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1.6 Who am I, First Experience With Race & Sense of Self Brainstorm

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1.6 Who am I, First Experience With Race & Sense of Self Brainstorm

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WHO AM I?

I am a young woman who is learning her way through life. I pretend that I know what's going on and I know what I am going to do with my life. People think I am confused because when I graduated last year I stayed unemployed for a while but now that I have a job I decided to continue to take classes. I wish I could be someone who has it figured out and could do something that I am passionate about with my life. I feel more pressure on myself because when I first announced that I would study political science, I was the first of my Indian family and friends to be majoring in the humanities, so people were confused how my parents could "allow" me to pursue such a major. Being in a state where I am not sure what to do next makes me feel that I am confirming everyone's beliefs that I made the wrong choice. I know people in my local Indian community look at me differently because of this which is why I try so hard to pretend I have a plan in place.

FIRST EXPERIENCE WITH RACE ACTIVITY

I was fortunate enough to be raised in an area full of people who looked like me, so I never really noticed when someone treated me differently because of race because I did not realize that there would be any reason to do that. However, the first time I noticed something would be when I was about 8 years old and shopping with my mom. To me, we were just buying normal things (and we were), but for some reason, the man behind us in line was making a lot of comments about what we were purchasing (ex. we were buying sweaters and he said it was probably because our dad was too cheap to pay for heating). I was honestly just confused because I didn't understand why a stranger cared so much about what we were buying and why they were even talking to us. Later on, when at home, I talked to my parents about it and they said because of stereotypes about Indians (like how we are taking all the jobs), some people feel resentful and will take it out on strangers when having a bad day. To be honest, it was never a moment I dwelled on too much because, as mentioned before, I was lucky to have been raised in an area where I barely dealt with racism. However, this experience did show me that just because I did not deal with racism or thing about race on a regular basis, there would still be others out there who would treat me differently.

POSITIVE SENSE OF SELF

I would definitely say that one's sense of self definitely affects one's views with their experiences with race. I think that in general, when you are in a bad headspace, it is normal to interpret actions through a negative lens. In this past year, my view of myself has went down because I was disappointed with how things were going in my life. While going down a negative spiral, I also worried that people would start looking at me and associating me with negative stereotypes because of the direction my life is going. I started becoming more aware about how I was perceived and more worried about how my actions would be interpreted. It's been interesting viewing the world with this mindset considering I never really cared about what others thought of me before.

I would say that someone who positively identifies with African American Psychology would have a strong sense of self. However, I would also say that even if they positively identified with Western Psychology. I believe the purpose of psychology is to have a better understanding of the mind, and each person can choose which they identify with. As long as they have a positive relationship with their psychology, then that is what matters to have a strong sense of self.

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THEME 1: UBUNTU

I do think the concept of Ubuntu is alive today in African American culture. Especially being a part of the same culture, people feel it is important to look out for each other. For example, looking at African American celebrations that take place, the spirit of Unbuntu is very clear.

Even if things like music and attire may vary between African Americans and Africans, the spirit is still the same and prevalent for both.

THEME 2: CONCEPTS OF AFROCENTRIC PSYCHOLOGY

A concept that is very present in the African American community is spiritness, which is basically being full of life. This is believed to be the spark behind why humans are the way they are. I believe that this is most prevalent because the readings say that spritness means to be "full of life." You can see this everyday in African American communities in a similar way that the spirit of ubuntu is prevalent. Just in daily interactions and activities in general you can see how there is a divine spark.

Human authenticity is less present in African American communities for the reason that society has forced things to be that way. It was very clear that the African American community is heavily judged, and African American parents raise their children to be aware of the biases that the world may have against them. Because of this, people may present a less than authentic version of themselves to prevent unnecessary judgment (like code-switching). For example, in workplaces, African American women may be discouraged to wear their hair naturally as it can be viewed as "unprofessional." Because of this bias against this natural hair type, African American women are forced to hide this part of their authentic selves.

THEME 3: PRINCIPLES OF NGUZO SABA

A principle of Nguzo Saba that I found interesting is Ujamaa, which is the concept of supporting each other's businesses so everyone can grow together. I definitely saw a lot of this in the past few years, especially after the Black Lives Matter movement saw a peak in 2020. Whenever I opened TikTok I would see black creators shoutout African American owned businesses. And when influencers show off their big hauls of these products from African American owned businesses, it influences others to spend their money at these businesses as well. This definitely brings value to the African American community as it allows grow their businesses to do more and hopefully fulfill their dreams.

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3.4 Three Self-Assessments, Racial Identity Development, and Identity Resource

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3.4 Three Self-Assessments, Racial Identity Development, and Identity Resource

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3.1 MULTI DIMENSIONS OF ETHNIC SELF IDENTIFICATION

1. For the Natal Measures category I choose to select natural parents. Natural parents are such a big part of someone's background. Natural parents show cultural background and how a child was raised. However, even if a child does not live with their natural parents, they are still important because the natural parents still represent the child's ethnic identity. For example, I have a friend who was adopted by a Japanese family, but her natural parents were Chinese. So even though she has been raised in Japanese culture she was always curious about her Chinese identity because it was still a part of her despite being adopted.

2. For the Behavioral Measures category I chose to select friendship and acquaintance affiliative patterns. When one is outside their home, these are the people that they spend the most time with. The people that one spends their time with has a big impact on who they are. Even though my parents are the ones who raised me, a lot of my opinions come from conversations that I have had with friends, classmates, and other peers. The people that you grow with have a big impact on you.

3. For the Subjective Measures category I chose to select value preferences. I truly believe that values are what defines a person as values are what you believe in your heart. Even if you may act one way or have friends that have certain beliefs, it is your values that define who you really are.

4. For the Situation-Contextual Measures category I chose to select spirituality. Outside of the people you spend time with, the beings that you believe in have the next most influence on you. Spirituality has a big impact on one's life because that is the basis of one's values and how they view life. There are people who I know who believe in a different religion from their parents, and the difference in values is very clear.

3.2 MULTI-GROUP ETHNIC IDENTITY MEASURE

1. My multi-group ethnic identity measure score is 33.

2. Because the score ranges from 1-48, that mean my score is in the upper half. This means that even if I might not have the strongest relationship with my culture, it is still pretty prevalent in my life.

3. I think this means I have a strong bond with my ethnic group because I definitely think a lot about how my ethnic identity will affect my present and future life. One of the biggest things I consider when thinking about raising a family is hoping to find someone of the same ethnic identity who can help me raise my children to value their own ethnic identity.

4. I am surprised that my score was as high as it was because whenever I speak about my ethnic identity with others, I always talk about how there is a disconnect. But seeing how high I scored here, I guess the disconnect was not as big as I thought it was.

3.3 ROSENBERG'S SELF-ESTEEM SCALE

1. My score on the Rosenberg's Self Esteem Scale was 16.

2. With a range of 1-30, my score being 16 shows that I am in the middle, not necessarily thinking either very positively or negatively about myself.

3. I think the biggest factor for this is my stage in life right now. I am a recent college graduate, but I am finding it so hard to find my place in life right not. I was unemployed for about 6 months after graduating which definitely took a toll on my self-esteem. And while I am fortunate to be working a job now, it is something that does not even require a degree, which makes me feel worse because now I feel like I wasted four years of my life. This period of uncertainty in my life is definitely what is having a toll on my self-esteem.

3.4 RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT

1. I am in the marginalization stage.

2. I am in this stage because it is hard for me to find ways to practice my culture. Because there are so few people here from the same place as my parents, it is hard to find a community where I can grow in my culture. Furthermore, being Christian also puts me back as Hinduism is such a prevalent part of Indian culture. A lot of Indian culture centers around Hindu celebrations and symbols, but as a Christian, I cannot participate in these. So because of this, I really have nothing to show for my Indian culture rather than some clothes and eating the Indian food that my mom cooks.

3. Because my parents never celebrated any Indian holidays, they decided to celebrate American holidays with my sister and I. This was our assimilation because our house was valuing celebrations of the majority culture. I have passed through assimiliation.

4. I learned that there are many different stages people may be in even though they all might be minorities. Everyone is at a different stage of their journey and it is important to be empathetic to that.

3.5 FIND YOUR RACIAL IDENTITY RESOURCE

https://carnegieendowment.org/2021/06/09/social-realities-of-indian-americans-results-from-2020-indian-american-attitudes-survey-pub-84667

This resource talks about the oppression that Indians in American face. It discusses Indian Americans and their relationship with their culture and their ethnic identity. It is interesting to see the great variety of answers.

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THEME 1

1. A prominent type of cultural racism I have seen and experienced in colorism. There is a common belief that people with lighter skin tones are more appealing than others. Another type of racism that I've seen a lot of is symbolic racism. I see people use the model minority myth to blame African Americans for not being able to be at the same level of success as them. When I try to explain that African Americans are dealt a bad hand from the start, they refuse to believe it because they know of others who were able to work their way up. I definitely sometimes have internalized racial inferiority. Because I tend to be socially anxious, sometimes I blame my feeling of being left out on my race and that I am not appealing because of it. I need to not be so hard on myself and always think people are judging me for my race.

2. I do not believe that we live in a post-racial society. The reading mentions how the results of the 2016 election disproves the idea of a post-racial society because of how racially divisive the election was. Additionally, when just looking at the world, there are many example to be seen of the mistreatment of African Americans which is definite proof that the country has not moved on past racism.

3. I believe that race is a mix of social and biological constructs. First of all, everyone's race is decided by the racial background that they were born into. It does not matter what race your friends, community, or peers are, that does not change your family history. However, despite biology being a big defining factor in race, there are social aspects as well. The social aspects have to do with how you're raised and how your race affects your life.

4. https://sitn.hms.harvard.edu/flash/2017/science-genetics-reshaping-race-debate-21st-century/ This article from Harvard argues for race being a social construct. It acknowledges how there might be some truth to the biologically arguments but those are rooted in racism. It says that race is a social issue intertwined with science.

5. Something that stood out to me is the section on Black Lives Matter in the reading. I found it interesting as when the movement peaked, it was all over the media; I am interested in reading about specific stuff that I have seen. Black Lives Matter is significant as it is an example of how people have reacted to racial discrimination. I think it is cool how so many people of different races and walks of life came together to fight for this cause.

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Donald Trump's election as the 45th President of the United States has been marked by the brewing storms of racial conflicts. A rise in racial incidents ensued in the immediate aftermath of Trump's victory in November 2016. Since the beginning of 2017, over 100 bomb threats have been made against Jewish community centers and schools. Trump's travel ban, signed in late January 2017, initially affected about 90,000 people from seven Middle Eastern countries; 87,000 of those banned were Muslims. Minorities such as American Muslims and black Americans have expressed fears over racial relations under Trump. Undeniably, the topic of race-and racism-has gripped America and the world throughout.

Over the last decade, there have been hopes that the US has become a post-racial society, free of racial prejudice and discrimination. However, the most recent months indicate the contrary: race remains an incendiary issue. Race and racism are not new issues, but in today's 21 st century Trump-era, discussions about race are distinct from those of the past in that they possess an entirely new dimension: that of genetics and DNA.

Race in the new era of human genetics research

In 2003, scientists completed the Human Genome Project, making it finally possible to examine human ancestry with genetics. Scientists have since tackled topics such as human migrations out of Africa and around the world. And it's not just scientists who are excited about human genetics: widely affordable at-home ancestry test kits are now readily available from companies like 23andMe, Family Tree DNA, and Ancestry. For $99-around the price of a romantic dinner or a pair of Nikes-a customer can receive an analysis from 23andMe indicating that they are, for instance, 18.0% Native American, 65.1% European and 6.2% African.

The soaring popularity of ancestry testing bespeaks a widespread perception that we can use these tests to dissect, delineate, and define our ancestral composition. Indeed, social media is teeming with blog posts, and even livestream videos, from excited customers bursting to broadcast their test results and their reactions. Ancestry test kits are the new "it" item-and with their success is the tacit admission of our belief that our DNA can sort us into categories like the " five races:" African, European, Asian, Oceania, and Native American (Figure 1A).

New findings in genetics tear down old ideas about race

Estimating our ancestral composition down to 0.1% seem to suggest that there are exact, categorical divisions between human populations. But reality is far less simple. Compared to the general public's enthusiasm for ancestry testing, the reaction from scientists has been considerably more lukewarm. Research indicates that the concept of "five races" does, to an extent, describe the way human populations are distributed among the continents-but the lines between races are much more blurred than ancestry testing companies would have us believe (Figure 1B).

A landmark 2002 study by Stanford scientists examined the question of human diversity by looking at the distribution across seven major geographical regions of 4,000 alleles. Alleles are the different "flavors" of a gene. For instance, all humans have the same genes that code for hair: the different alleles are why hair comes in all types of colors and textures.

In the Stanford study, over 92% of alleles were found in two or more regions, and almost half of the alleles studied were present in all seven major geographical regions. The observation that the vast majority of the alleles were shared over multiple regions, or even throughout the entire world, points to the fundamental similarity of all people around the world-an idea that has been supported by many other studies (Figure 1B).

If separate racial or ethnic groups actually existed, we would expect to find "trademark" alleles and other genetic features that are characteristic of a single group but not present in any others. However, the 2002 Stanford study found that only 7.4% of over 4000 alleles were specific to one geographical region. Furthermore, even when region-specific alleles did appear, they only occurred in about 1% of the people from that region-hardly enough to be any kind of trademark. Thus, there is no evidence that the groups we commonly call "races" have distinct, unifying genetic identities. In fact, there is ample variation within races (Figure 1B).

Ultimately, there is so much ambiguity between the races, and so much variation within them, that two people of European descent may be more genetically similar to an Asian person than they are to each other (Figure 2).

Does "race" still mean something?

The divisions between races are doubtlessly blurred, but does this necessarily mean that race is a myth -a mere social construct and biologically meaningless? As with other race-related questions, the answer is multi-dimensional and may well depend on whom you ask.

In the biological and social sciences, the consensus is clear: race is a social construct, not a biological attribute. Today, scientists prefer to use the term " ancestry" to describe human diversity (Figure 3). "Ancestry" reflects the fact that human variations do have a connection to the geographical origins of our ancestors-with enough information about a person's DNA, scientists can make a reasonable guess about their ancestry. However, unlike the term "race," it focuses on understanding how a person's history unfolded, not how they fit into one category and not another. In a clinical setting, for instance, scientists would say that diseases such as sickle-cell anemia and cystic fibrosis are common in those of "sub-Saharan African" or "Northern European" descent, respectively, rather than in those who are "black" or "white".

However, even if scientists agree that race is, at most, a social construct, any cursory search of the internet reveals that the broader public is not convinced of this. After all, if an Asian person looks so different from a European, how could they not be from distinct groups? Even if most scientists reject the concept of "race" as a biological concept, race exists, undeniably, as a social and political concept.

The popular classifications of race are based chiefly on skin color, with other relevant features including height, eyes, and hair. Though these physical differences may appear, on a superficial level, to be very dramatic, they are determined by only a minute portion of the genome: we as a species have been estimated to share 99.9% of our DNA with each other. The few differences that do exist reflect differences in environments and external factors, not core biology.

Importantly, the evolution of skin color occurred independently, and did not influence other traits such as mental abilities and behavior. In fact, science has yet to find evidence that there are genetic differences in intelligence between populations. Ultimately, while there certainly are some biological differences between different populations, these differences are few and superficial. The traits that we do share are far more profound

Science and genetics: Instruments of modern racism

Despite the scientific consensus that humanity is more alike than unlike, the long history of racism is a somber reminder that throughout human history, a mere 0.1% of variation has been sufficient justification for committing all manner of discriminations and atrocities. The advances in human genetics and the evidence of negligible differences between races might be expected to halt racist arguments. But, in fact, genetics has been used to further racist and ethnocentric arguments-as in the case of the alt-right, which promotes far-right ideologies, including white nationalism and anti-Semitism.

Considered a fringe movement for years, the alt-right gained considerable attention and relevance during Trump's presidential campaign. Indeed, Steve Bannon, the current senior counselor and chief strategist to President Trump and the former chief executive officer of Trump's campaign, has notable ties to the alt-right. Once relegated to obscure internet forums, the alt-right's newest pulpit is the White House.

Members of the alt-right are enthusiastic proponents of ancestry testing as a way to prove their "pure" white heritage (with Scandinavian and Germanic ancestry being among the most desirable) and to rule out undesired descent from any other groups (including, unsurprisingly, Africans and the Ashkenazi Jews, but even certain European groups, such as Italians and Armenians). The belief in white superiority, and the need to preserve it, drives the alt-right movement-and genetics is both the weapon and battle standard of this new, supposedly "scientific" racism.

Those who disagree with alt-right ideologies may assume that the alt-right is merely spewing ignorant nonsense. This is certainly true for some of the alt-right. What is perhaps a more difficult truth is that many of the alt-right do, in fact, understand biology and genetics to an impressive extent, even if this understanding is flawed.

For instance, alt-right proponents have stated, correctly, that many people with European and Asian descent have inherited 1-4% of their DNA from Neanderthals ancestors, and those of African descent do not have Neanderthal heritage. They are similarly correct that Neanderthals had larger skulls than humans. Based on these facts, some within the alt-right have claimed that Europeans and Asians have superior intelligence because they have inherited larger brains from their Neanderthal ancestors.

However, this claim ignores that while there is evidence for the effect of Neanderthal DNA on certain traits, there has been no evidence for its effect on intelligence. Furthermore, scientific research indicates that the Neanderthals were not necessarily more intelligent simply because they had larger skulls. Unsurprisingly, the alt-right tends cherry-pick the ideas that align with their preconceived notions of racial hierarchies, ignoring the broader context of the field of human genetics.

Fighting racism with understanding

Just as the alt-right is no longer an easily dismissed fringe group, their arguments have some factual basis, and cannot be swept aside as the babbling of the scientific illiterate. The alt-right is not clumsy in their use of science and genetics in their battle for their "ideals." Those who oppose the alt-right, and other racist entities, must arm themselves with the same weapons: education, namely scientific and genetic literacy.

Mounting scientific evidence has shown that humans are fundamentally more similar than different from each other. Nonetheless, racism has persisted. Scientific findings are often ignored, or otherwise actively misinterpreted and misused to further racist agendas of extreme political groups. Opponents of these forces must, through their own education and awareness, combat these misleading interpretations and representations of scientific findings.

Today, the question of "race" is no longer merely a political and social issue: as science has rapidly advanced, it has become irrevocably intertwined. The genome contains powerful insights about our biology that could unite us as a species, but which could also be dangerous and divisive if used without understanding. As we look forward to 2017 and onwards, it becomes ever more important to understand what our DNA says about what it means to be human.
Vivian Chou is a Ph.D. candidate in the Biological and Biomedical Sciences program at Harvard Medical School.
For more information:

The Atlantic "Will the alt-right promote a new kind of racist genetics?" (December 2016)

Harvard Magazine "Race in a genetic world" (2008)

Livescience "Genetic ancestry tests mostly hype, scientists say" (2007)

Science "The science and business of genetic ancestry testing" (2007; original paper cited in the Livescience article above)

Nature Genetics "Implications of biogeography of human populations for 'race' and medicine" (November 2004)

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How Science and Genetics are Reshaping the Race Debate of the 21st Century - Science in the News

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by Vivian Chou figures by Daniel Utter Donald Trump's election as the 45th President of the United States has been marked by the brewing storms of racial conflicts. A rise in racial incidents ensued in the immediate aftermath of Trump's victory in November 2016.

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4.4 Race and Racism: Racial Microaggressions

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4.4 Race and Racism: Racial Microaggressions

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THEME 2

1. One of the -isms in this was racism, clearly. People are being treated differently because of their race, which is mostly a social made construct. Color-ism is another relevant -ism as that's when people believe some are better because of the color of their skin. An example of racism in this audio is people asking where someone is "really" from which might be a genuine question but can come off as demeaning. Another example was calling an African American "articulate," which implied that that was out of norm for people of her race.

2. I do not believe that we live in a post-racial society. The reading mentions how the results of the 2016 election disproves the idea of a post-racial society because of how racially divisive the election was. Additionally, when just looking at the world, there are many example to be seen of the mistreatment of African Americans which is definite proof that the country has not moved on past racism.

3. I believe that race is a mix of social and biological constructs. First of all, everyone's race is decided by the racial background that they were born into. It does not matter what race your friends, community, or peers are, that does not change your family history. However, despite biology being a big defining factor in race, there are social aspects as well. The social aspects have to do with how you're raised and how your race affects your life.

4. https://sitn.hms.harvard.edu/flash/2017/science-genetics-reshaping-race-debate-21st-century/

5. One thing that stood out was how many people may be well-intentioned but that does not change the fact that what is being conveyed is racist. I always think about people who are purposely mean when I think of racism, but I forget that people who are ignorant can also be guilty of racism as well. People do not realize when questions they ask have a negative history and that is not good.

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1. What makes a black family unique is how there is a history of slavery; there is so much long lasting trauma from that time in history that it even affects families to this day. Even post-slavery there was a lack of family stability as this was the time where people were migrating to the north. But after all this, African American families today are very strongly bonded and tightly knit. There is a strong sense of loyalty toward each other and there's a strong community that comes together to support each other.

2. A strength of the black family is kinship care. It is unfortunate that there are times that parents are unable to take care of their own children. But despite that, it is nice to see family members step up to take care of these kids. This makes sure that the family is still together and the children are able to learn an accurate version of their history. On a similar note, a challenge of the black family is adoption. African American children are less likely to get adopted meaning they are in the foster care system and without a family for longer. And even if an adoption happens, if it is a transracial adoption that is still a big challenge. Transracial adoption is hard as it is hard to teach a child what it means to be black in America if the parent has not experienced these struggles themselves. One example of a disconnect in transracial adoption is when white parents adopt a black child and have no experience working with thick hair so they have no idea how to take care of their child's hair. This can lead to headaches, tangled hair, matted hair, and general unkemptness. If the parents can't even understand something as simple as hair, imagine how much harder it will be to understand racism that they've never experienced.

3. Racial socialization is basically how African American parents raise their children understand the role race places in how others view them and their interactions. This can affect families because heavy and deep conversations are being had at a very young age. It should not be normal for a child to have to learn about how the world mistreats them, and typically white families don't. However, because of how the world is, racial socialization is necessary for African American families so their children know what to expect. Hopefully, this forms a bond of trust with the parents as the children know that they have people that understand the struggles that they are dealing with.

4. Since slavery, one event that had a big impact on African American families was The Great Migration. This is when families were moving from south to the north. With so much changes, families were becoming dependent on social welfare. This was negatively impactful in the sense that it hindered them from achieving self-sufficiency. However, the migration did urbanize black families. There were many changes happening to black families at this time.

5. https://www.encyclopedia.com/reference/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/african-american-families This article talks about different things that influence African American families. This article touches on how African culture affects how African American families live in America, how urbanization changed the makeup of the black family, and how the prevalence of poverty led to many hardships for black families. Reading this article helped me better understanding of the unit because not I know of more influences that affected the African American family and how they were affected.

6. Something that stood out to me was the closeness of the African American extended family. As someone who does not have many family in the area, I am envious of the idea of being surrounded by a community of family members who all check in on you and help you out. This is also significant to the unit as it shows how tight-knit the families can be. When the readings describe extended family, it also includes people like neighbors and church friends, showing that African Americans do not just view blood as family. This shows not only loyalty between family members, but community members as well.

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In 1998, there were approximately 8.4 million African-American households in the United States. With a total population of approximately 34.5 million, African Americans made up 13 percent of the population of U.S. families. African-American families are not very different from other U.S. families; they, too, are chiefly responsible for the care and development of children. However, African-American family life has several distinctive features related to the timing and approaches to marriage and family formation, gender roles, parenting styles, and strategies for coping with adversity.

Historical and Cultural Influences on African-American Family Life

These explanations include contemporary economic hardship, the historic constraints of slavery, and integration of African culture in American life. Accordingly, three sets of forces account for the forms and manifestation of African-American family life as it exists in the contemporary United States. These forces include (1) integration into family life of cultural practices adapted from West Africa; (2) structural adaptations to slavery, especially the disruptions of family ties and the overall lack of control over life; and (3) past and current discrimination and economic inequality.

Pre-slavery influences: culture and family life in West Africa. Over the years, fierce intellectual struggles have been waged over the extent to which Africans brought to the United States as slaves were able to retain their culture. That debate has largely been settled by a preponderance of evidence demonstrating structural, linguistic, and behavioral parallels between African Americans and West Africans. Most African Americans are descended from people brought to the United States as slaves from West Africa after a period of reprogramming in the Caribbean. Their families in Africa were tightly organized in extended family units, which by most historical accounts were social units that functioned effectively. Their marriages involved contractual agreements between families as much as agreements between the men and women. What is most distinctive about family life in West Africa is that individuals traced their ancestral lineage not through their fathers, but through their mothers. The matrilineal organization of family was evidenced by the practice of children belonging solely to the family of the mother, and by the role accorded to the mother's oldest brother, who was the most responsible for his sister's children. In these families, mothers' brothers were accorded the same respect as a father; maternal cousins were regarded as siblings. Unlike patriarchal societies, marriage did not sever the ties between a woman and her family, nor did it end the obligation of the mother's family to her and her offspring.

The West African family, viewed as a clan, is arguably a predecessor or model for the extended family structures found in contemporary African-American communities. During slavery, the family remained a principal base for social affiliation, economic activity, and political organization. Family traditions in Western Africa served as the model for family life during the period of slavery. The family lives of Africans brought to the American colonies as slaves retained some of the same qualities particularly the matriarchal focus (Franklin and Moss 1988). Nevertheless, the biological father was responsible for ensuring physical and psychological well-being. In West Africa, ties to a common female ancestor bound members of a clan to one another. Indentured servants brought this template of family life, with its mores, customs, and beliefs to the New World, and retained them during the long period of slavery to pass them on to their children.

Family life during slavery. Although some early ancestors of African Americans came to the United States as free or indentured servants and maintained their free status over the generations, the majority were forced into a long life of servitude. To exact involuntary labor from African slaves, European Americans used generous portions of both physical and psychological violence. However, European Americans understood that they would only be able to consolidate their control if they stripped Africans of their identity, language, and the culture that bound them to their past in Africa (Franklin and Moss 1988). This was accomplished by undermining and replacing family structures with transient relationships built around identity as slaves owned by others, rather than with a family unit. These efforts were not entirely successful. In spite of the obstacles, many slaves organized themselves into family structures remarkably similar to nuclear family structures in the rest of America. Intact and committed marital relationships were commonplace among slaves. Men and women joined in monogamous relationships through explicit ceremonies. The children born of these relationships had paternal and maternal relationships, even when the parents could not exercise complete control over their children's lives. Throughout the period of slavery in the United States, strong family ties and committed marital relationships were evident even among couples forced to live apart. When men and women were able to purchase their freedom or to secure it through the beneficence of the slave owner, they would work for money to purchase the freedom of their spouses and their children. These and many other efforts to bring family to live in the same household suggest strongly that African Americans strove to create the ideals of family life made difficult by the institution of slavery (Gutman 1977).

Contemporary Social Influences

Historical and cultural forces cannot account for every aspect of African-American family life. Contemporary social forces exert very powerful influences over the formation and nature of family life in black America today. For example, successive waves of migration from rural to urban areas during the twentieth century, racism, poverty, urbanization, segregation, and immigration from outside the United States have profoundly reshaped family life.

Rural to urban migration. When the Civil War ended, and former slaves were free to move, an overwhelming majority of African Americans resided in the rural South. In later decades, however, in response to economic downturns and the absence of opportunity in rural areas, African Americans moved to cities in the northeast and to urban midwestern areas to seek economic advancement. This twentieth century wave of migration out of the rural South was so massive that by 1998, only 55 percent of African Americans lived in the South. They make up one-fifth of that region's population. Nationwide, 54 percent resided in the central cities of metro areas. Half of the ten states with the largest African-American populations were outside of the deep South. New York (3.2 million) tops the list of states with the largest African-American population, followed by California (2.4 million).

As a consequence of these migrations, families moved from relatively cohesive rural communities to cities where they were anonymous. Not all families were able to re-create networks by moving close to relatives and people they had known in the South or to establish new ones with fictive kin. Urbanization with its fast-paced life, long work hours, multiple jobs, and neighborhoods, proved destructive to family life. Because women had access to the labor market, men assumed domestic responsibilities and shared in the care of children. African Americans encountered new and virulent forms of racism and discrimination, which were less obvious in the northeast, midwest, and west than those of the South. This new racism, however, had more subtle and deleterious effects. Residential segregation was enforced not by law, but by informal covenants and economic discrimination. Although many families had access to better paying jobs than were available in the South, their ability to advance their socioeconomic status (SES) on the basis of merit was often limited by the same racial discrimination they had experienced in the South.

Poverty. The transition from the rural South to urban life, often in northern cities, offered no guarantee of relief from poverty for African-American families. Poverty has remained the most pressing issue adversely affecting family life among African-Americans. Family life among African Americans is adversely affected by a tightly related set of adverse social conditions. These conditions include low SES and educational achievement, underemployment, teenage pregnancy, patterns of family formation, divorce, health problems, and psychological adjustment. In 1998, 88 percent of African Americans ages twenty-five to twenty-nine had graduated from high-school, continuing an upward trend in the educational attainment of African Americans that began in 1940. Despite this increased achievement, however, the median income for African-American households in 1997 was $25,050. Thus, the number of African-American families living below the poverty level stood at 26.5 percent in 1998. Poverty is important in its own right for the material hardship it brings. It has multiple adverse effects because it is implicated in marital distress and dissolution, health problems, lower educational attainment and deficits in psychological functioning, and prospects for healthy development over the life course (Barbarin 1983).

Immigration. Beginning in the 1990s and stretching into the twenty-first century, African-American family life has been subject to an influx of new immigrants from the Caribbean and parts of Africa. This movement is oddly reminiscent of the immigration pattern three centuries earlier. Arrivals from the Caribbean and East and West Africa have expanded the diversity of African-American families as they reconnect African Americans with their distant relatives who themselves have been transformed by modernity and urbanization. These new immigrants make for an African-American community that is even more diverse in language. The range of languages spans from the Creole patois of Haiti and French-speaking Africa to the Spanish of Panama.

Immigrants of African descent give new meaning and flavor to the American melting pot as they create their own blend of lilting cadences of Caribbean English, plus an added spice of French-speaking Senegalese. In one manner, these new groups of voluntary immigrants represent assimilation without accommodating the customs of American mainstream values and beliefs. While Africans and West Indians come to the United States to seek opportunities and freedom, they retain national pride and also the languages and customs associated with their countries of origin. As the issue of assimilation into the African-American community takes place, new tensions and promises will arise, as newcomers and long-time residents establish their relationships with one another and grope to find their areas of common ground.

African-American Families in the New Millennium

Historical and cultural influences, racism, urbanization, migration, discrimination, segregation, and immigration have profoundly shaped contemporary African-American family functioning. The new millennium brings with it striking differences in contemporary African-American functioning families and those of the past. These differences are specifically marked by the timing of family formation and stability of marriages, the flexibility of its gender roles, patterns of paternal involvement in child care, the fluidity of household composition, and the cultural resources the family has available to cope with adversity.

Timing of the formation of African-American households. The formation of African-American households often originates not in marriage but in the birth of a child. Fifty-six percent of African-American children were born in families in which the mother was not married to the biological father. Of 8.4 million African-American households, slightly less than half are presided over by a married couple. About 4 million African-American children (36 percent) reside with both their parents. Not surprisingly, women head a majority of the families formed by unmarried parents. For example, in 1998, single women headed 54 percent of African-American households. Unfortunately, mothers living with their children without ever having been married face decreasing prospects of marriage and thus look to a future in which they will spend much of their adult lives as unmarried caregivers of their children and their children's children. However, such demographic data taken alone paint a misleading portrait of African-American families.

Marriage. Historically, strong marriages and commitment to family life have been central features of African-American families. In the last decade of the twentieth century, however, marriage rates among African Americans declined significantly. In 1998, for example, 41 percent of all African-American men over the age of eighteen had never been married and 37 percent of African-American women over the age of eighteen had never married (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1999). Experts on the African-American family have attributed the declining rates to the shortage of marriageable African-American males (Wilson 1987) and to structural, social, and economic factors (Tucker and Mitchell-Kernan 1995).

Throughout history, the population of African-American women has outnumbered the population of African-American men. By 1990, there were only 88 males for every 100 females (Tucker and Mitchell-Kernan 1995). The shortage of African-American males is further exacerbated by the large percentage of men who are unemployed, underemployed, users of narcotic drugs, or mentally ill, and thus fall into the undesirable category (Chapman 1997). That is, few African-American women would consider these men suitable for marriage. Thus, the chances of ever getting married are dramatically reduced by the overall sex-ratio imbalance among African Americans and the relatively low percentage of available marriageable males.

Although the basic determinants underlying the high rates of singlehood among African Americans are structural and ideological preferences, definite patterns also exist along class and gender lines (Staples 1997). For low-income African Americans, the structural constraints appear to be primarily that of unavailability and undesirability. However, among middle-class African Americans, the desire not to marry is more prevalent. Because African-American women have long been in the workforce, their earning power is similar to that of African-American men, and thus many African-American females do not feel a need to marry for economic support. Staples (1997) believes the greater a woman's educational level and income, the less desirable she is to many African-American men.

Despite the problematic aspect of finding a mate, many single African Americans continue to dream of marrying and living happily. However, the probability of staying together in a marital relationship is low because of the high divorce rate among African Americans. Although African Americans continue to have higher divorce rates than those in the general population, there was a slight decrease in divorce rate from 1990 to 1998 (U.S. Bureau of Census 1999).

For new immigrants and for those who have been in the United States for generations, family units retain important parental functions to care for, socialize, and nurture dependent children and to provide social intimacy that protects adults against loneliness and alienation. In many societies, this latter goal is often carried out through some form of marital relationship. Family units also have an important role in helping individuals to cope with the vicissitudes of life, the adverse life events both expected and unexpected. Thus, the importance of extended family and kin in reinforcing and maintaining connective and strong supportive ties among family members is often overshadowed by these negative portrayals of contemporary African-American family life.

Extended family structure. Census data on the composition of African-American households often overlook the functional and adaptive importance of the extended family structure and supportive kin networks. This is especially true of households headed by single mothers. Even when single mothers and their children do not reside with other kin, the money, time, childcare, and emotional support that family members lend substantially enriches single-parent households. Exchanges across households also mean that membership in a given household may fluctuate as children and adult kin move for a time from one household to another. Although single mothers and children live in close proximity to extended family members, frequent phone calls and face-to-face contact reinforce connections that often involve exchanges across households of social and material resources needed to meet the demands of daily living. Consequently, a majority of African-American family structures are more accurately depicted as extended family units rather than single adult nuclear family units. Snapshots of households from survey studies reveal more than seventy different family structures based on the number of generations and the relationship of people living in a single house. This compares to about forty structures for whites and certainly underscores the variability of African-American family structure and the flexible roles family members typically engender (Barbarin and Soler 1993).

Fathers. Even with the high proportion of single adult households headed by women, men continue to play key roles in the African-American family and contribute significantly to the effectiveness of family functioning. In African-American families, men adopt more flexible gender roles and take on a much broader array of household duties and responsibility for the care of children than is true in other groups. The relationship between mothers and the biological fathers who do not reside with their children often dictates the level of involvement that noncustodial fathers have with their children. When the relationships with mothers are good, fathers regularly visit or care for children and provide consistent financial support. Even if the biological father is not involved, other men such as stepfathers, grandparents, uncles, cousins and nonmarried partners may be instrumentally and regularly involved with the children.

Parenting and discipline. Another way in which African-American families tend to differ from other ethnic groups is in their style of discipline and parenting. African-American parents tend to be more hierarchical in relationships with their children. They are more likely to be strict, to hold demanding standards for behavior, and to use physical discipline more frequently in enforcing these standards. However, in African-American families the high use of physical punishment occurs within a context of strong support and affection. This combination of warmth with strictness tends to mediate negative impact of physical punishment delivered in other circumstances. Consequently, physical punishment does not result in the same adverse developmental outcomes for African-American children that it does for European-American children (McLoyd, Cauce, Takeuchi, and Wilson 2000).

Grandparents. Grandparents-particularly grandmothers-play an especially important role in African-American families in providing support for mothers and care for children. When mothers are not able to carry out their roles, grandmothers are the surrogate parents of choice. In 1998, 1.4 million African-American children (12%) lived in a grandparent's home (with or without their parents present). Grandparents' contribution to the care of young children is reciprocated at the end of life. Many African-American families care for relatives at the end of their lives in family settings. Rather than to relying on nursing homes or paid live-in care, African-American adult family members are more likely to bring their aging parents into their homes to care for them. Indeed, studies of the burden and psychological results of caring for the elderly show that African-American families are affected less negatively than any other ethnic group that cares for elderly and dying family members.

Siblings. Older siblings also play an important role in African-American families particularly households. When partners, grandmothers, or other adults from the extended kin network are not available in the household, older siblings, especially female siblings, are pressed into service to assist the mother. When single parents are required to work and to be away from home for extended times, older children are asked to monitor, feed, and discipline younger siblings. The placement of older children in these roles is both a source of early maturation and strain for older siblings, who more often than not are the oldest female siblings in the household.

Cultural resources for families. Since their introduction to North America as indentured servants and slaves, African-American families have transcended adversity in part by relying on important cultural and social resources such as spirituality, mutual support, ethnic identity, and adaptive extended family structures. Religious institutions, particularly Christian churches, have been important in the African-American community both for the religious ideology that gives meaning to uncontrollable and distressing life events and for the emotional support and practical aid they often provide. (Lincoln and Mamiya 1990). Also important to coping is the strength of ethnic identity through which African Americans maintain a favorable view of self and a strong group affiliation. These cultural resources, spirituality, ethnic identity, and mutual support contribute greatly to the resilience African-American families.

Resilience and coping. To appreciate how African-American families survived slavery, rampant racial discrimination, and chronic poverty, it is helpful to focus on several cultural resources they have historically counted upon in the face of adversity. These resources include culturally based spirituality, strong ethnic identity, social support from extended kin and community, and the capacity to apply externalizing interpretive frameworks to problems in daily living (Barbarin 1983). African-American families are grounded, and extended family and communities' social support systems provide resources, both emotional and practical, to assist in coping with life problems. Moreover, religion and spirituality provide a foundation for coping by extending to them a providential and protective God with whom they developed a personal relationship (Taylor and Chatters 1991). In addition, religion provides additional benefits through participation in a social network of church members who became important sources of practical aid and emotional support. The development of strategies for coping with racial slights and discrimination also forms an important part of children's socialization experiences. By knowing that they are identifying strongly with their ethnic group African-American family members, children forge a strong sense of identity by which they buttress themselves and see themselves as part of a larger group that must face and overcome the challenges of racism. With a keen awareness of the reality of racism in their lives, African-American children are exhorted to recognize what they are working against and understand the necessity of working twice as hard as European Americans to get what they want and need. This perspective on the self and sensitivity to discrimination helps them to sustain efforts when times are difficult. Cultural resources such as kin support, spirituality, and ethnic identity over time have been important factors in protecting and strengthening African-American families in coping with their lion's share of adversities-before, during, and after slavery.

See also: Ethnic Variation/Ethnicity; United States

Bibliography

barbarin, o. (1983). "coping with ecological transitions by black families: a psycho-social model." journal of community psychology 11:308-322.

chapman, a. b. (1997). "the black search for love anddevotion: facing the future against all odds." in black families, 3rd edition, ed. h. p. mcadoo. newbury park, ca: sage.

franklin, j. h. and moss, a. a. (1988). from slavery tofreedom: a history of negro americans, 6th edition. new york: alfred a. knopf.

gutman, h. g. (1977). the black family in slavery andfreedom: 1750-1925. new york: vintage books

lincoln, c. e., and mamiya, l. h. (1990). the blackchurch in the african american experience. durham, nc: duke university press.

mcloyd, v. c.; cauce, a. m.; takeuchi, d.; and wilson, l.(2000). "marital processes and parental socialization in families of color: a decade review of research." journal of marriage and the family 62:1070-1093.

staples, r. (1997). "an overview of race and marital status." in black families, 3rd edition, ed. h. p. mcadoo. newbury park, ca: sage.

taylor, r. j., and chatters, l. m. (1991). "religious life ofblack americans." in life in black america, ed. j. s. jackson. newbury park, ca: sage.

tucker, m. b., and mitchell-kernan, c. (1995). the decline in marriage among african americans. new york: russell sage foundation.

u.s. bureau of the census. (1999). selected social characteristics of the population by region and race. washington, dc: author, april.

wilson, w. j. (1987). the truly disadvantaged: the innercity, the underclass, and public policy. chicago: university of chicago press.

oscar a. barbarinterry mccandies

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there were approximately 8.4 million african-american households in the united states. with a total population of approximately 34.5 million

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african americans made up 13 percent of the population of u.s. families. african-american families are not very different from other u.s.

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African-American FamiliesIn 1998, there were approximately 8.4 million African-American households in the United States. With a total population of approximately 34.5 million, African Americans made up 13 percent of the population of U.S. families. African-American families are not very different from other U.S. Source for information on African-American Families: International Encyclopedia of Marriage and Family dictionary.

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Name: Kezia Skariah

Date: 28 February 2024

Psych 110

Racial Autobiography Outline

1. Introduction Paragraph: Definition of Race

1. Introduction Statement: In a time where everything in the news seems to be racially motivated, it makes one wonder: what even is race?

2. Is race biological or social?: While at surface value, race may seem like something biological, when further looking into its core one will realize that race is mostly just made up of social norms.

2. Body Paragraph 1: Self-Assessments/Scores/Analysis

1. Main point 1: On the multi-group identity measure test, a test that measures one’s bond with their ethnic group, I scored a 33 (on a scale of 1-48).

1. Supporting Detail: I have a strong bond with my ethnic group because I definitely think a lot about how my ethnic identity will affect my present and future life.

2. Main point 2: On the Rosenberg’s Self Esteem Assessment, a test that measures one’s self-esteem, I scored a 16 (on a scale of 1-30).

1. Supporting Detail: This shows that self-esteem is something that I struggle with a lot and how it is hard for me to look at myself in a positive light.

3. Body Paragraph 2: Summary of Stages of Racial Identity Development & Life Examples

1. Main point 1: I have passed the assimilation stage of racial identity development.

1. Supporting Detail: This is the stage where one values the majority culture over their own, which I have moved past.

2. Main point 2: At this point of my life, I am in the marginalization stage in regards to my racial identity.

1. Supporting Detail: This means that I feel I am losing touch with my racial identity but also feeling a disconnect with the culture that I am living in as well.

4. Body Paragraph 3: Post Racial Society Critical Analysis

1. Main point 1: A post racial society is the idea that society has moved past racism and it is not a problem anymore.

1. Supporting Detail: People believe that racism is a thing of the past and something that they don’t need to be bothered with.

2. Main point 2: I do not believe the idea of a post racial society to be true.

1. Supporting Detail: When you look at the world around you and what is going on in the news, it is very clear that the world still sees race and treats people differently because of it.

5. Conclusion Paragraph

1. Summary statement: Even though society may want you to believe that racism is not a problem anymore, there are many examples proving that that is not the case.

2. Closing Statement: We live in a very racialized society; the sooner we realize the better so we can move forward in a way to help people in regards to the problems that come up due to racism.

Racial Identity Resource: https://carnegieendowment.org/2021/06/09/social-realities-of-indian-americans-results-from-2020-indian-american-attitudes-survey-pub-84667

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THEME 1:

1. I think the one thing that has lead to low numbers of African Americans in STEM is how it is just something that is not very encouraged. I think it is very interesting that the speaker brought up how we'd never excuse illiteracy, so why do we excuse inability to do math or sciences. How we are raised greatly affects how we are today, so if we are raised to not value STEM and learn that it is ok to know math or science then they just never feel the urge to go that route. Love for STEM is something that needs to be nurtured just like any other passion for a child.

2. Teachers play an important in fostering interest in STEM. For many students, their first exposure to STEM will be through their teachers. This means teachers hold the responsibility of presenting the subject in a way that captivates attention and makes students interested and engaged. They also have the responsibility to make sure their students understand the subject. If a student feels incompetent, that can also lead them to be disinterested.

3. Implicit bias can affect how educators teach because they can assume that someone may not like something or may not be "cut out" for something based on their biases. This is harmful because a student who might have an aptitude for STEM subjects might be held back because of the lack of nurturing from a disbelieving teacher.

4. If African Americans are raised in a society that does not believe that they can succeed, it leads to them having a mindset to think that they do not deserve what they have when they do. It is hard to believe in yourself when everyone is telling you that you do not deserve it.

5. One strategy that could be implemented to counter these struggles would be to have diverse teachers. If young African American kids could have African American adults teach them the importance of STEM and encourage them, that would be a great way to foster interests.

6. I thought it was interesting how the speaker compared interest in reading to interest in STEM. Even if it might seem like a simple concept, it truly wasn't something I thought of before. If we just encouraged practicing things like math and science the way schools encourage reading and writing, there probably would not be as many people disheartened by the STEM fields. On a similar note, access to the sciences should be just as accessible as to reading.

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1. Psychological consequences of experiencing subconscious racial slights as a person of color can be feeling less than without understanding why. A version of this is imposter syndrome: when one feels like they are not good enough and not deserving of what they worked hard to achieve. It makes sense someone would feel as if they are undeserving if everyone treated them as such.

2. When microaggressions are thrown at a person of color stereotypes are perpetuated because it is hard to respond to microaggressions in a way that don't make people look even more down on you. When I say this, I mean that a person enacting microaggressions is doing so already with a negative view of the person and the race they are. So if this person were to respond to this insult in self defense or by reporting it, the person who committed the first offense would likely be even more upset because of their bias. Furthermore, I have seen people of color angrily respond to racist insults, but for some reason onlookers will be more focused on the angry response rather than the insult triggered by the response in the first place. This then further perpetuates that the minority is abrasive or dangerous even though the anger just came from a need to defend oneself.

3. Some people overlook extra struggles people can face because of intersectionality. This particularly affect women of color a lot as they have to deal with both sexism and racism. So men of color or white women will think they fully understand the struggles of women of color because of the struggles they themselves deal with, but that just is not the case. This means the struggles of women of color are undermined by everyone around them.

4. Intersectionality can affect one's sense of self as intersectionality of race and gender issues can lead to the struggles that women of color experience being looked and a belittled. If someone feels like the problems they are experiencing are not a big deal it may make them feel even worse about themselves and like they are weak. Microaggressions can affect people the same way as these tend to be swept under the rug, so whenever someone is told that they are overreacting over something that is "no big deal," that also lowers sense of self. Every time someone is treated differently because of their race, it is normal for their sense of self to go down.

5. https://www.womankind.org.uk/intersectionality-101-what-is-it-and-why-is-it-important/ This is an article that further explains how intersectionality and what it means in regards to women's rights. This talks about why it is important to learn about intersectionality in the fight for women's rights.

6. I think a strategy that can be useful to address microaggressions is asking "what did you mean by that?" I have come to realize that a lot of people who are racist don't like to consider themselves as racist, so when put on the spot they will be forced to rethink their words and what the actually mean. When being forced to explain a bigoted thought, sometimes people will realize how wrong they were for saying something like that.

7. I thought it was interesting to learn that having a bias is a part of our natural selves. I thought it was something that was nurtured as you grew up. But knowing this means that everyone is guilty or likely to have biases. It is probably better to think this way rather than biases being a thing that only some people have because of how they were raised because now we know that everyone should be reexamining themselves to see what biases that they have.

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3. What is meant by the concept of 'intersectionality'?

The term 'intersectionality' is not yet in everyday usage, but awareness is growing in academic and policymaking contexts. It is essential that the term is clearly defined before it is applied to Scottish policymaking, and the implications for research and data analysis are understood.

The term 'intersectionality' has its roots in Black feminist activism, and was originally coined by American critical legal race scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw in 1989. Crenshaw used the term intersectionality to refer to the double discrimination of racism and sexism faced by Black women, critiquing the "single-axis framework that is dominant in antidiscrimination law.. feminist theory and anti-racist politics" for its focus on the experiences of the most privileged members of subordinate groups. Specifically, Crenshaw highlighted legal cases wherein women were required to choose between bringing a claim of racism or sexism and could not say that they had been discriminated against due to the combined effects of race and sex.

Crenshaw provided the following definition of intersectionality:

"Intersectionality is a metaphor for understanding the ways that multiple forms of inequality or disadvantage sometimes compound themselves and create obstacles that often are not understood among conventional ways of thinking."

However, while Crenshaw was the first to use the term intersectionality, the concept did not represent a new way of thinking. Black feminist literature preceding Crenshaw's use of the term highlights examples of inequality affecting Black women as a result of sexism and racism. For example, the Combahee River Collective, a Black lesbian socialist feminist organisation, published "A Black Feminist Statement," in 1977 which is often cited as one of the earliest expressions of intersectionality.

In 1990 Marilyn Loden and Judy Rosener developed a framework for thinking about the different dimensions of diversity within individuals and institutions, known as the diversity wheel. This is a useful tool for thinking about how different characteristics intersect with systems and structures to shape a person's experience.

The below diagram is derived from Loudon and Rosener's framework and depicts a series of concentric circles. The primary dimensions of diversity, personal characteristics such as age, ethnicity and gender, are shown in the centre. Socially and culturally a person is also influenced by environmental, social and cultural factors and experiences, learnings from family, friendships, community, nationality, belief system. Within organisations, a person is influenced by the group or area in which we work, and the structures or processes that they operate within, which may include systemic barriers and bias.

Figure 1: Diversity Wheel demonstrating how personal characteristics intersect with systems and structures to shape a person's experience.

While there were early theoretical developments following its first use in 1989[7],[8], the past decade has seen a rapid increase in the usage and applications of the term 'intersectionality' across a varying range of academic disciplines. Awareness of the concept is also growing within the public and third sectors in Scotland and wider UK where it has the potential to inform the development and delivery of policies and services.

For example, the Equality and Human Rights Commission have advocated for the concept of intersectionality by developing their own definition which allows them to apply the concept practically to equality and human rights monitoring:

"Intersectionality is an analytical tool that we use for the purpose of equality and human rights monitoring to show the distinct forms of harm, abuse, discrimination and disadvantage experienced by people when multiple categories of social identity interact with each other."

In part due to this rapid increase in the application of intersectionality across a number of disciplines, there exists many different definitions of intersectionality in the literature, and academics have highlighted a lack of understanding of the central tenets of intersectionality. Since its original usage, the term 'intersectionality' has also been expanded to include intersections between a range of 'social categories' in addition to race and gender, such as disability, sexual orientation, occupation and socio-economic disadvantage, and wider life experiences.

For the purposes of this report, we refer the reader to attempts to identify common themes or assumptions underpinning usage of 'intersectionality'.[14],[15],[16],[17] To summarise, we propose that the foundational elements of intersectionality can be understood as:

A recognition that people are shaped by their simultaneous membership of multiple interconnected social categories.

The interaction between multiple social categories occurs within a context of connected systems and structures of power (e.g. laws, policies, governments). A recognition of inequality of power is key to intersectionality.

Structural inequalities, reflected as relative disadvantage and privilege,are the outcomes of the interaction between social categories, power relations and contexts. As a result, an individual's experiences of inequality can be chronic or transitory, creating unique lived experiences.

The relationship between these three key tenets is presented in Figure 2 below. In particular, it is important to note that it is the interaction or "intersection" of two or more characteristics with power dynamics within a given context that gives rise to inequality, not just the presence of intersecting characteristics on their own.

Figure 2: Diagrammatic representation of the relationship between the key tenets of intersectionality.

In addition to understanding the central tenets of intersectionality, the reader may also find it helpful to consider what intersectionality is not. A recent report commissioned by the Poverty and Inequality Commission reviewed available literature on the concept of intersectionality and succinctly highlighted a number of inaccuracies in understanding of the concept of intersectionality. For ease of reference, we summarise these inaccuracies here:

Intersectionality is not a synonym for diversity - there is no such thing as an 'intersectional' group of people, the more appropriate term for those who experience multiple and compounding inequalities would be to state they are from "intersectionally marginalised communities" and to be explicit about which intersections we are referring to e.g.; South Asian Women experiencing racism and sexism.

Intersectionality is primarily a tool for understanding invisible power relations and how they shape inequality, not identity. Intersectionality looks at "interlocking" systems of oppression and how these play out in individual's lives.

Intersectionality is not about adding up different kinds of inequality, and does not look to simply add up the sum of different oppressions (e.g. gender + race + disability). Intersectionality instead aims to shed light on how multiple dimensions and systems of inequality interact with one another and create distinct experiences and outcomes.

Intersectionality is not about pitting different people or groups against each other to assess who is most marginalised or disadvantaged. Instead, intersectionality aims to understand how different people's experiences are shaped where multiple forms of oppression or disadvantage interact.

Intersectionality is not looking to construct a hierarchy of inequality, where some forms of oppression (e.g. racism, sexism, ableism) are seen as more important than others.

What intersectionality means in practice is best illustrated by drawing on the multitude of examples provided in the literature. In her original writings on the topic, Crenshaw gave the following example:

"Black women sometimes experience discrimination in ways similar to white women's experiences; sometimes they share very similar experiences with Black men. Yet often they experience double discrimination-the combined effects of practices which discriminate on the basis of race, and on the basis of sex. And sometimes, they experience discrimination as Black women-not the sum of race and sex discrimination, but as Black women."

More recently, Ashlee Christoffersen, academic at the University of Edinburgh, provided the following example:

"A person is not, for example, a woman on one hand and disabled on the other; rather she is the combination of these at the same time, that is, a disabled woman. In this example her identity as a woman is shaped by her identity as disabled, and vice versa as the elements of identity are not lived or experienced separately."

Examples of how the concept of intersectionality have been used to understand structural inequality in Scottish and UK contexts are provided in Section 5 of this report.

Whilst the term 'intersectionality' originated in Black feminist theory, it is now often used to refer to the interactions between the nine protected characteristics defined in the Equality Act 2010, plus wider characteristics that shape lived experiences of discrimination, inequality and privilege such as socio-economic disadvantage, occupation and care-experience. The broader usage to refer to all nine protected characteristics aligns with the requirement of the Public Sector Equality Duty that Scottish public bodies to have due regard to the need to eliminate unlawful discrimination, harassment and victimisation, and to advance equality of opportunity, for those with protected characteristics. It is acknowledged, however, that recent years has seen criticism that the concept of intersectionality tends to be used by policymakers in an unspecified way across the protected characteristics, representing a departure from the original principles of intersectionality as being focussed on race and gender.

Recent research, carried out by Ashlee Christoffersen, considered how intersectionality is conceptualised and operationalised among policymakers and in the third sector in Scotland and England. The research comprised case studies of three local networks of equality organisations with documented commitments to intersectionality; employment interviews; focus groups; participant observation and analysis of documents published between 2016 and 2018.

Five competing concepts of intersectionality were identified as being used in third sector equality organisations and by policymakers, each with different implications for intersectionality marginalised groups and intersectional justice. These are presented in Table 1 below.

Table 1: Concepts of intersectionality used in third sector equality organisations and policy in Scotland and England

Concept: Generic
Characteristics
Generic intersectionality is characterised by no, or very little, focus on any equality strand or strands in particular: the same work is delivered to benefit 'all'. Addressing issues that affect 'everybody' ( i.e. not only or even primarily marginalised equality groups).
Strengths (+) and Weaknesses (-)
- No attention to power and marginality.

- Work on issues that affect the most disadvantaged are seen as not being intersectional.

Concept: Pan equality
Characteristics
Addressing issues that affect all/most marginalised equality groups.
Strengths (+) and Weaknesses (-)
+ Avoids deciding in advance which issues affect which social groups.

+ Enables more structural (vs. individual) understandings of intersectionality.

- Disregards difference and prevents work on issues which are not 'common'.

Concept: Multi-strand
Characteristics
Addressing equality strands in parallel, separately but at the same time.
Strengths (+) and Weaknesses (-)
- Additive (instead of being viewed as always shaping one another, inequalities are still viewed separately and added and subtracted from one another).

- Intersectionality treated the same as diversity.

- Makes intersectional marginalisation invisible.

Concept: Diversity within
Characteristics
Addressing intersections within an equality strand, e.g. differences among women. One strand/inequality viewed as more important than others.
Strengths (+) and Weaknesses (-)
- Additive.

- Marginalised people are viewed as just oppressed and 'intersectionalities' thought of as 'additional barriers'.

- Unable to incorporate the idea that inequality structures are always shaping each other, producing not only marginalisation, but also privilege.

Concept: Intersections of strands
Characteristics
Work of/with specific groups sharing intersecting identities, e.g. minority ethnic women, disabled women, etc. No particular strand is primary or more in focus than the other(s).
Strengths (+) and Weaknesses (-)
+ Intersectionally marginalised people viewed as being able to act for themselves.

- Intersectionality often individualised (to the exclusion of thinking about inequality structures).

The research concluded that:

Within policymaking and third sector contexts in Scotland, intersectionality tends to be used in an unspecified way across the nine protected characteristics in the Equality Act 2010.

Scottish and English policy documents used many different definitions of intersectionality, and the use of the term was largely individualised, descriptive, additive and superficial.

The work makes a number of recommendations for policy and policymakers, including:

Policymakers should be specific about what they mean by intersectionality.

Fund organisations representing people who share intersecting identities.

Single strand characteristic organisations, such as organisations representing those with a single protected characteristic, should be held to account for facilitating meaningful participation and self-representation of intersectionality marginalised groups.

Organisations should build greater unity and coalition when working around common issues, while highlighting and prioritising intersectionality marginalised experiences and leadership.

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Using intersectionality to understand structural inequality in Scotland: evidence synthesis

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An evidence synthesis of literature on the concept of intersectionality. Looks at what the concept means, and how it can be applied to policymaking and analysis, as well as providing spotlight examples.

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1. A strength of the black community is the focus on meeting the needs and wants of the community. This is a strong type of support that should be valued by every type of community. It gives many types of relationships from different types of people. This definitely originated from oppression and how black people would be the only ones who cared about each other as actual human beings. And even though racism may not be as extreme today, it is admirable to see members of the black community support each other. An example of this is how people promote trying out local black businesses. This is a great way to support black business owners of the community in a place and time where it is mostly white-owned businesses that see major success.

2. In my opinion, most of the weaknesses of black neighborhoods stem from a racist society rather than the actions of black people themselves. Typically when people think of negatives of the black community, they think about poverty; however, it was actually past racist actions of the government, banks, and society which led to black people being at a financial disadvantage. An example of government actions that have had long lasting effects on the black community is redlining. In order to combat the lasting effects of racist policies like this it is important for the government to realize their wrongs and their responsibility in helping to reverse the damage. Financial support needs to be given to these communities to help them thrive.

3. One way black neighborhoods could play a role in the progressive movement of the black community is to continue stepping up for each other. In order for any progress to be made, the people in the community itself needs to support each other. Another solution is to implement programs specifically catered towards children. Because children are the future, it is imperative to set them up to succeed to ensure stable futures. If we can ensure that today's children will grow to be responsible and financially stable adults, then we know that future children will be able to have security because their parents are able to provide that for them. Furthermore, another possible solution is developing community infrastructures together. It is important that the people in the community who know the community problems best and first-hand have say in what changes need to happen in order to continue the progressive movement in the black community.

4. Unfortunately, as long as black people are discriminated in such a way that they are only comfortable living in communities which each other, negative stereotypes about African Americans will continue to spread. As long as society continues to view black people as lazy, reckless, and/or not trying to succeed, it will be hard to gain support. Furthermore, another way black neighborhoods can have a negative effect on the progressive movement of the black community is the "Broken Windows Theory." This theory discusses the idea that when people live in a rundown "dirty" place they are less likely to maintain it and keep it clean. And since black people were discriminated in such a way that they were forced to live in more rundown areas, they are less likely to make the neighborhood like those of wealthy and affluent others who are able to afford to choose a nice community to live in and to take care of it. Another example of a threat to the black progressive movement is how change can be limited to their communities. If progress can only be worked on in individual communities, it is hard to share successful methods with other communities.

5. https://www.pewresearch.org/race-ethnicity/2022/04/14/black-americans-place-and-community/ I found this an interesting article that adds more to the conversation as it discusses how black communities impact the identities of black individuals. It discusses how black people feel about many issues that were discussed in the readings and why they feel it is important to them. I like how this provides a new perspective to this unit's material.

6. It was really interesting to learn about all the ways the government's part in segregation has impacted the current makeup of black neighborhoods. While I always knew that there were problems and that the government was involved, I am always appalled to learn about more ways that the government negatively treated black people. I knew that there was segregation, but did not know about redlining and how that further enforced segregation. It truly is shocking to me to continue to learn more information about how grossly the government treated black people and their communities.

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Black Americans live in different types of communities across the country. For about half of Black adults (52%), the location where they currently live is important to how they think about themselves. But overall, their ratings of the places where they live are mixed. Across communities, the same concerns are cited as the most important to address - violence or crime and economic issues such as poverty and homelessness. When asked who is responsible for addressing these issues, nearly half of Black adults (48%) say local leaders should address them.

For many Black adults, where they live shapes how they think about themselves

About half (52%) of Black adults say the location where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves. Roughly three-in-ten (29%) say where they currently live is somewhat important to their personal identity. And about one-in-five Black adults say where they live is a little or not at all important (19%) to how they think of themselves.

There are differences on this issue across some demographic subgroups. Roughly half of non-Hispanic Black adults (52%) say where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves - making them more likely to say so than multiracial Black adults (38%). Black immigrants and U.S.-born Black adults are about equally likely to say the place where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they see their personal identity (55% and 51%, respectively).

Among Black adults who say being Black is extremely or very important to their identity, 57% say the place where they live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves. This is significantly higher than among those who say being Black is less important to them (33%).

There are other demographic differences, too. Black women are more likely than Black men to say where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves (56% vs. 46%). When it comes to age, adults 50 and older are more likely than those under 50 to say that where they currently live is extremely or very important to their identity (61% vs. 44%). In addition, Black Democrats and Democratic leaners (53%) are more likely than Black Republicans and Republican leaners (41%) to say the place where they live is extremely or very important to their personal identity.

The general public's responses differ from the Black population on this measure. While about half (52%) of the Black adult population say that the location where they currently live is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves, 45% of all U.S. adults share the same view. And among the public overall, 31% say that where they currently live is somewhat important to how they think about themselves, while 23% say this is a little or not at all important.

Black adults are more likely to live in urban and suburban areas

The U.S. Black population is dispersed across the country, though over half lives in the nation's Southern region. And within each region of the United States, the Black population is spread across various types of communities.

Roughly equal shares of Black adults describe the community where they live as urban (41%) or suburban (40%), while almost two-in-ten (18%) describe their community as rural, according to the new Pew Research Center survey.

Though similar shares of the Black population say they live in suburban and urban areas, there are differences in community type among demographic groups. Non-Hispanic Black adults are similar in their distribution to the Black adult population overall: They are about as likely to say they live in suburban (39%) and urban areas (40%), while 19% say they live in rural areas.

But the distribution of community type is different for multiracial Black adults - 45% say they live in suburban communities, while 41% say they live in urban areas and 18% say they live in rural areas. And among Black Hispanics, 52% say they are in suburban places, 40% say they are in urban areas and 14% say they live in rural areas.

A slightly higher share of U.S.-born Black adults say they live in rural areas (19%) than the share of immigrant Black adults (15%) who say the same. Both groups are about as likely to be in urban and suburban areas.

Among Black adults, men are more likely than women to describe the community they live in as urban (46% vs. 37%, respectively), while women (43%) are more likely than men (35%) to live in a suburban community.

There are differences by region as well. Black adults in the South are more likely than those in the Northeast, Midwest and West to live in a community they describe as rural. Accordingly, Black people in the Northeast, Midwest and West are more likely than those in the South to live in communities they describe as urban.

Around four-in-ten Republican or Republican-leaning and Democratic or Democratic-leaning Black adults (38% and 39%, respectively) describe the community where they live as urban. A similar pattern emerges among Democrats (39%) and Republicans (38%) who describe their community as suburban. Equal shares of Black Democrats and Republicans describe their community as rural (19% each).

There are significant differences in self-described community type by education across the Black population. Adults with a college degree or higher are more likely to live in communities they describe as suburban. Over half (56%) of Black adults with a college degree or higher say they live in a suburban community, while 34% of those who attended some college or less say the same.

There are similar differences by income level as well. Black adults with lower incomes are more likely to live in a self-described urban area than those in with upper incomes (48% vs. 25%). They are also more likely to live in rural communities than those with upper incomes (23% vs. 12%). Black adults with lower incomes are less likely than their those with upper incomes to describe their community as suburban (27% vs. 62%, respectively).

The Black population's self-described community type differs from that of the general public. Half of U.S. adults overall describe their current community as suburban, while roughly a quarter each of that population describe their current communities as urban (23%) or rural (27%).

Most Black adults rate the quality of their community as good or better

About four-in-ten Black Americans (41%) rate their community as an excellent or very good place to live, according to the new survey. About one-third (34%) rate their community as a good place to live, while about a quarter (24%) rate their community as fair or poor. Within the Black population, community ratings vary by demographic characteristics.

Black Hispanic adults (54%) are significantly more likely than non-Hispanic Black adults (40%) to rate their community as excellent or very good. Some 47% of multiracial Black adults say the same about their community. And while roughly half (52%) of immigrant Black adults say their community is an excellent or very good place to live, four-in-ten U.S.-born Black adults say the same.

Similar shares of Black women, Black men, Black Democrats and Black Republicans rate their communities positively - about four-in-ten for each group rate the communities where they live as excellent or very good.

Community ratings also differ by education and income. Black adults with a college degree or higher are significantly more likely than Black adults without a college degree to rate their community as an excellent or very good place to live, (56% vs. 36%, respectively).

Black adults with higher incomes are 34 points more likely than those who earn lower incomes to say their community is an excellent or very good place to live (64% vs. 30%), while about half (49%) of those who are middle income share the same opinion.

Black adults who live in self-described urban areas are significantly more likely than their suburban and rural counterparts to rate the community where they live as fair or poor (35% vs. 11% and 27%, respectively). Roughly half (53%) of those in suburban communities rate their community as an excellent or very good place to live - significantly higher than the 29% who say the same in urban communities and the 42% in rural communities.

In general, Black adults rate their communities less positively than all U.S. adults. While roughly four-in-ten Black adults (41%) rate their community as excellent or very good, 58% of all U.S. adults say the same. Roughly three-in-ten U.S. adults (29%) rate their community as good, while 13% say their community is fair or poor.

Violence, the economy and housing top the list of important community issues for Black Americans

When asked in an open-ended question to identify the most important issue in the community they live in, the top issue was violence or crime (17%). This includes Black Americans who listed specific issues such as drug activity, shootings, or theft; but also those who simply listed "violence" or "crime" as the most pressing issues in their communities. Another 11% of Black adults said economic issues such homelessness, poverty and taxes were most important.

Other top issues include housing (7%), COVID-19 and public health (6%), infrastructure (5%), neighbors (4%), the availability of public safety and emergency services (3%), differences among neighbors due to racism, diversity or culture (3%), and employment and wages (3%). Some 4% did not name an issue.

The most important local issue named across demographic subgroups of Black Americans does vary. But notably, the same issues are often among the top three local issues mentioned for most groups - violence and crime, economic issues, and housing issues - even if their rankings may not be the same.

Violence or crime is the top issue for both non-Hispanic and Hispanic Black adults, but second for those who identify as multiracial. Meanwhile, multiracial Black adults mention an economy-related concern as the top issue in their community, while this ranks second among non-Hispanic and Hispanic Black adults. Housing was the third-most important community issue named by non-Hispanic and multiracial Black adults, but fifth among the Hispanic Black population.

Both U.S.-born and immigrant Black adults name violence or crime as the most important issue facing their community (17% and 15%, respectively), but the ranking of issues does not significantly differ between these two groups. Besides violence or crime, the other top issues among the U.S.-born Black population are economic issues (10%) and housing (7%). For the Black foreign-born population, the second-most mentioned issue is economic issues (11%), while COVID-19 and public health (7%) is the third-most mentioned issue.

Violence or crime is the most mentioned issue among both those who say being Black is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves (18%) and those who say being Black is not as important to how they think about themselves (13%). Economic issues are the second-most mentioned community issue for those who say being Black is very or extremely important to them (11%), but among those for whom being Black is less important, housing is the second-most mentioned issue (11%) and economic issues rank third (9%).

Views about the most important issue in their community varies by age among Black adults. Economic issues are the most mentioned among Black 18- to 29-year-old adults (15%), with violence or crime (12%) coming in second. However, those ages 18 to 29 (12%) are more likely than those ages 30 to 49 (5%) or 50 to 64 (6%) to say housing is the most important issue facing their community. The top issue for Black adults between the ages of 30 to 49, 50 to 64 and 65 and older is violence or crime (20%, 18% and 16%, respectively).

Black adults vary only slightly on this question by education and income. The top issue named by Black adults with and without a bachelor's degree is violence or crime (14% and 18% in each respective group name this), while the issue mentioned second-most often by both groups is economic issues (12% and 10%, respectively). Black adults with a college degree or higher are less likely (14%) than those with lower educational attainment (18%) to say violence or crime is the most important issue in their community. Meanwhile, the top community issue mentioned among Black adults with lower or middle incomes is violence or crime (20% among lower income, 16% among middle income). COVID-19 and public health, violence or crime, and economic issues are tied as the issues mentioned most by Black adults with upper incomes (11% each).

There are differences by region as well. The top issue named by Black adults living in the Midwest, Northeast and South is violence or crime (24%, 20% and 15%, respectively), while economic issues and housing are the top two concerns cited by those in the West (20% and 18%, respectively). Black people in the South are also more likely than those in the other three regions to report infrastructure as the most important issue in their community.

The Black population's rating of the most important issue facing the community they live in is only slightly different from that of the general public. Americans overall name economic issues (15%), violence or crime (12%), and COVID-19 and public health (7%) as the most important issues in their community.

Nearly half of Black Americans who name an issue important to their community say local leaders are most responsible for addressing it

When asked who is most responsible for addressing their community's most important issue, almost half of Black adults who name such an issue say local community leaders (48%) are most responsible for addressing that issue. Smaller shares say individual people like themselves (17%), the U.S. Congress (12%), someone else (10%) or the U.S. president (5%) are responsible for solving pressing local issues.

Half of non-Hispanic Black adults (49%) point to local community leaders as the most responsible for solving the most important issue facing their community, with multiracial and Black Hispanic adults being about as likely to say the same. And roughly half (49%) of U.S.-born Black adults and four-in-ten Black immigrants who named a local issue say local leaders should be most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community.

Answers did not vary much, if at all, based on how important Blackness was to each respondent. Of the adults who named a local issue, those who say being Black is extremely or very important to how they think about themselves are about as likely as those who say being Black is less important to how they think about themselves to say local community leaders are most responsible for addressing the most important issue in the community they live in (50% and 44%, respectively).

While four-in-ten or more of both Black Republicans and Republican leaners (40%) and Black Democrats and Democratic leaners (50%) say local community leaders should be most responsible, there are differences by party when it comes to naming civil rights organizations. Black Republicans are significantly more likely than Black Democrats to say civil rights organizations are most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community (8% vs. 1%).

Somewhat similar shares of Black adults in self-described urban, suburban and rural communities name local community leaders as most responsible (46%, 50% and 52%, respectively). Black adults in rural communities are less likely than those in urban communities to name Congress as most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community (8% vs. 14%).

Black adults in the South are more likely than those in the Midwest and West to say that local community leaders are most responsible for addressing this community issue (53% vs. 42% and 40%, respectively). Around half (49%) in the Northeast point to community leaders as most responsible as well. Black adults in the West and Northeast (23% and 16%, respectively) are more likely than those in the Midwest (8%) and South (9%) to say Congress is most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community.

Answers to this question differ by education and income among the Black population. Black adults with a bachelor's degree or higher are more likely than those without a degree to say local community leaders are most responsible (54% vs. 46%). About half or more of Black adults in middle- and upper-income tiers say local community leaders should be most responsible for addressing this issue (52% and 56%, respectively), significantly more than those in the lower-income tier (44%).

Black Americans who named violence or crime, economic issues, or housing as the most important issue in their neighborhoods are still most likely to say that local leaders should be responsible for addressing those issues. However, among those who name economic issues as most important, almost three-in-ten (29%) say Congress is most responsible. And among those who name housing as the most important issue in their neighborhoods, roughly one-in-five say Congress (21%) should be responsible.

The general public and Black population's responses to this question are somewhat similar. Half of U.S. adults overall say that local community leaders should be most responsible for addressing the most important issue in their community, while 16% point to individual people, 13% point to Congress and 10% point to someone else as most responsible.

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Black Americans live in different types of communities across the country. For about half of Black adults (52%), the location where they currently live is important to how they think about themselves. But overall, their ratings of the places where they live are mixed.

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9.6 Discussion: Thesis, Direction and Resources for Critical Analysis Project

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9.6 Discussion: Thesis, Direction and Resources for Critical Analysis Project

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1. Something interesting I learned from the readings is how different African American men and women are. One might think that because they are of the same race that the same statistics would apply to both, but there is actually quite a bit of variation. For example African American women are more likely to be upwardly mobile and have higher education. This leads to African American women looking for men who are financially stable and have a formal education while men tend to focus on honestly and sensitivity. Seeing the difference in values provides more context as to why there are many out there who would rather date outside of their race so they are more likely to find someone with similar values.

2. The long-standing stereotypes that objectify black women leads to people believing that African American women are of lesser value. Additionally, it leads to difference in values because someone who likes the stereotypical image of black women that's shown in things like black women may pursue black women with this image in mind even though in real life black women are not like this image in their heads. This can negatively affect the psyche of African American women themselves as well because people might treat them as less than because of stereotypes. This may even lead to a version of imposter syndrome,=.

3. I'd say the biggest contributing factor to the rising number of single black females is education. This is not to say that getting education is bad, as that 100% is not true. However, when one is educated, typically the standards for their partners raise. It is normal for successful women to want to date successful men. At the same time African American men are more likely to date outside of their race than women, which even further narrows the dating pool; especially considering that there are more educated African American women out there than there are African American men.

4. I think the biggest contributor to the stigma around the LGBTQ community is the lack of open conversations about it. 77% of queer black youth say that they have heard family members speak negatively of the LGBTQ community, which shows how normal it is to speak negatively of this group. Some youth say that if they saw more support for the LGBTQ community that they'd feel more comfortable. This shows an unfortunate cycle in which people foster an unwelcoming environment where queer youth don't feel comfortable which leads to them growing to not be confident in their sexualities and making it hard for them to be the people who make the change needed in their communities. With the constant judgement, it is hard to see change.

5. https://www.pewresearch.org/race-ethnicity/2023/02/16/black-americans-firmly-support-gender-equality-but-are-split-on-transgender-and-nonbinary-issues/ I found this article interesting as it present both sides of the issue and how different people think. This is significant to the materials learned as it shows the relationship that the black community has with the queer community.

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Black Americans Firmly Support Gender Equality but Are Split on Transgender and Nonbinary Issues

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Most Black adults support women’s equality and think feminism has been a positive force for women. But their views on transgender people and gender identity are more divided.

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THEME 1: Codeswitching

1. Codeswitching is when changes the way they communicate depending where they are or who they are with. In a world that views African Americans in a negative light, codeswitching can help with their success in life as people will view them more positively. The unfortunate reality is that people view African Americans negatively, so even if it may be upsetting to need to codeswitch, it helps to have people think that you are not the negative stereotypes that they have in their head.

2. Codeswitching threatens diversity as it does not allow people to stay true to self. If everyone codeswitches to be the most "palatable," everyone will be exactly the same. Doing this takes away what makes someone unique, making diversity not even exist.

3. Codeswitching can affect someone's mental health because they may be confused in how they view themself considering how often they change how they present themself. Not only are they presenting themselves differently, but each time they codeswitch, they also get treated differently. This confusion on sense of self can negatively effect mental health.

4. https://hbr.org/2019/11/the-costs-of-codeswitching This page is interesting as it discusses both the negatives and positives of codeswitching. It shines light because it talks about how common it actually is.

5. Having more open discussions about what codeswitching is and its effects. If people avoid this subject, there will be lack of progress. There needs to be discussions on why people codeswitch, if codeswitching is actually necessary, and the effects of codeswitching on individuals and communities as a whole.

6. Something that stood out to me is how African American Vernacular English should be valued as its own dialect rather than "just slang." This is something I've never considered, since I've always heard this vernacular referred to as slang, that is what I thought of it as. But it makes a lot of sense for it to be considered its own dialect, especially because 80% of African Americans speak it.

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The behavior is necessary for advancement — but it takes a great psychological toll.

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THEME 2: The Yoruba Faith

1. Yoruba Orisha is an ancient religion from West Africa. It is significant as it has been rising in popularity among African Americans in the past few decades. Yoruba has its own traditions which have an impact on African American culture.

2. This faith provides a connection back to Africa as it is a religion that originated from there. This religion had a rise during the black nationalist movement because of its connection to African culture.

3. The Yoruba faith believes health and spirituality goes hand in hand. They believe the better your health, the better your destiny is. They believe they have to appeal to their gods more for better health.

4. https://www.vox.com/2020/7/31/21346686/orisha-yoruba-african-spirituality-covid This is a good and relevant resource because it talks about the impact of the Yoruba faith on African Americans in recent years. 2020 was a very politically charged year and shed light to a lot of troubles for African Americans, so they were able to find solace in this faith.

5. I was very surprised seeing the data on Slide 4 of Professor Phillips lecture because it showed that a greater percentage of African American participate in the Christian faith than white Americans. Because this is a predominantly European religion, I did not expect that. I definitely thought it was interesting that African Americans had higher percentages than white Americans in most of the categories listed.

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Porsche Little, a Brooklyn-based artist, diviner, and aborisha - or someone who serves the Orisha, a group of spirits central to the Yoruba and other African Diaspora religions - says that she has received a huge increase in requests for divinations and readings throughout the pandemic.

"There's so much happening right now in the world to everyone, and I know for certain that all of this is happening for a reason," she says. "A lot of people are stuck in the house and can't really make sense of their lives, but that's what I'm here for."

Little says when she counsels people in her community these days, they specifically want to talk about challenges arising from this tumultuous time we're living in. Between a terrifying pandemic, a major racial reckoning, an existential crisis that climate change presents, and a government that fails to address any of these things, some Black people are turning to African and Black Diaspora traditions as a means of comfort, community, healing, and liberation.

"With the pandemic and the anxiety and the fear and all of those emotions that all of us are dealing with right now ... in the beginning my spiritual practice helped keep me connected and grounded. It helped me understand this moment in the larger context," says Akissi Britton, an assistant professor of Africana Studies at Rutgers University and Lucumí priestess for 36 years.

The Black Diaspora has been through centuries of struggle, resistance, and joy since being scattered from our original homelands. And through it all, many of us have connected with those original practices - food, family structures, languages - as a way of healing and building community with each other. The same goes for African and Black Diasporic spirituality, like the Yoruba, Lucumí, and Santería traditions; many practitioners of these religionsoffer a different type of healing, one that is removed from traditionally Westernized versions, which generally stress individualism and independence. African traditions, instead, are reliant upon collectivism, strong communities, and healthy interdependence.

Most of these traditions revolve around Orisha(sometimes referred to as Orisa, or Òrìṣà in the Yoruba language, or Orixá in Latin America), a group of spirits from the Yoruba religion that provide guidance. Yoruba and other practitioners are often connected to one Orisha, usually called their guardian - like Oshun, the goddess of love, fertility, and success, and Babalú-Aye, Orisha of healing, including against airborne diseases that can cause epidemics. People who seek practitioners like Little are looking for guidance, which comes from rituals that invoke the Orisha, like baths or offerings and sometimes the reading of tarot cards. Sessions and ceremonies are often private and individualized.

Britton says that growing up in the Afro-Cuban Lucumí religion, which is derived from the Yoruba tradition, gave her a fulfilling sense of self. "I am not separated from my Orisa, from my ancestors, from the spirits, as well as from my community," she says. "When my sense of self is much broader and attached to other things, I don't feel so isolated. I don't feel so alone, like I'm trying to figure it out on my own."

Britton spiritually counsels others, but she encourages them to seek therapy if they can, too; Lucumí priestesses are not necessarily trained therapists, psychiatrists, and psychologists. Britton has sought out therapy for herself, and says that it works well with her spiritual practice. Often in therapy, she says, "I have gotten information that my ancestors and Orisa have given to me, which is just confirmation."

Jo, a former student of Britton's and an Afro-Boricua artist and community organizer, says that the Lucumí religion offered her healing after a tumultuous relationship with both race and religion as a child. Growing up with a white mother and in the Christian church, Jo had little connection to her father's Puerto Rican family. Still, she was always drawn to the beauty of the complex cultural practices in the Boricua community.

Early in her life, Jo says, she didn't receive much affection from the people who were "supposed to love" her, and instead she experienced a lot of pain. She completely rejected Christianity and religion altogether, until she found strength and healing in Lucumí. Although she didn't come to Lucumí until adulthood, she feels much of it has always been with her.

"In some weird way, I always felt protected," she says. "My angels and ancestors have always been the ones to bring me that feeling. As an adult, I was led right back to the same innate practices I believed in when I was young. I reconnected with the voices and knowings I had turned away from for so long. And it changed my life."

The liberation in connecting with African spirituality

For practitioners of African spirituality, healing often comes in the form of liberation and resistance. These traditions are made even more pressing considering the centuries-long attempts by European slave owners, colonists, and neo-colonists to suppress and demonize these religions. And now, in a time when America's racist foundation has been pushed to the foreground, seeking solace in this connection feels especially poignant.

During slavery, Christianity was used to justify the horrific practice. As such, the enslaved were often forbidden from practicing their indigenous religions, and other religions like Islam. Even in places like Cuba, Brazil, Haiti, and Trinidad, European colonists and slave masters attempted to obliterate the humanity and autonomy of enslaved Africans, Britton says. Many in the Black Diaspora embraced Christianity, finding a different sort of liberation in a religion meant to oppress them - a radical tradition that continues today, especially in the African American Episcopal Church (AME).

However, as a form of resistance, other enslaved Africans syncretized their indigenous religions with Christianity, creating traditions like Santería, Vodun, and Hoodoo. For instance, the word Santería means "honor to saints," and the religion is infused with the Spanish Catholicism that was indoctrinated into enslaved Africans early on. In fact, some practitioners correspond Orishas with Catholic saints - Eleguá, associated with roads and paths, corresponds with Saint Anthony, the patron saint of travelers and lost things - while others believed in removing the Catholic component altogether, as they saw the European influences as antithetical to goals of decolonization and autonomy.

But syncretizing practices wasn't a matter of happenstance. "[Africans'] ingenuity, their creativity, their brilliance allowed them to maintain certain practices from home while masking them in the practices that Europeans insisted upon," Britton says. Santería was "the masking behind the saints ... that in itself is a liberation practice," she says.

Britton points out that the Haitian Revolution - the only successful slave revolt and an event that led to the creation of the first free Black republic - while not specifically Lucumí, was "the coming together of Africans, different ethnic groups too, that had a ceremony that inspired and gave strength for the revolution that made it."

"Africans and their descendants [have] refused to allow Europeans slave masters and colonialists to dictate their full humanity," Britton says. "This gave them a very strong sense of identity, inspiration, spiritual grounding that was liberatory in the sense that it allowed them to think differently and understand themselves differently than the dominant models do."

Little, who is studying Ifá and Lucumí traditions, says honoring Orisha and her ancestors helps her connect with her past before enslavement and colonization. She has been following the path to become an initiated priestess, which is mostly focused on immersing oneself in community as they guide you, something that can feel like coming home for so many Black people. "I spent a lot of my life wondering who I was, and where I came from, but now I don't question that. It has truly reconnected me with not only my roots but with people that I've known from past lives," she says. "There's a certain power that comes with remembering where you came from."

Because of the oppression people in the Black Diaspora faced, however, stigma against African spirituality exists today. The Roman Catholic Church has often viewed these practices as akin to demon worship. I know in my own family, some people see these practices as evil or dangerous. Others embrace it.

Little says that we should interrogate those ingrained beliefs and where they come from, particularly relating to Christianity and other religions closely related to "conquest, murder, homophobia, sexism, and slavery amongst so many other forms of violence." For Little, it's worth questioning why some in the diaspora have been taught that African religion, which she says "connects you with your personal power, identity and lineage," is evil. She suggests that "people need to decolonize their own minds and then see what serves them best."

Ruqaiyyah Beatty, who grew up practicing Christianity, Islam, and other other African religions, is a now practitioner of Ifá, a Yoruba religion and system of divination. She says that through her practice, she was able to find healing through connection. "I was able to connect to Nigeria, it gave me a global network of spirituality, divine guidance, family, and love, and I was able to create and sustain a great relationship to god," she says.

For those looking to get involved with African spiritual traditions, Britton stresses that research is key. She suggests reading books by independent scholar John Mason, who wrote Black Gods - Orisa Studies in the New World, which discusses 13 Orisha, including their symbols, personal characteristics, philosophical values, animal familiars, and feast days.

She also says it's important to enter these spaces from a place of respect, seeking mentorship and accountability, and above all, community. "You cannot do this by yourself," she stresses. The best way to guard against misinformation, Britton says, is to go slow, research, and talk to people.

While African spirituality can keep us connected during a time that can feel especially isolating, Little says, it can also keep us empowered. "I just want people to know that although there is a higher power, remember that you have power as well. I want us all collectively to start using our intuitions ... and to question everything."
Nylah Burton is a Denver-based writer. She covers mental health, social justice, and identity. You can follow her on Will you support Vox's explanatory journalism? .
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How some Black Americans are finding solace in African spirituality

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Between the pandemic and protests, Black Americans are welcoming the community and liberation that African spirituality and traditions can bring.

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OPTION 1: Choose your own theme:

1. The theme that stood out to me most this unit was how Black Americans die younger. It stood out to me as I never considered the physical effects of racism.

2. This theme affects the African American community as it directly affects their life spans. For example, gaps in health care access in these communities have direct effects on how long they are able to live.

3. There needs to be more access to healthcare and prenatal education. If communities are unable to care for the babies and mothers are uneducated on the best ways to care for their babies, then the children in these communities will struggle with starting life on the right foot.

4. https://www.kff.org/racial-equity-and-health-policy/issue-brief/what-is-driving-widening-racial-disparities-in-life-expectancy/#:~:text=As%20of%202021%2C%20provisional%20data,77.7%20years%20for%20Hispanic%20people. This article is interesting as it talks about the same themes discussed previously but applies it to more recent years discussing how black families were effected during COVID. The pandemic had an effect on what the leading cause of death was.

5. Something that stood out to me was "vicarious traumatization," this term is used to describe when people who have not experienced something feel traumatized by the pictures they see. It is disheartening to learn that police brutality stories are so bad that even people who weren't there are getting traumatized.

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Introduction

Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, life expectancy in the U.S. declined 2.7 years between 2019 and 2021, from 78.8 years to 76.1 years, marking the largest two-year decline in life expectancy since the 1920's. This decline further widened the existing gap in life expectancy between the U.S. and other comparably large and wealthy countries. It also exacerbated longstanding racial disparities in life expectancy and mortality within the U.S., contributing to excess deaths and increased costs. This analysis examines trends in life expectancy and leading causes of death by race and ethnicity and discusses the factors that contribute to racial disparities in life expectancy. In sum, it finds:

There was a sharp drop-off in life expectancy between 2019 and 2021, with particularly large declines among some groups. American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) people experienced the largest decline in life expectancy of 6.6 years during this time, followed by Hispanic and Black people (4.2 and 4.0 years, respectively).

Reflecting these declines, provisional data for 2021 show that life expectancy was lowest for AIAN people at 65.2 years, followed by Black people, whose expectancy was 70.8 years, compared with 76.4 years for White people and 77.7 years for Hispanic people. It was highest for Asian people at 83.5 years. Data were not reported for Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander (NHOPI) people.

These declines were largely due to COVID-19 deaths and reflect the disproportionate burden of excess deaths, including premature excess deaths (before age 75), among people of color during the pandemic. Although COVID-19 mortality was a primary contributor to the recent decrease in life expectancy across groups, leading causes of death vary by race and ethnicity.

These recent stark declines and widening racial disparities in life expectancy amplify the importance of addressing underlying drivers of these disparities, including inequities in health insurance coverage and access to care and social and economic factors that drive health.

Trends in Life Expectancy by Race/Ethnicity

Life expectancy at birth represents the average number of years a group of infants would live if they were to experience throughout life the age-specific death rates prevailing during a specified period. Life expectancy is one of the most used measures of population health, enabling comparisons in health status between countries, states, local communities, and demographic groups. Differences in life expectancy occur across a broad range of dimensions which often intersect with each other, including race, socioeconomic status, gender, geography, and other characteristics. For example, In the U.S. and all other comparable countries, men tend to have shorter life expectancy at birth than women. In 2021, life expectancy for women in the U.S. was 5.9 years higher than for men (79.1 years vs. 73.2 year, respectively), and similar gender disparities persisted within racial and ethnic groups. This analysis focuses on differences in life expectancy by race and ethnicity overall, but within racial and ethnic groups there is variation by these other factors, such as gender.

Prior to 2015, there were relatively steady increases in life expectancy in the U.S., but racial disparities persisted. Before 2015, life expectancy in the U.S. steadily increased with an overall gain of about 10 years between 1960 and 2015 from 69.7 years to 79.4 years. While there have been large gains in life expectancy across racial and ethnic groups, racial disparities have been longstanding and persisted over time. Black people have consistently had lower life expectancy than White people, while, conversely, Hispanic people have consistently had longer life expectancy compared to White people. When life expectancy reached its peak in 2014, life expectancy for Black people was more than three years shorter than White people (75.3 vs. 78.8 years), and Hispanic people had a longer life expectancy at 82.1 years (Figure 1 and Appendix Table 1). (Data were not available for other groups.)

Following this peak in 2014, life expectancy declined for the first time in over two decades. Between 2014 and 2017, overall life expectancy declined by 0.3 years with a slightly larger decline for Black people (0.4 years) compared with Hispanic and White people (0.3 years for both) (Figure 1 and Appendix Table 1). Separate data were not reported for Asian, AIAN and NHOPI people for this period. Research suggests that increases in mortality due to suicide, drug overdose and alcohol abuse were drivers of the decreasing life expectancy during this time. In 2018 and 2019, life expectancy remained relatively stable overall and across groups.

Life expectancy sharply declined by 2.7 years between 2019 and 2021, and disparities widened amid the COVID-19 pandemic (Figure 2). In 2019, prior to the onset of the pandemic, overall life expectancy was 78.8 years. AIAN people had the lowest life expectancy at 71.8 years, followed by Black people at 74.8. These groups both had lower life expectancies than White people, whose life expectancy was 78.8 years. Hispanic and Asian people had longer life expectancies of 81.9 and 85.6 years, respectively. The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 resulted in higher mortality rates. Because life expectancy is based on death rates for a given period, these increased mortality rates drove declines in life expectancy in 2020 and 2021. Overall life expectancy declined by 2.7 years between 2019 and 2021, with AIAN people experiencing the largest life expectancy decline of 6.6 years, followed by Hispanic and Black people (4.2 and 4.0 years, respectively), and a smaller decline of 2.4 years for White people. Asian people had the smallest decline in life expectancy of 2.1 years between 2019 and 2021. These declines further widened gaps in life expectancy for AIAN and Black people compared to White people and reduced the advantage in life expectancy for Hispanic people relative to White people. As of 2021, provisional data show that life expectancy was lowest for AIAN and Black people at 65.2 years and 70.8 years, respectively, compared to 76.4 years for White people and 77.7 years for Hispanic people. It was highest for Asian people at 83.5 years. Data were not available for NHOPI people. Given that life expectancy reflects death rates from a specified year and provisional data from 2022 show that overall mortality declined 5.3% between 2021 and 2022, reflecting a fall-off in COVID-19 deaths, there may be small increases in life expectancy in upcoming years.

Causes of Recent Life Expectancy Declines

The declines in life expectancy between 2019 and 2021 largely reflect an increase in excess deaths amid the COVID-19 pandemic, which disproportionately impacted Black, Hispanic, and AIAN people. KFF analysis finds the pandemic was associated with faster rises in premature mortality rates and resulted in more excess years of life lost for people of color compared to their White counterparts, with people of color accounting for 59% of excess years of life lost while making up 40% of the population. Other analysis further finds that COVID-19 mortality had the largest contribution to the decline in life expectancy between 2020 and 2021 among AIAN, Black and White people, accounting for 21.4%, 35.0%, and 54.1% of their declines, respectively. Among Hispanic and Asian people, COVID-19 had the second largest contribution to the decline in life expectancy, accounting for 25.5% and 16.6% of their declines, respectively. The largest contributor to the decline for Hispanic people was an increase in mortality due to unintentional injuries, while growth in cancer deaths was the primary contributor to the decline for Asian people between 2020 and 2021.

Although COVID-19 mortality was a primary contributor to the recent decrease in life expectancy across groups, leading causes of death varied by race and ethnicity. Overall, COVID-19 was the third leading cause of death in 2021, after heart disease and cancer. However, COVID-19 was the top leading cause of death for Hispanic and AIAN people, followed by heart disease and cancer (Figure 3). Among Black, Asian, and White people, COVID-19 was the third leading cause of death, outranked by heart disease and cancer.

Beyond COVID-19 becoming a leading cause of death, there were other changes in leading causes of death that occurred during the pandemic (Figure 3). For example, flu activity has been lower since the beginning of the pandemic, leading to flu and pneumonia falling out of the ten leading causes of death in 2021. In contrast, liver disease rose to the ninth leading cause of death, reflecting sharp increases in alcohol-related deaths during the pandemic, with AIAN people experiencing the largest increase from 44.7 per 100,00 in 2019 to 77.8 per 100,000 in 2021. Deaths related to unintentional injuries also increased between 2019 and 2021, largely driven by increases in drug overdose deaths. Although suicide rates dropped out of the top ten leading causes of death overall during the pandemic (10 th leading cause of death in 2019 vs. 11 th in 2021), there was a significant increase in suicide deaths between 2020 and 2021 among Black and White men and women and AIAN men, and suicide remained the ninth leading cause of death for AIAN people and the tenth leading cause for White people in 2021. Although homicide deaths increased between 2020 and 2021, Black people are the only racial group for which homicide was a top ten cause of death in 2021, reflecting high rates of homicide among young Black men. For example, homicide was the leading cause of death in 2021 among Black males ages 15-34, and the death rate was 20 times higher than their White counterparts (126.1 per 1000,000 vs. 6.1 per 100,000), continuing a disparity in homicides that has existed for decades.

Provisional data from 2022 show that overall mortality declined 5.3% between 2021 and 2022, and that, in 2022, the three leading causes of death were heart disease, cancer, and unintentional injuries. During this time, COVID-19 deaths declined almost 50% overall and across all racial and ethnic groups, dropping to the fourth leading cause of death. Despite these declines in COVID-19 deaths, AIAN and Black people continued to have higher COVID-19 death rates compared to White people. Declining death rates from COVID-19 may improve life expectancy overall, however racial gaps will likely persist given the continued disparities in COVID-19 and other leading causes of death.

Factors Contributing to Racial Life Expectancy Disparities

Research suggests that the factors driving disparities in life expectancy are complex and multifactorial. They include differences in health insurance coverage and access to care, social and economic factors, and health behaviors that are rooted in structural and systemic racism and discrimination (Figure 4).

People of color are more likely than their White counterparts to be uninsured and to face other barriers to accessing health care that may contribute to shorter life expectancy. Data show that people of color are less likely to have health insurance and more likely to face barriers to accessing care, such as not having a usual source of care. Among AIAN people, chronic underfunding of the Indian Health Service further contributes to barriers to health care. Research shows that, overall, uninsured people are more likely than those with insurance to go without needed medical care due to cost and less likely to receive preventive care and services. Research further shows that uninsured people have higher mortality rates and lower survival rates than people with insurance.

Underlying social and economic inequities also drive disparities in mortality and life expectancy. Hispanic, AIAN, and Black people are more likely to have lower incomes and educational attainment levels compared to White people, and studies find that people with higher incomes and more education live longer lives. Other social and economic factors may also affect life expectancy. For example, historic housing policies, including redlining, and ongoing economic inequities have resulted in residential segregation that pushed many low-income people and people of color into segregated urban neighborhoods. Research finds that living in racially segregated neighborhoods is associated with shorter life expectancy and higher mortality rates for Black people.

Social and economic factors can also shape health behaviors and exposure to health risks that influence life expectancy, For example, Black and AIAN people have higher rates of smoking, substance and alcohol use disorders, and obesity compared to White people. Research suggests that eliminating smoking and obesity would greatly narrow disparities in life expectancy between Black and White people. People of color are also disproportionately affected by violence, including police and gun-related violence. Research shows African American and AIAN men and women and Latino men are at increased risk of being killed by police compared to their White peers. Black and Hispanic adults also are more likely than White adults to worry about gun violence according to 2023 KFF survey data. Other KFF analysis shows that firearm death rates increased sharply among Black and Hispanic youth during the pandemic driven primarily by gun assaults and suicide by firearm.

Research also highlights the role of racism and discrimination in driving racial disparities in mortality. Many of the inequities described above are rooted in racism and discrimination. Racism also contributes to lower quality of care among people of color. For example, a KFF/The Undefeated survey found that most Black adults believe the health care system treats people unfairly based on their race, and one in five Black and Hispanic adults report they were personally treated unfairly because of their race or ethnicity while getting health care in the past year. Beyond driving structural inequities and differences in experiences obtaining health care, research also demonstrates that racism and discrimination have direct negative impacts on health. For example, research finds that the cumulative effects of exposure to racism and chronic stress, referred to as allostatic load, may contribute to a more rapid decline in health and higher mortality among Black people. The health of AIAN people has also been negatively affected by ongoing racism and discrimination, and intergenerational trauma stemming from historical actions and policies, including genocide, removal from native lands, and assimilation efforts, including Indian boarding schools.

Some life expectancy patterns are not fully understood or observable in the data presented. Notably, Hispanic people have longer life expectancy than their White counterparts despite experiencing increased barriers to accessing health care and social and economic challenges typically associated with poorer health outcomes. Researchers have hypothesized that this finding, sometimes referred to as the Hispanic or Latino health paradox, in part, may stem from variation in outcomes among subgroups of Hispanic people by origin, nativity, and race, with better outcomes for some groups, particularly recent immigrants to the U.S. However, the findings still are not fully understood. Measures of life expectancy for Asian people as a broad group may mask underlying differences among subgroups of the population who vary across health access and social and economic factors. Research has shown variation in life expectancy among Asian subgroups, with Chinese people having the longest life expectancy and Vietnamese people having the shortest life expectancy, which may in part reflect differences in socioeconomic status. Additionally, data limitations for NHOPI people prevented the ability to include them in this analysis. Efforts to expand and improve data collection for NHOPI people will be important to gain a better understanding of their experiences, particularly since they suffered disproportionate impacts on mortality from COVID-19.

Conclusion

Overall, the data suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated longstanding racial disparities in life expectancy. The recent declines and widening of disparities in life expectancy highlight the urgency and importance of addressing disparities in health broadly and increased attention to disparities in mortality and life expectancy specifically. Continued efforts within and beyond the health care system will be important to reduce ongoing racial disparities in life expectancy, many of which are rooted in systemic racism. Within the health care system, these may include ongoing efforts to reduce gaps in health insurance, increase access to care, and eliminate discrimination and bias. Beyond the health care system, addressing broader social and economic factors, including those that drive disparities in behavioral risks, will also be important.

Appendix

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What is Driving Widening Racial Disparities in Life Expectancy? | KFF

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This analysis examines trends and racial disparities in life expectancy, leading causes of death by race and ethnicity, and discusses the underlying factors that drive disparities in life expectancy.

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THEME 1: Minority Health Disparities

1. The outcome of institutionally racist policy choices is that low-income minorities are unable to access the healthcare that they need and are more susceptible to health conditions. An example of how negative effects can be seen is how black individuals have a shorter life span that those of other racial groups.

2. The intersectionality of multiple different issues affects the African American community greatly. It greatly hinders them because even if they are able to overcome something, they still have 2 other issues holding them back. It feels hopeless when so many things are stacked against you.

3. A strategy that I feel would help is to increase access to healthcare so even people who are struggling to come up with money can still be able to take care of themselves. Another solution is to build hospitals in low-income areas so that it can be a part of the community. This both helps to build trust and makes healthcare easier to access. The final strategy I'd suggest is to provide education for healthcare providers themselves to discuss common biases and why they should learn to push those aside. These biases do not only affect African Americans. Women's health issues get overlooked because women are viewed as sensitive and the health issues of overweight people are overlooked because their issues are dismissed as just being a side effect of being overweight. Doctors should learn to not just brush aside issues they feel are unimportant.

4. https://www.ama-assn.org/delivering-care/health-equity/impact-past-racist-policies-are-seen-today-health-inequity This discusses this history of racist policies in regards to healthcare and how its impact lasts even to today. This gives a deeper view into the issue.

5. I was surprised to see how many people distrusted the healthcare system, I always thought it was a slim minority. This shows that there needs to be more education on why it is important to take care of one's health and how to do so. If someone does not want to go to the hospital, they should at least practice health promotion activities.

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Impact of past racist policies are seen today in health inequity

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A new online series, the National Health Equity Grand Rounds, launched with an examination of how past policies are at the root of modern problems.

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15.5 Psychological Adaptation and Mental Health Discussion

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15.5 Psychological Adaptation and Mental Health Discussion

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THEME 2: Choose your own adventure

1. A theme that stood out to me in this unit was racial trauma. Even though I already knew that racism can negatively affect one's mental health, I did not realize how bad racial trauma could be. There's a lot of research on this topic, meaning I learned a lot about it.

2. Racial trauma negatively affects the psyche of the African American community. Effects of racial trauma that are listed in the reading are increased vigilance and suspicion, increased sensitivity to threats, increased psychological and physiological symptoms, increased alcohol and drug usage, increased aggression, and narrowing sense of time. Because of the lack of awareness on this topic, the hurt from this can go unnoticed leading emotional wounds to fester into something bigger and more damaging on the psyche.

3. The first strategy that can help is education. If people are educated on the idea of racial trauma, they will know if they suffer from it and how to help other members of the community if they see someone else suffer from it. Another strategy is to nip the problem in the bud by implementing anti-racist policies and making sure people in authority positions do not have racial biases. A third strategy that could be used is implementing the coping mechanisms discussed in the readings which could be used to help those struggling with racial trauma. As long as there are people struggling, it is good to provide resources to help said people.

4. https://www.ptsd.va.gov/understand/types/racial_trauma.asp This resource talks about how racial trauma is basically a form of PTSD. I find this really interesting because it links racial trauma with something I am more familiar with.

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Racial Trauma

Racism and racial discrimination may impact emotional well-being. This is racial trauma. Such experiences can affect physical and mental health. In some cases, they may lead to PTSD. Learn about the impact of racial trauma and tips for active coping to reduce stress.

Reading time: minutes

Racial trauma can negatively affect physical, mental and emotional health, and in some cases, lead to PTSD. This information may also be useful for those who experience discrimination or trauma based upon other aspects of identity, such as gender, sexuality, religion, etc.

What Is Racial Trauma?

Racial trauma refers to the emotional impact of stress related to racism, racial discrimination, and race-related stressors, such as being affected by stereotypes, hurtful comments, or barriers to advancement. Racial trauma can refer to a specific incident of racial discrimination or the ongoing, harmful emotional impact of racial discrimination that builds up over time. People can experience racial trauma from something that happens directly to them or from seeing others mistreated because of their race. Coverage of events caused by racial discrimination in the media can also be upsetting, and repeated viewing or frequent media accounts can amplify those feelings.

What Are the Impacts of Racial Trauma?

Racial trauma can lead to an increased risk of physical and mental health problems. Emotional difficulties, such as stress, anxiety, depression or PTSD, can impact daily functioning in school, work or at home. Relationships with others may also be affected; people may worry that others dismiss their concerns about racial trauma. It is normal and understandable to be negatively affected by racial trauma.

How Can Racial Trauma Incidents Lead to PTSD?

Racial trauma incidents that involve actual or threatened death, serious injury or sexual violence may lead to PTSD. Any experiences of racial trauma can make existing PTSD and other mental health problems worse. There are many similarities between PTSD symptoms and symptoms related to the emotional impacts of racial trauma. After experiencing racial discrimination, people may have unwanted memories and may avoid thoughts, feelings and reminders of racial trauma. In addition, racial trauma can lead to negative thoughts about oneself, others and the world, and contribute to negative moods. Finally, people may feel on guard and on high alert, and have trouble with concentration, sleep or irritability due to racial trauma.

Coping With Racial Trauma

Racial trauma is a broad problem that requires communities to work together to overcome it. At times, coping with racial trauma can feel overwhelming, so focusing on strategies for empowerment and healing can be helpful. Coping may not reduce or stop racial trauma, but taking active steps can help people reduce stress and let them redirect their focus back to living fulfilling lives.

Empowerment. Racial trauma can lead to feelings of helplessness. Focusing on ways to take control or have an influence can improve emotional health. Empowerment strategies can range from self-care to speaking up about issues that are important. Some people may find advocacy for reducing discrimination or oppression meaningful.

Values-based goal setting. Identifying specific goals that align with personal values (e.g., family, community, equity, self-improvement, security) can be another way to feel more in control and enjoy life.

Self-care and lifestyle changes. Taking time to recuperate from racial trauma on a regular basis is important. Taking walks, listening to music or relaxation techniques may help. The specific activity is not important. The goal is to choose something that helps to reduce stress.

Taking charge of emotions. Relaxation and mindfulness strategies can be helpful in countering the effects of stress on the body and mind.

Social support. Talking to supportive others about thoughts and feelings related to racial trauma can be validating.

Media balance. While staying informed about current events is important, it may be helpful to limit exposure to "doomscrolling," or focusing on negative and discouraging media content.

For those people who continue to feel distressed, consider talking to a health care provider. Talking to a mental health provider can be helpful for people who are feeling overwhelmed, having difficulties with relationships, or struggling with day-to-day functioning at work, school or household responsibilities.

Conclusion

Racial trauma can negatively affect physical, mental and emotional health, and in some cases, lead to PTSD. If self-care is not enough to cope with the impact of racial trauma in daily life, seeking professional help can be valuable. A mental health provider can help to assess the negative impacts of racial trauma and to work with people to identify effective coping and treatment strategies. Some VA facilities offer Race-Based Stress and Trauma Empowerment groups designed to treat racial stress and trauma. Evidence-based talk therapies for PTSD-like Cognitive Processing Therapy (CPT), Prolonged Exposure (PE) and Eye-Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing (EMDR)-can help to treat PTSD due to racial trauma.

While this article focuses on the impact of racial trauma, the information may also apply to discrimination or trauma due to other aspects of identity, such as sexual orientation, gender identity, religion, spirituality, ability status, socioeconomic status, age or generation.

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Apply for and manage the VA benefits and services you've earned as a Veteran, Servicemember, or family member-like health care, disability, education, and more.

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13.5 Outline for Film Analysis Project (updated)

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13.5 Outline for Film Analysis Project (updated)

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16.3 Final Recording of Film Analysis Presentation

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16.3 Final Recording of Film Analysis Presentation