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Class Activity: The War in 45 Photographs

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Class Activity: The War in 45 Photographs

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Class Work: Scroll through this visual history from WWI. As you look through the photographs, select 2 images to discuss in class. Follow the following instructions:
1) Spend a few minutes making observations and taking notes on what you notice. Look at the background/foreground and any details that are apparent as you look deeply at the picture.
2) Read the caption under the photograph
3) Answer: What strikes you about this photograph? What story does it tell about war?
4) What is the mood/tone of the photograph?
5) How does this photograph help you understand some part of the war?

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A century ago, an assassin, a Serbian nationalist, killed the heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary as he visited Sarajevo. This act was the catalyst for a massive conflict that lasted four years. More than 65 million soldiers were mobilized by more than 30 nations, with battles taking place around the world. Industrialization brought modern weapons, machinery, and tactics to warfare, vastly increasing the killing power of armies. Battlefield conditions were horrific, typified by the chaotic, cratered hellscape of the Western Front, where soldiers in muddy trenches faced bullets, bombs, gas, bayonet charges, and more. On this 100-year anniversary, I've gathered photographs of the Great War from dozens of collections, some digitized for the first time, to try to tell the story of the conflict, those caught up in it, and how much it affected the world. This entry is part 1 of a 10-part series on World War I. In this installment, I hope to give a glimpse of the war's beginnings, and a preview of what is to come.

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A century ago, in the summer of 1914, a series of events set off an unprecedented global conflict that ultimately claimed the lives of more than 16 million people, dramatically redrew the maps of Europe, and set the stage for the 20th Century.

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In Class: In pairs, brainstorm what you know about WWI. Share out to the whole class and categorize the information into: social, political, technological, etc.

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Militarists increasingly viewed their nations' armed forces as above criticism. And many greatly admired such military values as self-sacrifice, discipline, and obedience. War was increasingly seen as an adventure, an opportunity to fight and even die for one's country. Karl Pearson, a British writer at the time, claimed that wars are necessary. He maintained that nations could establish their rightful position in the world "by contest, chiefly by way of war with inferior races, and with equal races by the struggle for trade routes and for the sources of raw materials and food supply."

Others held similar views. Count Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, the chancellor of Germany at the turn of the twentieth century, claimed that "the old saying still holds good that the weak will be the prey of the strong. When a people will not or cannot continue to spend enough on armaments to be able to make its way in the world, then it falls back into the second rank."

Militarism shaped the way people used words like patriot and hero. Patriots were no longer defined only by a love of country but also by an eagerness to fight for that country. The word hero was reserved for military men who excelled in battle. Historian Margaret MacMillan notes, "In Britain small children wore sailor suits and on the Continent schoolchildren frequently wore little uniforms; secondary schools and universities had cadet corps; and heads of state-except in republican France-normally dressed in military uniform."

Throughout Europe and the Americas, many children, particularly boys, now belonged to youth groups that stressed physical fitness, military discipline, and, above all, an avid nationalism. One of the most popular of these groups was the Boy Scouts. Its founder, Lieutenant General Robert Baden-Powell, hoped it would transform British boys and young men from "pale narrow-chested, hunched up, miserable specimens, smoking endless cigarettes" into strong and healthy patriots. Within a year of its founding in 1908, the Boy Scouts had more than 60,000 members in England. From there the movement spread to other parts of the British Empire and to English-speaking nations like the United States. In 1911, a similar group in Germany taught boys "that service to the Fatherland is the highest honor of the German man."

Possessing colonies outside of Europe was another way for countries to demonstrate power. Encouraged by widespread ideas of imperialism, competition to gain colonies continued in the first decade of the twentieth century. Conflicts often arose, but they were settled through diplomatic means. These diplomatic agreements did not recognize any rights of inhabitants of these areas, who were generally considered inferior and unable to take care of themselves. As the second decade of the century began, several conflicts also erupted between the small countries of the Balkan Peninsula. Each crisis was settled through negotiation, but with each new crisis, more Europeans believed that negotiation would someday fail and war would eventually result.

Still, there were many who both feared and opposed war. Among the strongest opponents of war was Jean Jaurès, the leader of the French Socialist Party. He repeatedly argued that to work for peace was to engage in "the most heroic of battles." He asked:

What will the future be like, when the billions now thrown away in preparation for war are spent on useful things to increase the well-being of people, on the construction of decent houses for workers, on improving transportation, on reclaiming the land? The fever of imperialism has become a sickness. It is the disease of a badly run society which does not know how to use its energies at home.

Jaurès was a pacifist -literally, one who favors peace. The term was coined at a Universal Peace Congress in 1901 and it quickly caught on. One of the most outspoken pacifists of the time was an Austrian countess, Bertha von Suttner. This was a time when most women did not speak publicly about their political views, but, ignoring that expectation, the countess set out to change the way people viewed war.

In the late 1800s, Suttner had written a book that vividly described what she considered the "true horrors of war." The novel, Die Waffen nieder! ( Lay Down Your Arms), was reprinted many times and was translated into a dozen languages. It was not the only tool the countess used to promote peace. She founded anti-war societies in Austria and Germany and inspired similar groups in other countries. Her efforts aroused others, including Alfred Nobel, a Swedish arms manufacturer and the inventor of dynamite. He created a special award for peace activists at the countess's request. Known as the Nobel Peace Prize and first awarded in 1901, it was established to honor those who try to end war or prevent it.

In 1899, the countess persuaded Tsar Nicholas II of Russia to host an international conference to promote peaceful alternatives to war, particularly arbitration -the use of a neutral third party to resolve international disputes. As a woman, the countess was not allowed to take part in the meeting, but she worked behind the scenes to establish the Permanent Court of Arbitration (popularly known as the Hague Tribunal).

In 1905, Bertha von Suttner was awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace in recognition of her work in promoting arbitration. Yet despite awards like the Nobel Prize and the increasing popularity of anti-war literature, most people found the idea of "fighting for our nation's honor" far more appealing than seemingly endless rounds of arbitration. Increasingly, pacifists were isolated and demonized.

Connection Questions

1. In what ways did Europeans in the early 1900s believe that countries could demonstrate that they were strong and powerful? What were different ways that individuals thought they could show loyalty to their country? Why might fighting in a war be appealing?

2. What conditions in the early 1900s made war appear likely?

3. What is militarism? What is pacifism? Why were efforts to promote pacifism over militarism unsuccessful?

4. How are the words hero and patriotism used today? When you hear these words, what comes to mind? Can someone be a patriot and a pacifist?

5. What was the "fever of imperialism" to which Jaurès referred? How might a country's desire to gain imperialist power influence its policies at home?

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Militarists increasingly viewed their nations' armed forces as above criticism. And many greatly admired such military values as self-sacrifice, discipline, and obedience. War was increasingly seen as an adventure, an opportunity to fight and even die for one's country. Karl Pearson, a British writer at the time, claimed that wars are necessary.

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After Reading the Facing History Article above, Answer 2 out of the 4 questions

1. In what ways did Europeans in the early 1900s believe that countries could demonstrate that they were strong and powerful? What were different ways that individuals thought they could show loyalty to their country? Why might fighting in a war be appealing?

2. What conditions in the early 1900s made war appear likely?

3. What is militarism? What is pacifism? Why were efforts to promote pacifism over militarism unsuccessful?

4. How are the words hero and patriotism used today? When you hear these words, what comes to mind? Can someone be a patriot and a pacifist?

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Could war have been averted? Read the article and 

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Could war have been averted? Read the article and 

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1. How did the conflict between Austria and Serbia lead to European war?

2. How did Nicholas and Wilhelm describe the conflict between their countries differently? How did each attempt to persuade the other? How did the tone of their communications change over time? Why might that be the case?

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The spark that set off World War I came on June 28, 1914, when a young Serbian patriot shot and killed Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The assassination took place in Sarajevo, a town in the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina on the Balkan Peninsula. Bosnia-Herzegovina had been taken over by Austria in 1908. The assassin and his co-conspirators belonged to a group that wanted Bosnia to break away from Austria and unite with the Kingdom of Serbia.

Austrian military leaders saw the assassination as an excuse for a quick war with Serbia, which would end with a victorious Austria taking over that country. After seeking and receiving a promise of full military support from Germany, with whom Austria-Hungary had an alliance, the Austrian government presented Serbia with a list of demands to which it must agree or face invasion. Europeans now expected war, and Austria and Germany began mobilizing their armies, or preparing them for the fighting. Russia, which had promised to come to the aid of Serbia in any war, also began to mobilize its armies. Serbia agreed to all of Austria-Hungary's demands except one, which would have allowed Austria to take part in, if not control, an internal inquiry into the archduke's assassination. To Austrian leaders, that single refusal was enough for a declaration of war against Serbia on July 25.

As the Austrian army began to invade Serbia, Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany and Tsar Nicholas of Russia, who were first cousins, made a last-ditch effort to contain the conflict through an exchange of telegrams-messages that in the early twentieth century were transmitted over wires through a series of electrical pulses that used Morse code. The exchange, which took place in English, began with a telegram sent by Nicholas shortly after midnight on July 29, 1914:

In this serious moment, I appeal to you to help me. An ignoble war has been declared to a weak country. The indignation in Russia shared fully by me is enormous. I foresee that very soon I shall be overwhelmed by the pressure forced upon me and be forced to take extreme measures which will lead to war. To try and avoid such a calamity as a European war I beg you in the name of our old friendship to do what you can to stop your allies from going too far.

Before Wilhelm received the telegram, he had already sent one to Nicholas:

It is with the gravest concern that I hear of the impression which the action of Austria against Serbia is creating in your country. The unscrupulous agitation that has been going on in Serbia for years has resulted in the outrageous crime, to which Archduke Francis Ferdinand fell a victim. The spirit that led Serbians to murder their own king and his wife still dominates the country. You will doubtless agree with me that we both, you and me, have a common interest as well as all Sovereigns to insist that all the persons morally responsible for the dastardly murder should receive their deserved punishment. In this case politics plays no part at all.

On the other hand, I fully understand how difficult it is for you and your Government to face the drift of your public opinion. Therefore, with regard to the hearty and tender friendship which binds us both from long ago with firm ties, I am exerting my utmost influence to induce the Austrians to deal straightly to arrive to a satisfactory understanding with you. I confidently hope that you will help me in my efforts to smooth over difficulties that may still arise.

On the evening of July 29, Wilhelm responded to Nicholas's first message:

I received your telegram and share your wish that peace should be maintained. But as I told you in my first telegram, I cannot consider Austria's action against Serbia an "ignoble" war. Austria knows by experience that Serbian promises on paper are wholly unreliable. I understand its action must be judged as [seeking a] full guarantee that the Serbian promises shall become real facts. This, my reasoning, is borne out by the statement of the Austrian cabinet that Austria does not want to make any territorial conquests at the expense of Serbia. I therefore suggest that it would be quite possible for Russia to remain a spectator of the Austrian-Serbian conflict without involving Europe in the most horrible war she ever witnessed. I think a direct understanding between your Government and Vienna possible and desirable, and as I already telegraphed to you, my Government is continuing its exercises to promote it. Of course military measures on the part of Russia would be looked upon by Austria as a calamity we both wish to avoid and jeopardize my position as mediator which I readily accepted on your appeal to my friendship and my help.

Two hours later, Nicholas wrote:

Thanks for your telegram conciliatory and friendly. Whereas official message presented today by your ambassador to my minister was conveyed in a very different tone. Beg you to explain this divergence! It would be right to give over the Austro-Serbian problem to the Hague conference [for arbitration].

At 1:20 a.m. on July 30, the tsar sent yet another cable:

Thank you heartily for your quick answer. Am sending Tatischev [a Russian diplomat] this evening with instructions. The military measures which have now come into force were decided five days ago for reasons of defense on account of Austria's preparations. I hope from all my heart that these measures won't in any way interfere with your part as mediator which I greatly value. We need your strong pressure on Austria to come to an understanding with us.

Wilhelm responded almost immediately:

Best thanks for telegram. It is quite out of the question that my ambassador's language could have been in contradiction with the tenor of my telegram. Count Pourtalès (the German ambassador) was instructed to draw the attention of your government to the danger & grave consequences involved by a mobilization; I said the same in my telegram to you. Austria has only mobilized against Serbia & only a part of her army. If, as it is now the case, according to the communication by you & your Government, Russia mobilizes against Austria, my role as mediator you kindly entrusted me with, & which I accepted at you[r] express prayer, will be endangered if not ruined. The whole weight of the decision lies solely on you[r] shoulders now, who have to bear the responsibility for Peace or War.

The next day, on July 31, Wilhelm sent a second telegram:

On your appeal to my friendship and your call for assistance began to mediate between you and the Austro-Hungarian Government. While this action was proceeding, your troops were mobilized against Austro-Hungary, my ally. Thereby, as I have already pointed out to you, my mediation has been made almost illusory.

I have nevertheless continued my action. I now receive authentic news of serious preparations for war on my Eastern frontier. Responsibility for the safety of my empire forces preventive measures of defense upon me. In my endeavors to maintain the peace of the world I have gone to the utmost limit possible. The responsibility for the disaster which is now threatening the whole civilized world will not be laid at my door. In this moment it still lies in your power to avert it. Nobody is threatening the honor or power of Russia who can well afford to await the result of my mediation. My friendship for you and your empire, transmitted to me by my grandfather on his deathbed has always been sacred to me and I have honestly often backed up Russia when she was in serious trouble especially in her last war.

The peace of Europe may still be maintained by you, if Russia will agree to stop the military measures which must threaten Germany and Austro-Hungary.

At about the same time, Tsar Nicholas sent this telegram:

I thank you heartily for your mediation which begins to give one hope that all may yet end peacefully. It is technically impossible to stop our military preparations which were obligatory owing to Austria's mobilization. We are far from wishing war. As long as the negotiations with Austria on Serbia's account are taking place my troops shall not make any provocative action. I give you my solemn word for this. I put all my trust in God's mercy and hope in your successful mediation in Vienna for the welfare of our countries and for the peace of Europe.

On August 1, the tsar telegraphed again:

I received your telegram. Understand you are obliged to mobilize but wish to have the same guarantee from you as I gave you, that these measures do not mean war and that we shall continue negotiating for the benefit of our countries and universal peace dear to all our hearts. Our long proved friendship must succeed, with God's help, in avoiding bloodshed. Anxiously, full of confidence await your answer.

On August 1, the kaiser replied to the tsar:

Thanks for your telegram. I yesterday pointed out to your government the way by which alone war may be avoided. Although I requested an answer for noon today, no telegram from my ambassador conveying an answer from your Government has reached me as yet. I therefore have been obliged to mobilize my army.

Immediate affirmative clear and unmistakable answer from your government is the only way to avoid endless misery. Until I have received this answer alas, I am unable to discuss the subject of your telegram. As a matter of fact I must request you to immediately order your troops on no account to commit the slightest act of trespassing over our frontiers.

Within hours, Germany declared war on Russia. Two days later, France, as an ally of Russia, joined in. Another monarch, Britain's King George (who was also a cousin of Wilhelm and Nicholas), was trying to contain the fighting. He sent several urgent telegrams calling for arbitration, but neither side responded. Armies throughout the rest of Europe were ready for war.

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The spark that set off World War I came on June 28, 1914, when a young Serbian patriot shot and killed Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The assassination took place in Sarajevo, a town in the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina on the Balkan Peninsula.

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LE/CLASS: Analyze the memorials and statues that commemorate victims of the war

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LE/CLASS: Analyze the memorials and statues that commemorate victims of the war

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June 28, 2014, marked the 100th anniversary of the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Assassin Gavrilo Princip fired the first shot in what was to become a horrific years-long bloodbath. However, after the sound of gunfire was silenced on Armistice Day, the deaths continued to mount. Revolutions spawned in Russia and Germany, arbitrary redrawing of national borders set the stage for decades of conflict, harsh reparation demands inspired the rise of Nazi Germany and the onset of World War II. The first World War continues to kill to this day - in March of 2014, two Belgian construction workers were killed when they encountered an unexploded shell buried for a century. Bomb disposal units in France and Belgium dispose of tons of discovered shells every year. Though the events of World War I have now fallen out of living memory, the remnants remain -- scarred landscapes, thousands of memorials, artifacts preserved in museums, photographs, and the stories passed down through the years -- stories of such tremendous loss. I've gathered photographs of the Great War from dozens of collections, some digitized for the first time, to try to tell the story of the conflict, those caught up in it, and how much it affected the world. This entry is part 10 of a 10-part series on World War I.

View this page Hints: full screen. Skip to the next and previous photo by typing j/k or ←/→.

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June 28, 2014, marked the 100th anniversary of the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Assassin Gavrilo Princip fired the first shot in what was to become a horrific years-long bloodbath. However, after the sound of gunfire was silenced on Armistice Day, the deaths continued to mount.

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Interactive map of the Allies, Central Powers, and neutral countries 

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Interactive map of the Allies, Central Powers, and neutral countries 

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Who fought in World War I?

World War I was the first global war. This interactive map shows you which countries and territories were involved in the Great War and how they were aligned.

Whether they fought with the Allied or the Central Powers, or stayed neutral, WWI still touched almost every country and region on the planet.

Starting in the Balkans, the treaties and alliances between the countries of Europe quickly pulled both allies and enemies across the continent into war. Supplies, soldiers and labor were drawn from colonies and commonwealths around the world. Fighting spread to the Near and Middle East, Russia, Africa and China, and the naval war engulfed the seas.

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This interactive map shows you which countries and territories were involved in the Great War and how they were aligned.

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IN Class: Research one European country, one Asian country, and one African country and answer the following questions:

1) How was this country involved in the war?
2) Was the country exploited for its resources for use in the war?
3) Was the country invited to the Versailles Treaty at the end of the war?

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Explore the global impact of the First World War through our interactive map, which highlights key events and figures in countries from Aden to Zanzibar. Drawn directly from our records at The National Archives, the map goes beyond the trenches of the Western Front and shows how the war affected different parts of the world.

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Edit this document Further: Mira's Poetry lessons

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Edit this document Further: Mira's Poetry lessons