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Paris, some great individual contributions here, particularly those who were able to use personal experience or to find interesting examples from here and OS.  The overall impression though was a bit disjointed - think about providing an introduction to the story and some clearer tasks for each team member.  Thx Peter

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Paris, some great individual contributions here, particularly those who were able to use personal experience or to find interesting examples from here and OS.  The overall impression though was a bit disjointed - think about providing an introduction to the story and some clearer tasks for each team member.  Thx Peter

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Shopping malls as regulated space through security and surveillance

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Shopping malls as regulated space through security and surveillance

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AGAINST - The end of public space and the rise of ‘consumerist citizenship'?

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AGAINST - The end of public space and the rise of ‘consumerist citizenship'?

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This article reflects on the issue of the privatization of public space in relation to the recent development of a shopping mall in Sydney. It argues that the development in Hornsby does not coincide with the need for an open and ‘democratic’ public space. Rather, what has been developed is a privatized space, which reduces and controls diversity. This new type of physical space creates a discursive ‘rupture’ with older accounts of public space, which were based on equality and open access. It is argued that the older discourses of public space have been displaced by three new discourses. The three discourses reflect, first, notions associated with the traditional ideas of property and suburban order; second, ideas of neoliberalism and self-sufficiency; third, the notion that new public space is coterminous with safety and particular discourses on consumption. It follows that any activity detrimental to consumption must be limited and that all disruptive potentialities, real or imagined, should be removed.

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Shopping malls in Australia: The end of public space and the rise of 'consumerist citizenship'? - Malcolm Voyce, 2006

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This article reflects on the issue of the privatization of public space in relation to the recent development of a shopping mall in Sydney. The article argues t...

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AGAINST - Shopping malls as "Pseudo-public spaces"?

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AGAINST - Shopping malls as "Pseudo-public spaces"?

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"The pseudo-public space of the "Mall" construes a situation that generates the illusion of free speech. The mall is framed as an unstructured encounter yet possesses instrumental imperatives" (Reading Reference).

Case Study - Palermo, Italy

Shopping malls in Palermo and across the globe seem to have been built around the deceptive idea that they might redefine the essence of, or perhaps even replace, traditional public spaces, which have increasingly become unbearable for money-lacking administrations. Supported by weak political decisions and by the communicative abilities of unscrupulous businessmen, shopping malls have been described as the new frontier of economic, and even social and cultural growth for Palermo. Still, they can be considered a complete let down from a social point of view, as they did nothing to address preexisting social issues, but also endangered or even damaged the fragile identities of the closest local neighborhoods, as for the case of Brancaccio (Forum Palermo), Borgo Nuovo (La Torre) and ZEN (Conca d’Oro).

Furthermore, shopping malls cannot be considered truly public spaces, as they do not support an overall social growth, but preserve private economic interests instead. Their role as pseudo-public spaces is also particularly questionable, considering how shopping malls are being increasingly abandoned throughout the U.S.A., where new forms of commercial districts are in development, and are instead pointed out as the most innovative kind of economic development a city like Palermo could afford to achieve.

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AGAINST - A focus on social but not community

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AGAINST - A focus on social but not community

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In shopping malls, building a community is difficult particularly due to its core focus on attracting customers to purchase goods and services. As such, I personally believe that shopping malls do not celebrate diversity as the majority of people in shopping malls are homogeneous in a sense that they are all shopping for products.

In essence, the appealing products in shopping malls act as an obstacle to social interaction as people are invested into shopping rather than interacting with people. Dovey (2008) highlighted that shopping malls are not 'communal', rather they are 'social'. The idea is that shopping malls are not designed for community which is what you would see in a good public space. Instead, shopping malls are designed for a person to be around other people.

Source:
Dovey, K. (2008). Framing places : mediating power in built form. London ; New York, Routledge. Chapter 9 'Inverted city: the shopping mall' p 137 -157

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AGAINST - Shopping malls as regulated space through security and surveillance

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AGAINST - Shopping malls as regulated space through security and surveillance

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There is a shift of shopping malls as regulated, privatised spaces especially with security guards and surveillance cameras that can negatively prevent people from hanging out, and make people feel restricted. Due to specific rules, this limits what people can and can not do which negatively makes spaces in shopping malls more dull and privatised. Suzanne Moore in Eckardt (2008, p.74) described shopping malls as "Stuffed full of bored security guards, surveillance cameras, slow fast-food, these strange, weatherless, environments have become so many end zones . . ."

As such, other than eating in a food court, shopping is the main activity in a shopping mall as security guards and surveillance cameras make shopping malls more regulated. This results in a controlled environment which shifts the shopping mall into a more privatised space, making it not necessarily an authentic public realm where there is less regulation of spaces.

Source:
Eckardt, F. ed., 2008. Media and urban space: understanding, investigating and approaching mediacity. Frank & Timme GmbH.

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AGAINST - Shopping malls maximise consumption

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AGAINST - Shopping malls maximise consumption

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Maximising consumption is a core characteristic of a shopping mall. Simply put, the primary function of shopping malls is to sell goods and services to consumers. Consequently, this deteriorates the quality of shopping malls being an authentic public realm, and instead promotes impulsive buying.

The 'Gruen transfer' in particular, highlights the idea that spaces in shopping malls are managed to maximise consumption. Essentially, the shoppers are manipulated to do impulsive buying as an attempt to increase consumer spending. Trufelman (2015) highlighted that through amazingly appealing window displays, Gruen figured how to attract customers inside.

Additionally, Reynolds (2018, p.1) expressed that "A gruen transfer is the name given to the designs of shopping malls, which is intentionally aimed at confusing a customer. The layout of the shopping mall is designed to be so confusing that a customer forgets what they came there to buy and instead becomes an impulse shopper, having to navigate through the layout surrounded by stores that peak their interest before finally getting to what they came there to buy in the first place." In particular, appealing anchor stores achieve at peaking the interest of a customer, which lures them away from specialty stores.

Furthermore, the attached video is of a 'Quite Interesting' series whereby the Gruen transfer is discussed, particularly the use of music where in the time period before the supermarket is closed (e.g. half an hour before closing time), the music is sped up to manipulate the customers to shop faster.

Overall, the Gruen transfer negatively contributes to the decline of shopping malls as a public realm. This is due to the design of shopping malls to entice customers to become impulsive buyers. Consequently, this makes them focused on products rather than social interaction.

Sources:
<https://99percentinvisible.org/episode/the-gruen-effect/>.
<https://legalvision.com.au/q-and-a/what-is-a-gruen-transfer/>.

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In recent times, particularly in the USA, shopping malls that were once prosperous hubs of excitement are unfortunately now abandoned. If the original purpose of a shopping mall was to create artificial pedestrian traffic in a safe environment conducive to creating community life, (Dovey, 2008, p.140), then the dead mall trend is even more tragic. Abandoned places are attractive to the most undesirable; ironically this means that dead shopping malls are becoming a place to squat, engage in deviant behaviour in the very places that they were previously banned. In effect, this means that abandoned shopping malls become an inverted version of what was once expected for the property.

The Wall Street Journal (2017), explains was the expectations are in regards to dead malls:

"[M]unicipal leaders often draft plans to replace their failing mall with dense, mixed-use projects intended to serve as new city centers. ...[S]uch mixed-use projects are so expensive that the local municipality often must provide some type of financial assistance, which some can’t readily do .Ultimately, these and other factors favor dense, urban markets – not the suburban and secondary markets where many malls are likely to fail in the coming years. “It’s really going to be hard in the next 10 years to knock down that mall and rebuild it into something better because the economics just don’t work,” Mr. Wood said. A derelict mall in a less-than-ideal market “most likely will just stay there and get worse and worse over the next 20 years.”

Dovey, K. (2008). Framing places : mediating power in built form. London ; New York, Routledge.  Chap 9, 'Inverted city: the shopping mall' p 137 -157

The Wall Street Journal. 2017. Retail REIT Executive: Most Failed Malls Will Languish. [ONLINE] Available at: https://blogs.wsj.com/developments/2012/06/21/retail-reit-executive-most-failed-malls-will-languish/. [Accessed 8 September 2018].

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DEAD MALL SERIES : Rolling Acres Mall : BUSTED BY AKRON POLICE!! (DEMOLISHED)

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Shopping malls are a product of modernity and was a solution to the isolation of the car dominated suburbs; “the enclosed retail environment were the most popular and successful new building time of the second half of the twentieth century,” (p. 137). That is plain to see as you can’t drive too far through the suburbs without finding one.

Victor Gruen’s idea was to solve the issue of “phoney respectability and genuine boredom of postwar suburbia… by affording opportunities for social life and recreation in a protected pedestrian environment", (Gruen cited in The Conversation, 2015). The objective for Gruen was to recreate the feel of the urbanism he knew in Vienna. Has his model been successful? Yes, the shopping mall provides a safe environment where people can meet and socialise, however, the leisure part is left wanting; often the only thing to do is shop and eat - at least in my memory. I can see through research that there were once various attractions in malls but I've never experienced this with the exception of a singular fashion show.

In response to the falling popularity of the shopping mall in the USA, there has been a trend towards morphing them into "lifestyle centres." If shopping malls were a modern construct, then "lifestyle centres" are a product of post-modernity. As seen in the USA, and in locations where the “new urbanist” model (investment) is viable, previous shopping centres are being transformed into lifestyle centres, (The Conversation, 2017). The difference? Instead of being anchored by department stores they are now anchored by large specialty stores or movie theatres and they are also much smaller. Which The Conversation (2017) remarks, "[p]arading themselves as Main Streets from a bygone era, these new retail centers hope to recreate what was lost in the rush to cover America with large malls from the 1950s through the 1990s. Yet at their core, Gruen’s ideal mall and the New Urbanists’ lifestyle center share the same aspiration: a thriving community center, yes – but one that ultimately turns a tidy profit.

Dovey, K. (2008). Framing places : mediating power in built form. London ; New York, Routledge.  Chap 9, 'Inverted city: the shopping mall' p 137 -157

The Conversation. 2015. Lifestyle centers: reinvented communities or dressed-up shopping malls?. [ONLINE] Available at: https://theconversation.com/lifestyle-centers-reinvented-communities-or-dressed-up-shopping-malls-36752. [Accessed 8 September 2018].

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Santana Row, located in San Jose, California, is one of many Lifestyle Centers cropping up around the country. Parading themselves as a Main Street from a bygone era, these new retail centers hope to recreate what was lost in the rush to cover America with large malls from the 1950s through the 1990s. Santana Row

Located in the heart of Silicon Valley, San Jose's Santana Row covers 42 acres. Its dense, high-end retailing, residences, restaurants and offices create a city-within-a-city. The architecture - with urban row houses finished with earth tones and pastel stucco - overtly evokes Old Europe, and developers brought in antique metalwork, pottery and stone fountains to further instill a sense of history (one store even imported the façade of a nineteenth-century building from France).

Meet the shopping mall's hipper, New Urbanist cousin: the "lifestyle center."

The form is becoming more and more popular among developers and shoppers. But while lifestyle centers are promoted as a 21st century, community-oriented alternative to the soulless shopping mall, their purported Main Street "authenticity" is perhaps a new style of retail façade.

A mall or not?

Lifestyle centers are defined by the International Council of Shopping Centers (ICSC) as a "specialized center" that has "upscale national-chain specialty stores with dining and entertainment in an outdoor setting." The ICSC further describes them as a "multi-purpose leisure-time destination, including restaurants, entertainment, and design ambiance and amenities such as fountains and street furniture that are conducive to casual browsing."

It's a description that sounds an awfully lot like a mall. But there are noticeable differences. Whereas a mall is traditionally anchored by department stores (Macy's, Lord & Taylor, Sears), lifestyle centers are anchored by large specialty stores (Pottery Barn, Crate & Barrel, Williams-Sonoma) or movie theaters. While a regional mall averages 800,000 square feet in retail space, a lifestyle center is smaller - around 320,000 square feet.

The centers have been popping up in affluent suburbs across the country for the last 15 years, and they are often mixed-use developments, bringing apartments, condos, restaurants, movie theaters, grocery stores - even hotels - to the mall's historically singular retail focus.

The ICSC estimates that 412 lifestyle centers are open in the United States today (which only comprises a little under 2% of the total number of shopping centers). Meanwhile, some malls - like the Biltmore Square Mall in Asheville, NC - have even taken the radical step of ripping off their roofs to "de-mall."

Attention to detail

Michael Beyard of the Urban Land Institute (ULI) sees the design of lifestyle centers as a shift from "'wow' architecture" to the "architecture of comfort." According to Beyard, developers are trading the mall's soaring atrium or the Mall of America's roller-coasters for the lifestyle center's attention to detail: cobblestone sidewalks, cast-iron lighting, or Art Deco-inspired neon signs.

kishjar?/Flickr, CC BY

At Market Common Clarendon in Arlington, Virginia - completed in 2001 - the developers spent more on details like signage, pavement, facades, plantings, fountains and sidewalks. However, the price-tag for the extras came out as a wash: the developers saved significant resources by not having to build a mall's roof.

The architecture at lifestyle centers is purposefully "eclectic," so as to feel "legitimate," explains Robert Koup of Jacobs engineering. He says that developers either ask an architect to respond to a certain period of architecture or they use multiple architects on one project. For instance, BAR architects of San Francisco, who worked on two blocks of Santana Row, described their "arcaded loft and retail buildings...modeled on turn-of-the-century industrial structures" - all designed to "recall historic shopping venues."

By incorporating elements from history into retail projects, "lifestyle centers are designed specifically to make it look like it all evolved over time," Koup continues.

The mix of buildings also provides a solution to another criticism about malls: their homogeneity in both form and retailing. It's an eclectic antidote to complaints about the sterility and sameness of chain stores. Indeed, as the lifestyle centers are dominated by chain stores (like their mall brethren before them) the quirky styles of the stores make them seem more unique, local, and un-chain-like.

Mgwiki/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

It's one of the lifestyle centers great conceits: it wants to look like a town's perfectly preserved, picturesque Main Street from yesteryear, but it's all being created from scratch. Of course, some might see an irony in manufactured authenticity.

Victor Gruen's vision fulfilled?

In many respects, lifestyle centers seek to fulfill the ambitious ideas of 1950s shopping mall pioneer Victor Gruen. Gruen, a Jewish architect from Vienna who emigrated to Beverly Hills, promised that the shopping mall would bring urbanity to the "phony respectability and genuine boredom" of postwar suburbia.

In the shopping center, Gruen saw a means to bring what he termed "community" to soulless suburbs. It would be a place where people could gather, stroll and socialize, and his ideal mall would include community theaters, libraries, daycare, bomb shelters (it was the Cold War, after all), jazz concerts and art shows. "By affording opportunities for social life and recreation in a protected pedestrian environment, by incorporating civic and educational facilities," Gruen argued in his 1960 book Shopping Towns USA, "shopping centers can fill an existing void."

American Heritage Center, Wyoming

While it's difficult to imagine now, when suburban shopping malls first opened in the 1950s, contemporary observers compared them to the best-known retail experience of their time: downtown. In Gruen's first mall - the Southdale Center, completed in 1956 in the suburbs of Minneapolis - most thought Gruen had succeeded in bringing downtown to the suburbs. Southdale was "more like downtown than downtown itself," claimed the Architectural Record.

The main appeals of the mall were its commercial density, pedestrian spaces, cafes and artwork (faux as they may seem now), which suggested an aura of urbanity for new suburbanites who had just left the city.

With his Southdale Center, Gruen liked to brag that he had re-created "the ancient Greek Agora, the Medieval Market Place and our own Town Squares." But while Gruen had imagined Southdale as a mixed-use complex of offices, medical facilities and apartment buildings, retail became the predominant focus of the suburban mall. Many of Gruen's less-profitable schemes ended up on the cutting room floor.

Sitting in the middle of a sea of parking, Southdale largely isolated itself from the surrounding community, creating a giant island of retail. Even Gruen acknowledged that all the "trees and flowers, music, fountains, sculpture and murals" were all designed with an eye towards increasing profits.

Or as he wrote, "the environment should be so attractive that customers will enjoy shopping trips...This will result in cash registers ringing more often and recording higher sales."

Life Magazine

Nonetheless, Southdale was an immediate success: on its first day of business, 75,000 visitors stopped in to view the new phenomenon. The mall's grand design proved that suburbanites could be enticed to stay within a climate-controlled, private space for hours upon hours of shopping, and a new model of American retailing was born.

A different flavor of the same thing

For decades, the interior-focused, blank-faced suburban malls - always surrounded by a sea of asphalt parking - would become characteristic of the postwar retail model. In the process, malls stole the market-share, tax dollars, jobs and pizazz of traditional downtown shopping districts.

But malls were eventually doomed by their own success: the formula became too easy to replicate, and the design became ubiquitous. With the same chain stores and cookie-cutter designs, malls came to symbolize both mind-numbing homogeneity and loss of community.

"Suddenly people realized this mall formula is everywhere and is getting boring," says Beyard.

It's also possible that the sheer size of many malls overwhelmed shoppers. For instance, the 2.4 million square foot King of Prussia Mall in Pennsylvania includes over 400 stores; it's anchored by Nordstrom, Macy's, Bloomingdale's, Neiman Marcus, Lord & Taylor, JC Penney and Dick's Sporting Goods.

Lifestyle centers propose to remedy that mind-numbing situation. However, Cooper Carry architect David Kitchens is skeptical of their longevity.

"They are a better, fresher mousetrap that will work for awhile and then go away," he says.

Rather than making real connections with the surrounding community, he thinks that many of them - especially the ones devoted solely to retailing - are "designed to be a category killer that will suck the lifeblood out of everything else."

Yet the shift from large malls to smaller lifestyle centers is part of a larger story, Kitchens insists. He sees lifestyle centers as tapping into Americans' "emotional desire to rebuild their community."

"As development gets larger and larger," he continues, "people now want to decentralize and build personal feeling back into their lives."

Parading themselves as Main Streets from a bygone era, these new retail centers hope to recreate what was lost in the rush to cover America with large malls from the 1950s through the 1990s. Yet at their core, Gruen's ideal mall and the New Urbanists' lifestyle center share the same aspiration: a thriving community center, yes - but one that ultimately turns a tidy profit.

And whether we like it or not, suburban Americans have been building community on a foundation of commercialism for the last sixty years.
This article has been updated to remove a factual error about the number of enclosed malls that have opened since 2007.

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Lifestyle centers: reinvented communities or dressed-up shopping malls?

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Located in the heart of Silicon Valley, San Jose's Santana Row covers 42 acres. Its dense, high-end retailing, residences, restaurants and offices create a city-within-a-city. The architecture - with urban row houses finished with earth tones and pastel stucco - overtly evokes Old Europe, and developers brought in antique metalwork, pottery and stone fountains to further instill a sense of history (one store even imported the façade of a nineteenth-century building from France).

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Dovey (2008 , p. 146) explains that shopping malls were created to provide an ‘purified’ environment both climate-wise and socially. Basically, they are “…controlled place where anything different to the norm of the happy consumer is subtly excluded; ...the mall essentially, constructs an ideal community with no poverty, division or eccentricities”, (Dovey, 2008, p. 146). From what we understand as a public realm, a shopping mall is not so public as some people are not made to feel welcome and are not useful for the space; people are not able to habitually use space and act domestically, which is a key element for defining the public realm. Anyone who occupies a shopping mall who has proven that they are not there to spend but to relax on furniture over extended period of time are asked to move on. In this sense, it cannot truly be a public realm as clearly not everyone is tolerated.

In the 2000s certain spaces some teenagers would occupy for extended periods of time was the Carindale Bus Stop and underneath Carindale. I didn’t understand this at the time but it was probably because people had persistently moved them on in the shopping centre; I understand if they interpreted this as meaning that they were not welcome actually inside the shopping mall. I only engaged with this world a few times but I do think about it sometimes now when I go back there.

I couldn’t find any code of conduct for any of the Westfield shopping centres on their websites. This may because the most potent rules for shopping malls are the invisible ‘rules’ as, Dovey (2008, p.146), explains, these "'rules' exist in the habitus of the mall". The clear objective for patrons is for them to consume and to adhere to the layout as it was intended. Any deviance from this expectation is dealt with in a confrontational way by of on-hand and ever watching security.

Dovey, K. (2008). Framing places : mediating power in built form. London ; New York, Routledge.  Chap 9, 'Inverted city: the shopping mall' p 137 -157

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There are three main ways in which malls regulate the 'public':

Regulating institutions and functions - In consistency with the rights of property owners, malls selects what tenants they want and therefore regulate the kinds of activites undertaken.

Regulating Inclusion - Mall owners argue their right to exclude people from their malls, on the basis that it is private property. Therefore, undesirables can be restricted from access.

Regulating Activities - As an example of resulated activities, the activities of some teens were deemed disruptive to other community members in Carousal Centre Mall, justifying the exclusion of an entire class of people through teen curfews.

In order for shopping malls to be truly 'public', it requires no restrictions (although still abiding by the law) and must include all members of society.

Source: Staeheli, L.A. & Mitchell, D., 2006. USA's Destiny? Regulating Space and Creating Community in American Shopping Malls. Urban Studies, 43(5-6), pp.977–992.

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Staeheli (2006) comments on how shopping malls aim to regulate their spaces to make a 'community' rather than a 'public'. It is a key element to create a space for commerce and a safe and secure environment for a particular portion of the public. Public implies randomness while community emphasises commonality, and that community

"collapses the distinction between public and private. It fulfills people’s longing for sociability in a context that incorporates the appeals of private life: security, familiarity, identity, and (for some) control

(Kohn, 2004, p. 193)."

Source: Staeheli, L.A. & Mitchell, D., 2006. USA's Destiny? Regulating Space and Creating Community in American Shopping Malls. Urban Studies, 43(5-6), pp.977–992.

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Shopping malls often seek to influence their customers into a sense of community by using phrases such as:

"You are a part of us"

"It's yours to enjoy"

Source: Zepp, J.I.G., 1997. The New Religious Image of Urban America, Second Edition : The Shopping Mall as Ceremonial Center, Colorado: University Press of Colorado.

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Zepp (1997) relates shopping malls to the likes of religious centres. People are drawn into shopping centres and these centres then deliver the public back to the world with new material objects, and relationships. Shopping malls are designed in such ways to draw in the public and to use the space inside

Source: Zepp, J.I.G., 1997. The New Religious Image of Urban America, Second Edition : The Shopping Mall as Ceremonial Center, Colorado: University Press of Colorado.

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The shopping mall provides a different offering to the teenager than the adult consumer. The teenager often has limited funds to spend at the mall but may have the longest durations there. Many go to the malls just to hang out. This is due to a perceived notion of safety and freedom from many of the harassments of the street (Chin, ref).

This is interesting because it not only perverts the pure consumption purpose of the mall's owners but also creates a public space for the teenagers to interact in and establish social ties outside of the supervision of their parents or schools.

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AGAINST -  Institutionalied Market Forces

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AGAINST -  Institutionalied Market Forces

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Even control of the consumption is institutionalised in many shopping malls. Dovey points out that the mall owners set the rents to pick and choose the mix of retailers that they want in the shopping mall. This means that retailers like independent small businesses not only need to have a product desirable to the consumer, but also need to meet the overarching commercial needs of the mall owner. Conglomerates like Westfield have a very defined formula of what this business mix is, dominated by national retailers, franchises and chains. Leaving very little opportunity for the small independent business of the town centre or high street.
This results in a lack of diversity of offerings from the food courts (dominated by Macdonalds and KFC) through to stores and boutiques.

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20 years ago, the first time I was at uni, I landed one of the best student jobs available - Information Desk Representative at Broadway on the Mall. What made the job great? Broadway on the Mall does not exist any more and my lack of business way back then may have been an early sign. So it wasn't busy. But even better, if you weren't being asked for directions you were at your leisure to read or just observe. I indulged in both.
One of the few consistent interactions I would have would be with the mall security guard where he would rail against the ills of the world before rushing off to apply his right to evict unsavoury visitors on behalf of management. One of the funnier (attempted) evictions was when he informed a potential customer that they were not welcome as they were attempting to use the escalator in inappropriate footwear - thongs. Apparently, thongs on escalators are very unsafe.
When police enforce laws they are enforcing laws that are governed by the legislature that are voted in by the people. It is not a perfect system but there is a chance that the public have a say and influence on what the rules are and by far and large the majority of laws are in the broader people. When security guards enforce rules they are referencing a set of rules set by a corporation intent on maximising consumption and minimising litigation. There is never any intent of canvasing the interests of the community or users to build these rules and, short of litigation, no method of objection.