inuit are required to leave their communities for extended periods to receive health care. About 5% of Inuit adults in Inuit Nunangat stated there had been a time during the year before the survey when they had been temporarily away from their home for one month or more due to illness.

About 58% of Inuit adults smoked on a daily basis, and another 8% smoked occasionally. The daily rate was over three times the 17% among all adults in Canada, according to the 2005 Canadian Community Health Survey.

End of the text box

Arthritis or rheumatism the most common chronic condition among Aboriginal women

As with the overall population, arthritis or rheumatism was the most common chronic condition diagnosed among Aboriginal women. Among each Aboriginal group (First Nations women living off reserve, Métis and Inuit women), the order in prevalence of specific chronic conditions was the same (arthritis and rheumatism was most common, followed by high blood pressure and asthma (Table 14).

Table 14 Unadjusted and age-standardized prevalence of diagnosed chronic conditions for women aged 20 years and over, by Aboriginal identity, Canada, 2006/2007

In 2006, 28% of First Nations women aged 20 and over living off reserve had been diagnosed with arthritis or rheumatism. About 18% had high blood pressure, 16% had asthma, 15% had stomach problems or intestinal ulcers, and 10% had diabetes.

Among Métis women aged 20 and over, arthritis and rheumatism was the most commonly diagnosed chronic condition (27%). This was followed by high blood pressure (17%), asthma (16%), stomach problems or intestinal ulcers (14%), heart problems (7%) and diabetes (7%).

In 2006, nearly one-fifth (19%) of Inuit women had been diagnosed with arthritis or rheumatism while 14% had been diagnosed with high blood pressure. One in ten Inuit women were also diagnosed with asthma (10%) and stomach problems or ulcers (10%).

There is higher prevalence of these chronic conditions (arthritis/rheumatism, high blood pressure, asthma, heart conditions, diabetes) among Aboriginal women compared to women in the overall population. For example, while 1 in 5 Canadian women 20 years and over have been diagnosed with arthritis/rheumatism, about 1 in 3 First Nations women living off reserve and Métis women are living with this chronic condition (age standardized to the total Canadian age structure). The only exception is high blood pressure/hypertension where the differences in prevalence among Inuit women and all Canadian women were not statistically significant (Table 14).

Contact with health care professionals

As with the overall population, Aboriginal women were generally more likely than their male counterparts to have contact with health professionals. In 2006, 77% of Aboriginal women (excluding First Nations women living on reserve) reported that they had seen or talked to a family doctor or general practitioner in the 12 months prior to the survey, whereas 62% of Aboriginal men had done so (excluding First Nations men living on reserve).

Roughly equal proportions of senior men and women in the off-reserve First Nations population, in the Inuit population and in the Métis population had contact with a family doctor or general practitioner in the previous year. Among younger people, however, women were more likely to have had contact with a doctor. In 2006, among those aged 15 to 24 years, 71% of First Nations women living off reserve had seen or talked to a family doctor compared to 47% of First Nations men living off reserve. Among Métis aged 15 to 24 years, 69% of women and 47% of men had contact with a family doctor. While 55% of Inuit women between 15 and 24 years had seen or talked to a family doctor, the same was true of 38% of Inuit men in the same age group (Table 15).

Table 15 Percentage population aged 15 years and over, who had contact with a family doctor or general practitioner in the previous 12 months, by Aboriginal identity and age group, Canada, 2006

Where Aboriginal women live has an impact on their contact with health professionals. For example, the 2006 Aboriginal Peoples Survey found that 46% of Inuit women living in Inuit Nunangat had seen or talked on the telephone with a family doctor or general practitioner, compared with 79% of First Nations women not living on reserve and 78% of Métis women. In contrast, Inuit women living in Inuit Nunangat were much more likely to have had contact with nurses as opposed to other types of health professionals. These differences are likely due to the type of health care professionals available to people living in Inuit Nunangat.

Definition

Age standardization - A statistical technique that removes the effects of differences in the age structure of populations, allowing populations with different age structures to be compared to each other. Differences between populations may be exaggerated or obscured when age standardization is not undertaken.

Aboriginal people - In this report, refers to those persons who reported identifying with at least one Aboriginal group, that is, North American Indian, Métis or Inuit, and/or those who reported being a Treaty Indian or a Registered Indian, as defined by the Indian Act of Canada, and/or those who reported they were members of an Indian band or First Nation.

First Nations - The term 'First Nations' is used throughout the article to refer to people who identified as North American Indian. 'A term that came into common usage in the 1970s to replace the word 'Indian', which some people found offensive. Although the term First Nation is widely used, no legal definition of it exists. Among its uses, the term 'First Nations peoples' refers to the Indian peoples in Canada, both Status and non-Status. Some Indian peoples have also adopted the term 'First Nation' to replace the word 'band' in the name of their community.

Indian or North American Indian - See First Nations

- The Indian Act is Canadian federal legislation, first passed in 1876, that sets out certain federal government obligations, and regulates the management of Indian reserve lands.

Inuit - Inuit means "people" in the Inuit language. Most Inuit live in the Inuvialuit region of Northwest Territories, Nunavut, Nunavik in Northern Quebec and Nunatsiavut in Labrador. Inuk is the singular form of the word Inuit (i.e. 'a person')

Inuit Nunangat - Inuit Nunangat is the homeland of Inuit of Canada. It includes communities in Nunatsiavut (Northern coastal Labrador), Nunavik (Northern Quebec), the territory of Nunavut and the Inuvialuit region (Northwest Territories). These regions collectively encompass the area traditionally used and occupied by Inuit in Canada.

Life expectancy - Life expectancy is the average number of years of life remaining at birth or at another age.

- The Métis are people of mixed North American Indian or Inuit and European ancestry who identify themselves as Métis, as distinct from North American Indian people, Inuit or non-Aboriginal people. The Métis have a unique culture that draws on their diverse ancestral origins, such as Scottish, French, Ojibway and Cree.

Non-Status Indian - A non-Status Indian is a person who identifies as First Nations or North American Indian but is not registered under the Indian Act.

Registered Indian - A Status or Registered Indian is a person who is registered under the Indian Act. The act sets out the requirements for determining who is a Status Indian.

Status Indian - A Status or Registered Indian is a person who is registered under the Indian Act. The act sets out the requirements for determining who is a Status Indian.

Treaty Indian - A Treaty Indian is a Status or Registered Indian who belongs to a First Nation that signed a treaty with the Crown.

Notes

1. It was possible to report both single and multiple responses to the Aboriginal identity question. Census data used in this paper for First Nations (North American Indian), Métis and Inuit are based on the single responses only. Aboriginal Peoples Survey and Aboriginal Children's Survey data represent a combination of both the single and multiple Aboriginal identity populations. As an example, the Métis data findings include those who were identified as Métis only and those identified as Métis in combination with another Aboriginal group (for example, Métis and First Nations [North American Indian]).

2. When comparisons are made to 1996, 2006 data have been adjusted to account for the addition of some Indian reserves and settlements that were incompletely enumerated in 1996. That is, only those Indian reserves that were enumerated in both census years (2006 and 1996) were included.

3. Guimond, É. 2003. 'Fuzzy Definitions and Population Explosions: Changing Identities of Aboriginal Groups in Canada.' Not Strangers in These Parts: Urban Aboriginal Peoples. D. Newhouse and E. Peters (eds.). Policy Research Initiative: 35-49.

4. The number of Registered Indians recorded by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada's Indian Register differs from Statistics Canada's census counts of Registered Indians. These two data sources do not count Registered Indians in the same way or for the same purpose. The Indian Register is an administrative database, while the census is a statistical survey. For more information, see '2006 Census: A decade of comparable data on Aboriginal Peoples'.

5. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. 2010. Existing Indian Act Provisions. (accessed March 29, 2011).

6. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. 2011. History of Bill C-3, (accessed March 29 2011).

7. A relatively small proportion (about 1%) of women and girls in Nunavut belonged to the other Aboriginal groups (First Nations and Métis).

8. A census metropolitan area (CMA) is an area consisting of one or more neighbouring municipalities situated around a major core area. A census metropolitan area must have a total population of at least 100,000 of which 50,000 or more live in the core.

9. A census agglomeration (CA) is formed by one or more adjacent municipalities centered on a large core. A CA must have a core population of at least 10,000.

10. For a definition of 'rural' (accessed May 27, 2011).

11. Wilkins, R., S. Uppal, P. Finès, S. Senécal, É. Guimond and R. Dion. March 2008. 'Life expectancy in the Inuit-inhabited areas of Canada, 1989 to 2003.' Health Reports Volume 19, no. 1. (Statistics Canada catalogue no. 82-003-X), p. 7-20.

12. Tjepkema, M., R. Wilkins, S. Senécal, É. Guimond, and C. Penney. 'December 2009. Mortality of Métis and Registered Indian adults in Canada: An 11-year follow-up study.' Health Reports Volume 20, no. 4. (Statistics Canada catalogue no. 82-003-X).

13. Statistics Canada. June 2005. Projections of the Aboriginal populations, Canada, provinces and territories: 2001 to 2017. (Statistics Canada catalogue no. 91-547-XIE).

14. Big Eagle, C. and É. Guimond. 2009. 'Contributions that Count: First Nations Women and Demography.' Restoring Balance: First Nations Women, Community, and Culture. G. Guthrie Valaskakis, M. Dion Stout, and É. Guimond (eds.).

15. O'Donnell, V. November 2008. 'Selected findings of the Aboriginal Children's Survey 2006: Family and Community', Canadian Social Trends, no. 86 (Statistics Canada catalogue no. 11-008-XWE).

16. Guèvremont, A. June 2010. The Early Learning Experiences of Inuit, Métis and Off-reserve First Nations Children in Canada. (Statistics Canada catalogue no. 89-644-XWE).

17. When comparisons are made to 1996, 2006 data have been adjusted to account for the addition of some Indian reserves and settlements that were incompletely enumerated in 1996. That is, only those Indian reserves that were enumerated in both census years (2006 and 1996) were included.

18. The Nunavut Housing Needs Survey used the National Occupation Standard (NOS) to determine levels of crowding; the NOS determines the number of bedrooms needed, taking into consideration the relationships of persons in the household, and compares bedrooms needed to the actual number of bedrooms in a dwelling.

19. Statistics Canada. October 2010. 'An analysis of the housing needs in Nunavut: Nunavut Housing Needs Survey 2009/2010'. A working paper prepared by Income Statistics Division, Statistics Canada for the Nunavut Housing Corporation.

20. There are five main Inuit language dialects spoken throughout Canada: Inuvialuktun, Inuinnaqtun, and three different dialects of Inuktitut. In this article, these dialects are collectively known as the Inuit language.

21. Norris, M. March 2008. 'Voices of Aboriginal Youth Today: Keeping Aboriginal Languages Alive for Future Generations.' Horizons Policy Research Initiative. Volume 10, no. 1. p. 60-67.

22. The LFS includes Aboriginal people living in the provinces and excludes those who live in reserve communities.

23. Includes those who only graduated high school.

24. Median income is calculated from the unrounded number of individuals with income in that group. This concept and procedure applies to total income, employment income, wages and salaries, and any other component of income. The median income marks the midpoint; in other words, it is the point where the incomes of half of individuals fall below the median, and half are above the median.

25. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. 2008. 'Revised Northern Food Basket'. (accessed May 16, 2011)

26. Bernard, N. 2006. 'Nunavik Comparative Price Index 2006'. (accessed May 26, 2011)

27. Wilson, D. and D. Macdonald. April 2010. The Income Gap Between Aboriginal Peoples and the Rest of Canada. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.

28. The low income before tax cut-off (LICO-BT) is an income threshold, determined by analysing family expenditure data, below which families will devote a larger share of income to the necessities of food, shelter and clothing than the average family would. It is not a measure of poverty.

29. When comparisons are made to 2001, 2006 data have been adjusted to account for the addition of some Indian reserves and settlements that were incompletely enumerated in 2001. That is, only those Indian reserves that were enumerated in both census years (2006 and 2001) were included.

30. The Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) member countries are: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Chile, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Korea, Luxembourg, Mexico, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, the Slovak Republic, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

31. When comparisons are made to 2001, 2006 data have been adjusted to account for the addition of some Indian reserves and settlements that were incompletely enumerated in 2001. That is, only those Indian reserves that were enumerated in both census years (2006 and 2001) were included.

32. Aboriginal Healing Foundation. 2002. The Healing Has Begun: An Operational Update from the Aboriginal Healing Foundation.

33. First Nations Centre at the National Health Aboriginal Organization, on behalf of the First Nations Information Governance Centre. June 2006. First Nations Regional Longitudinal Health Survey (RHS) 2002/2003: Report on Selected Indicators by Gender. (accessed May 27, 2011).

34. Dion Stout, M. and G. Kipling, on behalf of The Aboriginal Healing Foundation. 2003. Aboriginal People, Resilience and the Residential School Legacy. (accessed May 27, 2011).

35. Legacy of Hope Foundation. 2008. 'Intergenerational impacts' Where are the Children-Healing of the legacy of the residential schools (Accessed June 28, 2011).

36. Brzozowski, J., A. Taylor-Butts and S.Johnson. June 2006. 'Victimization and Offending among the Aboriginal population in Canada'. Juristat. Volume 26, no. 3. (Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-XIE).

37. Perreault, S. March 2011. Violent Victimization of Aboriginal people in the Canadian provinces, 2009. Juristat. Volume 31, no. 1. (Statistics Canada catalogue no. 85-002-X).

38. The question which was used to identify the Aboriginal population in the 2009 victimization survey is different than that used in 2004 and 1999. The 2009 results for the Aboriginal population should not, therefore, be directly compared with those from previous victimization surveys. Households in the ten provinces were selected by a telephone sampling method called Random Digit Dialling (RDD). Households without telephones or with only cellular phone service were excluded. It should be noted that the proportion of households with a landline telephone may be relatively low on some Indian reserves and settlements.

39. Information on victimization in the territories was collected using a different methodology and results will be published at a later date.

40. 'E' indicates that this estimate should be used with caution. See the Table 12 for more details.

41. Includes legally married, common-law and same-sex spouses, those separated from such unions and divorced spouses.

42. Department of Justice Canada. 2010. "Government of Canada takes concrete action regarding missing and murdered Aboriginal women". News release. Ottawa, Canada. (accessed February 9, 2011).

43. Native Women's Association of Canada. 2010. "Sisters in Spirit: 2010 Research Findings". (accessed on February 9, 2011).

44. Brzozowski, J., A. Taylor-Butts and S. Johnson. June 2006. 'Victimization and Offending among the Aboriginal population in Canada'. Juristat. Volume 26, no. 3. (Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 85-002-XIE).

45. Garner, R., G. Carrière and C. Sanmartin. June 2010. The Health of First Nations Living Off-reserve, Inuit, and Métis Adults in Canada : The Impact of Socio-economic Status on Inequalities in Health. (Statistics Canada catalogue no. 82-622-X).

46. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada Communications Branch. 2002. Words First - An Evolving Terminology Relating to Aboriginal Peoples of Canada.