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Teaching To Transgress: Education as Practice of Freedom by bell hooks

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Teaching To Transgress: Education as Practice of Freedom by bell hooks

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Teaching to Transgress - The Seattle Public Library

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Teaching to Transgress Education as the Practice of Freedom (Book) : Hooks, Bell : After reading Teaching to TransgressI am once again struck by bell hooks's never-ending, unquiet intellectual energy, an energy that makes her radical and loving.

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Teaching Community: A Pedagogy of Hope by bell hooks

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Teaching Community: A Pedagogy of Hope by bell hooks

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Teaching Community - The Seattle Public Library

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Teaching Community A Pedagogy of Hope (Book) : Hooks, Bell : Ten years ago, bell hooks astonished readers with Teachingto Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom. Now comes Teaching Community: A Pedagogy of Hope- a powerful, visionary work that will enrich our teaching and our lives.

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While learning may be one of the most natural acts in the world, it is not always clear what path teachers should take to impact student's the most.

So, if you want practical guidelines for improving the dynamics of learning, this simple book will show you the way.

4MAT Pure and Simple: Learning About Learning will introduce one of the most widely used learning frameworks in the world. It includes an open-ended process for understanding and improving the dynamics of learning. It also reveals the different journeys people take along the way and how to cultivate a fuller range of learning skills in the classroom.
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A Free Guide on to How to Overlay Current Instructional Models on the 4MAT Learning Framework. Provides a step by step description of how to take current instructional methods and lay them on the 4MAT Framework to help identify any gaps in instruction.
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Time Management (Based on Covey Principle of First Things First)
The Scientific Method Absolute Monarchs
Right and Left Mode Teaching Traits

One aspect of the 4MAT Model is its use of right and left mode teaching methods.

The 4MAT Design encourages teachers to alternate between using both types of methods to ensure high levels of student involvement and engagement.

Download our Right Mode Teaching Checker to assess how well you are tapping into both the analytical (left mode) and intuitive (right mode) aspects of student learning.
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Educational Leadership Article: A Tale of Four Learners
Fast Company Article Proceedings of the World Congress of Engineering and Computer Science
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While learning may be one of the most natural acts in the world, it is not always clear what path teachers should take to impact student's the most. So, if you want practical guidelines for improving the dynamics of learning, this simple book will show you the way.

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Feminist Theory: From Margin To Center by bell  hooks

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Feminist Theory: From Margin To Center by bell  hooks

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Feminist Theory - The Seattle Public Library

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Feminist Theory From Margin to Center (Book) : Hooks, Bell : When Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center was first published in 1984, it was welcomed and praised by feminist thinkers who wanted a new vision. Even so, individual readers frequently found the theory unsettling or provocative.

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Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed The Movement by  

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Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed The Movement by  

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Critical Race Theory - The Seattle Public Library

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Critical Race Theory The Key Writings That Formed the Movement (Book) : In the past few years, a new generation of progressive intellectuals has dramatically transformed how law, race, and racial power are understood and discussed in America.

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Honor and teach about your students’ multiple identities.

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This article explains intersectionality and touches on some of the key issues regarding its development and implementation. As a critical lens for bringing awareness to the social justice industry, intersectionality is a way to present the simple reality that disadvantage or exclusion can be based on the interaction of multiple factors rather than just one. Intersectionality not only provides a tool to render certain exclusions more visible, it also suggests a reframed approach to social justice politics.

By Antonia Darder, Marta P. Baltodano and Rodolfo D. Torres

Since its publication, The Critical Pedagogy Reader has firmly established itself as the leading collection of classic and contemporary essays by the major thinkers in the field of critical pedagogy. The book is arranged topically around such issues as class, racism, gender/sexuality, language and literacy, and classroom issues for ease of usage and navigation. In addition, two entirely new sections focused on teacher education and critical issues beyond the classroom provide readers with the all-important tools needed to put critical pedagogical theory into practice in their own classrooms. Carefully attentive to both theory and practice, this new edition remains the definitive source for teaching and learning about critical pedagogy.

By Michael W. Apple, Wayne Au, and Luis Armando Gandin

The Routledge International Handbook of Critical Education is the first authoritative reference work to provide an international analysis of the relationship between power, knowledge, education, and schooling. Rather than focusing solely on questions of how we teach efficiently and effectively, contributors to this volume push further to also think critically about education's relationship to economic, political, and cultural power. The various sections of this book integrate into their analyses the conceptual, political, pedagogic, and practical histories, tensions, and resources that have established critical education as one of the most vital and growing movements within the field of education, including topics such as: social movements and pedagogic work, critical research methods for critical education,the politics of practice, and the Freirian legacy.

Reference:

Apple, M. W., Au, W., & Gandin, L. A. (2009). The Routledge international handbook of critical education. New York, NY: Routledge.

The core argument of Jean Anyon's classic Radical Possibilities is deceptively simple: if we do not direct our attention to the ways in which federal and metropolitan policies maintain the poverty that plagues communities in American cities, urban school reform as currently conceived is doomed to fail. With every chapter thoroughly revised and updated, this edition picks up where the 2005 publication left off, including a completely new chapter detailing how three decades of political decisions leading up to the "Great Recession" produced an economic crisis of epic proportions. By tracing the root causes of the financial crisis, Anyon effectively demonstrates the concrete effects of economic decision-making on the education sector, revealing in particular the disastrous impacts of these policies on black and Latino communities.

Reference:

Anyon, J. (2014). Radical possibilities: Public policy, urban education, and a new social movement (2 ed.). New York, NY: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group.

By Michelle Fine & Lois Weis

By Hanna Ragnarsdóttir & Clea Schmidt

By Toronto District School Board

By The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives

By Community Foundations of Canada

In 2001, CFC began to explore the role community foundations could play in advancing social justice issues in Canada. Since then, with support from the Ford Foundation and the Atkinson Charitable Foundation, we have been deepening our understanding of how community foundations might help to "level the playing field" for all Canadians by tackling the root causes of social problems. This paper was written to provide an overview of the key social justice issues in Canada.

Reference:

Maxwell, J. (2006). Strategies for social justice: Place, people and policy. Ottawa, ON: Community Foundations of Canada.

By Michele Tracy Berger & Kathleen Guidroz

Intersectionality, or the consideration of race, class, and gender, is one of the prominent contemporary theoretical contributions made by scholars in the field of women's studies that now broadly extends across the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences. Taking stock of this transformative paradigm, The Intersectional Approach guides new and established researchers to engage in a critical reflection about the broad adoption of intersectionality that constitutes what the editors call a new "social literacy" for scholars. In eighteen essays, contributors examine various topics of interest to students and researchers from a feminist perspective as well as through their respective disciplines, looking specifically at gender inequalities related to globalization, health, motherhood, sexuality, body image, and aging. Together, these essays provide a critical overview of the paradigm, highlight new theoretical and methodological advances, and make a strong case for the continued use of the intersectional approach both within the borders of women's and gender studies and beyond.

Negotiating Identities: Education for Empowerment in a Diverse Society (2 nd Edition)

Aimed at "empowering" teachers and students in a culturally diverse society, this book suggests that schools must respect student's language and culture, encourage community participation, promote critical literacy, and institute forms of assessment in order to reverse patterns of under-achievement in pupils from varying cultures. The book shows that students who have been failed by schools predominantly come from communities whose languages, cultures and identities have been distorted and devalued in the wider society, and schools have reinforced this pattern of disempowerment.

Reference:

Cummins, J. (2001). Negotiating identities: Education for empowerment in a diverse society (2 ed.). Covina, CA: California Association for Bilingual Education.

By Sherene Razack, Malinda Smith, & Sunera Thobani

Critical race feminism, like critical race theory more broadly, interrogates questions about race and gender through an emancipatory lens, posing fundamental questions about the persistence if not magnification of race and the "colour line" in the twenty-first century. The writers of these articles - whether exploring campus politics around issues of equity, the media's circulation of ideas about a tolerant multicultural and feminist Canada, security practices that confine people of colour to spaces of exception, Indigenous women's navigation of both nationalism and feminism, Western feminist responses to the War on Terror, or the new forms of whiteness that persist in ideas about a post-racial world or in transnational movements for social justice - insist that we must study racialized power in all its gender and class dimensions.

Reference:

Razack, S., Smith, M., & Thobani, S. (2010). States of race: Critical feminism for the 21 st century. Toronto, ON: Between the Lines.

by Notisha Massaquoi &, Njoki Nathani Wane

Edited by Bonnie Thornton Dill & Ruth Enid Zambrana

By Helma Lutz, Maria Teresa Herrera Vivar, & Linda Supik

By Patricia Hills Collins

by Maurianne Adams, Lee Anne Bell, & Pat Griffin

For nearly a decade, Teaching for Diversity and Social Justice has been the definitive sourcebook of theoretical foundations and curricular frameworks for social justice teaching practice. This thoroughly revised second edition continues to provide teachers and facilitators with an accessible pedagogical approach to issues of oppression in classrooms. Building on the groundswell of interest in social justice education, the second edition offers coverage of current issues and controversies while preserving the hands-on format and inclusive content of the original. Teaching for Diversity and Social Justice presents a well-constructed foundation for engaging the complex and often daunting problems of discrimination and inequality in American society. This book includes a CD-ROM with extensive appendices for participant handouts and facilitator preparation.

By Abby Ferber, Christina Jimenez, Andrea Herrera, & Dena Samuels

In Teaching Community Bell Hooks seeks to theorize from the place of the positive, looking at what works. Writing about struggles to end racism and white supremacy, she makes the useful point that "No one is born a racist. Everyone makes a choice." Teaching Community tells us how we can choose to end racism and create a beloved community. hooks looks at many issues-among them, spirituality in the classroom, white people looking to end racism, and erotic relationships between professors and students. Spirit, struggle, service, love, the ideals of shared knowledge and shared learning - these values motivate progressive social change.

Reference:

Hooks, B. (2003). Teaching community: A pedagogy of hope. New York, NY: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group.

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Promoting Diversity and Social Justice: Educating People from Privileged Groups

Promoting Diversity and Social Justice provides theories, perspectives, and strategies that are useful for working with adults from privileged groups-those who are in a more powerful position in any given type of oppression. The thoroughly revised edition of this accessible and practical guide offers tools that allow educators to be more reflective and intentional in their work-helping them to consider who they're working with, what they're doing, why they're doing it and how to educate more effectively.

Reference:

Goodman, D. J. (2007). Promoting diversity and social justice: Educating people from privileged groups. New York, NY: Routledge.
Advancing Social Justice: Tools, Pedagogies, and Strategies to Transform Your Campus
By Tracy Davis and Laura M. Harrison

By Harilyn Rousso & Michael L. Wehmeyer

By Marilyn Cochran-Smith

By Vivian Maria Vasquez

By Ozlem Sensoy & Robin DiAngelo
By Lee Anne Bell
Facilitating Intergroup Dialogues

By Kelly E. Maxwell, Biren A. Nagda, & Minota C. Thompson

By Thandeka K. Chapman & Nikola Hobbel

By Gabriella Gutierrez y Muhs, Yolanda Flores Niemann, Carmen G. Gonzalez, & Angela P. Harris

By Theodorea Regina Berry and Nathalie Mizelle

Can schooling contribute to a more just society? By Michael W. Apple Education, Citizenship, and Social Justice, Vol. 3, pp. 239-261 (2008)

This article combines discussions of the politics of education with personal story telling to remind us why the continuing struggle over schooling - over what is and is not taught, over how it is taught and evaluated, over how students with different characteristics are treated, over how teachers and other school employees are respectfully dealt with, over how the relationship between schools and their communities can be democratized, and so much more - is absolutely crucial to the pursuit of social justice. Using the example of the book Democratic Schools, it suggests tactics for making critically democratic practices more visible. It also describes seven specific tasks that critical scholar/activists in education should perform if we are committed to challenging dominant relations in education and the larger society.

The Need for Equality in Education: An Intersectionality Examination of Labeling and Zero Tolerance Practices By Wanda Cassidy & Margaret Jackson McGill Journal of Education, Vol. 40, pp. 445-466 (2005)

The authors observe that students in school who exhibit challenging behaviours are given labels such as "severe behaviour," "troubled," or "violent" and that these negative labels have repercussions on students. School administrators also employ zero tolerance policies without addressing the root causes of negative behaviour. Using students' self-reports, the authors note the negative effects of labeling and zero tolerance practices on children and schools, and discuss the implications for society as a whole. They conclude with recommendations for changes in policies and practices that more carefully consider the systemic sources of the behaviour, and that align more closely with fundamental educational goals and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Introduction: Thoughts and Ideas on the Intersectionality of Identity By Theodorea Regina Berry, Michelle Jay, & Marvin Lynn Education Foundations (Winter-Spring), pp. 3-9 (2010)

This introduction will provide a glimpse of what is to come in this special issue. The dialogue contained in this article provides the ideological foundation for contextualizing McKay's efforts to position African American community education as a space for adults to "counter the master narrative," "recover silenced consciousness," and affirm their identities. The testimonials of their education trajectories, re-presented in Lindsay Pérez Huber's "Using Latina/o Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) and Racist Nativism To Explore Intersectionality in the Educational Experiences of Undocumented Chicana College Students," reveal how the complex interactions between race, immigration status, class and gender gave rise to a detrimental educational context in which the racist beliefs of their teachers were tied to "constructions of undocumented immigrants who were perceived as a thread to the well-being of the U.S. and its native citizens."

Traversing New Theoretical Frames for Intercultural Education: Gender, Intersectionality, Performativity By Zelia Gregoriou International Education Studies, Vol. 6, pp. 179-191 (2013)

This paper attempts to renegotiate the conceptual and political borders of intercultural education by importing ways of thinking, concepts, aporias and questions relevant to a gendered study of intercultural interactions from theoretical terrains outside the disciplinary borders and discursive limits of intercultural education. A number of theoretical developments in disciplines and area studies committed to a politics of justice beyond identity politics pose the need for rethinking the heading of intercultural education. These developments include: the prevalence of the concept and methodology of intersectionality in migration, gender and ethnicity studies; a concern across various kinds of social and political inquiry for the 'culturalist emphasis'; poststructuralist theorizations of power, subjectivity and resistance; and, finally, the urge to re-politicize the study of intercultural interactions. The need to rethink intercultural education emerges with regards to curriculum and pedagogy, policy frames and research methodology.

Sex and Sensibility: Gender, Race, and Class in Three Youth Cultures By Amy C. Wilkins ProQuest Dissertations and Theses (2004)

This study combines interviews and participant-observation to explore the negotiation of gender, race, and class in three youth cultural projects: Puerto Rican Wannabes, Goths, and evangelical Christians. While these projects seem very different, they are all examples of local identities mobilized to solve a range of shared problems. These strategies, beyond the personal and idiosyncratic, are all about gender, race, and class locations. They allow young people to navigate gender, race, and class expectations by manipulating or transgressing established gender, race, and class boundaries. Despite variations in these strategies, each project is hemmed in by the intractability of inequality. Thus, these projects show us the possibilities and limitations of intersectionality as it is experienced on the ground.

Exploring Intersectionality in Education: The Intersection of Gender, Race, Disability, and Class By Amy J. Peterson Proquest Dissertations and Theses (2006)

The purpose of this study was to explore the intersection of gender, race, disability, and class within education. The educational experiences of African American women labeled with a disability and from a disadvantaged socio-economic class were examined. The story that emerged from this research was each participant's strength. Their stories revealed that each woman persistently and continually engaged in the world around them in order to negotiate, evade, and resist the dominant ideology surrounding the discourses of race, gender, disability, and class. The results indicated that the participants' lived educational experiences centered on three themes: educational and social barriers, questions of identity, and frustration at the intersections of gender, race, disability, and class.

Awareness and Integration of Multiple Sociocultural Identities Among Black Students at a Predominantly White Institution By Dafina L. Stewart Proquest Dissertations and Theses (2001)

The purpose of this study was to investigate the awareness and integration of multiple sociocultural identities among a group of black students attending a predominantly white college. Sociocultural identities are those identity facets which have a biological origin and are socially constructed (i.e., race or gender). The participant group consisted of five students who attended a small, liberal arts college in the Midwest. Data were collected in two forms, questionnaire and interview, over a period of three months. The individual interviews were conducted in four stages. Five research questions guided the study: (1) the ways these students perceived their own multiple identity facets; (2) how these students chose which identity facets to embrace or abandon; (3) the role of race, gender, and class on the lived experiences of these students; (4) how these students articulate an integrated identity; and (5) the impact of spirituality on the students' perception and development of their own integrated identities.

What Does Teaching For Social Justice Mean to Teacher Candidates? By Young A. Lee The Professional Educator, Vol. 35, pp. 1-20 (2011)

To better prepare teacher candidates to teach for social justice, teacher educators need to know students' understandings of social justice embedded in their personal histories and past and current learning experiences. Using participatory action research, this study examines how 6 early childhood (grades pre-K-3) teacher candidates understood and changed, or did not change their understandings of teaching for social justice. Using qualitative methods, this research aims to understand the complexities of interactions between the participants' identity and their conceptualization of teaching for social justice within a teacher education program. The results of this study provide early childhood teacher educators with insights and tools for encouraging social justice teaching.

Dialogic Pedagogy for Social Justice: A Critical Examination By Liz Jackson Studies in Philosophy and Education, Vol. 27, pp. 137-148 (2008)

A crucial component of any education, dialogue is viewed by many social justice educators as their primary means towards rectifying social inequalities. Yet the extent to which the particular educational practices they recommend meet the needs or interests of their students who face systemic disadvantage remains unclear. This essay examines claims for and against dialogical pedagogy for increasing social justice. While conceding that dialogue is necessary for developing praxis as a student and participant in society, the essay argues that the prescriptive tone of some educators committed to social justice undermines their capacity for dealing concretely with the needs and interests of those they intend to better serve. The conclusion is drawn that educators committed to increasing equality must develop pedagogical attitudes informed by various educational implications of structural injustice as well as by the specific contexts in which they serve as teachers of both particular skills and content.

Dare public school administrators build a new social order?: Social justice and the possibly perilous politics of educational leadership By Catherine A. Lugg & Alan R. Shoho Journal of Educational Administration, Vol. 44, pp. 96-208 (2006)

This paper aims to discuss how public school administrators with a social justice perspective have an obligation to permeate society beyond their schools and how they might address the perilous politics associated with advocating social change. Using George Counts' landmark 1932 speech, Dare the School Build a New Social Order? as the conceptual lenses, it examines the relevancy of Counts' words for contemporary school leaders and professors of educational administration. The paper finds that there are similarities between the present-day call for social justice and the earlier Social Reconstructionist movement that Counts' manifesto sparked. Both movements have invited educators, and particularly the professoriate, to think more expansively when it comes to US public education, society at large, and the influence of educators in shaping a more democratic and just country. But Counts goes much further than most adherents of the current-day social justice movement. He stressed that educators must see themselves as political actors, who can shape their political environments through their teaching, as well as by participating in other venues. Consequently, embracing a social justice ethic invites a degree of risk-taking. This paper examines the relevancy of Counts' words for contemporary school leaders and professors of educational administration and highlights implications for school leaders.

A Social Justice Approach as a Base for Teaching Writing By Thandeka K. Chapman, Nikola Hobbel, & Nora V. Alvarado Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy, Vol. 54, pp. 539-541 (2011)

In this article, the authors employ Nieto and Bode's (2007, p. 11) tenets of social justice education: (a) challenge, confront, and disrupt "misconceptions, untruths, and stereotypes that lead to structural inequality and discrimination based on race, social class, gender, and other social and human differences"; (b) provide "all students with the resources necessary to learn to their full potential"; (c) draw on the "talents and strengths that students bring to their education"; and (d) create a "learning environment that promotes critical thinking and supports agency for social change." In the English language arts classroom, social justice is a way to increase students' abilities to articulate their experiences, critique their world, and address those identified issues with subsequent action. Teachers who practice social justice education cultivate student voice through class activities, readings, assignments, and assessments that allow students to incorporate their personal stories within the contexts of the school curriculum.

Understanding Education for Social Justice By Kahty Hytten & Silvia Bettez The Journal of Educational Foundations, Vol. 25, pp. 7-24 (2011)

Just recently, the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education removed social justice language from its accrediting standards because of its controversial, ambiguous, and ideologically weighted nature. While often these are overlapping and interconnected discourses, this is not always the case, and the strength that might come from dialogue across seemingly shared visions can be compromised. It seems useful to tease out more clearly what we mean when we claim a social justice orientation, especially so that we can find places where the beliefs, theories and tools we do share can be brought to bear on a more powerful, and, ultimately, more influential vision of educating for social justice-one that can better challenge the problematic growth of conservative, neoliberal, and many would argue, unjust, movements in education.

Acts of Solidarity: Developing Urban Social Justice Educators in the Struggle for Quality Public Education By Eleni Katsarou, Bree Picower, & David Stovall Teacher Education Quarterly, Vol. 37, pp. 137-153 (2010)

By taking the position that teaching for social justice is an act of necessity and solidarity, this work seeks to highlight two examples of teacher education initiatives. Because the relationships between teacher , student, family, school, and state are integral to the teaching process, three central questions guide our thinking and teaching . The first question in our inquiry is in what ways can teacher education be re-conceptualized in relation to communities to address the political function of teaching? Secondly, how can teacher education renegotiate traditional relationships with key stakeholders to move towards social justice education? Finally, what specific strategies and innovations are teacher educators implementing within communities and schools to develop social justice educators?

Democratically Accountable Leadership: A Social Justice Perspective of Educational Quality and Practice By Carol Mullen Teacher Education Quarterly, Vol. 35, pp. 137-153 (2008)

Creative and bold approaches for exploring how developing teachers and leaders alike understand social justice education with respect to thought-provoking concepts are needed. Because for the study participants had to record their ideas in response to open-ended questions concerning democracy, accountability, and leadership, instead of just checking off items on a survey, they were induced to articulate their own social justice values and to produce unique statements.

Creating Artwork in Response to Issues of Social Justice: A Critical Multicultural Pedagogy By Jana Noel Multicultural Education, Vol. 10, pp. 15-18 (2003)

Noel describes an arts-based approach to the study of multicultural education that challenges students to address issues of social justice. The class " Education in a Democratic, Pluralistic Society," which involves a cohort of practicing teachers working on their Masters degree in Curriculum and Instruction with a focus on the Arts, describes how the creation of artwork serves as a personal act of meaning-making for students, allowing them to create a vision for a project of social transformation.

Navigating Contradictory Communities of Practice in Learning to Teach for Social Justice By Maria Flores Anthropology and Education Quarterly, Vol. 38, pp. 380-404 (2007)

In this article, the author explores the contradictions that four new teachers experienced as their commitments to social justice collide with urban school culture. Framed within Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger's (1999) theory of situated learning and development concepts of identity, practice, and relationships illustrate how teachers ' ideals are challenged as socializing features of two communities of practice-the universities and schools-intersect in new teachers ' development. This research contributes empirical evidence of the application of critical multicultural teacher preparation into practice, a cultural representation of how educational inequities are reproduced or disrupted in the situated contexts of urban schools, an application of Lave and Wenger's theory of Legitimate Peripheral Participation that incorporates formal and informal education across multiple activity settings, and a call for collaborative communities of practice that support teachers ' situated learning in creating transformative practices.

Using Archetypes to Introduce Social Justice in PETE By Brian Culp Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance, Vol. 84, pp. 17-19 (2013)

Contemporary educators have advocated for improving the quality of teacher education programs by infusing concepts of social justice. However, the rationale for this adjustment has been a matter of intense debate in educational circles. Along with the lack of a consistent, agreed-upon definition, critics argue that a focus on social justice in teacher preparation would indoctrinate teachers into a particular ideology rather than focus on professional competence and subject matter knowledge. This recent critique is a call to action for those who prepare teachers. Namely, educators should have the ability to teach discipline-specific content, engage future teachers, and develop realistic solutions to problems in the midst of a diverse society that has accelerated in recent decades.

Preparing Teachers for Social Justice Advocacy: Am I Walking My Talk? By Stephanie B. Storms Multicultural Education, Vol. 20, pp. 33-39 (2013)

In this article, the author examines teacher candidates' perceptions of how their experiences in a graduate level action research course, using a critical approach, promoted their readiness for social justice advocacy. This article draws on the experience of teacher candidates in an action research (AR) course required for students in our masters degree program. The course is for experienced teachers and community educators. The 15-week course enrolls six to eight students and is part of a six-credit integrative inquiry/advocacy sequence that teacher candidates' take prior to their capstone course. The author has taught AR since 2008 and the primary goal of the course is for teacher candidates and community educators to gain knowledge and competence in designing and implementing socially responsible research and advocacy projects with and for students and community members.

Making Learning to Problem-Solve Count: Critical Use of Mathematics to Bring about Social Justice ￼￼By Thomas A. Lucey & Madalina Tanase Multicultural Education, Vol. 19, pp. 8-13 (2012)

Educating for social justice requires teaching and learning practices that prompt critical thinking about the assumptions that guide mainstream social thinking. For example, education for contemporary capitalist society employs the myth of meritocracy to claim that social advancement occurs only through hard work and honest behaviour. Such myths are evidence of the ignorance that can occur when American educational processes limit opportunities for students to question and explore patterns of knowledge that exist outside the realm of general social and political convention and acceptance. The role of mathematics should include the empowerment of students to live successful lives by enabling them to appreciate their role as agents of change and use mathematics as a tool to affect societal justice. Educators should abandon traditional conceptions of mathematics as an isolated trajectory in the curriculum. In order to help students meaningfully apply mathematics, teachers should recognize and facilitate inquiry into the interrelationships among mathematics, social justice, and financial issues.

"A Rainforest in Front of a Bulldozer": The Literacy Practices of Teacher Candidates Committed to Social Justice By Janet D. Johnson English Education, Vol. 44, pp. 147-179 (2012)

This critical ethnographic study explores how two teacher candidates in English education used specific and varied literacy practices to enact their social justice priorities at a troubled high school in a high-need district. Data include: interviews before and after the student teaching experience; observations of teaching, blogs, journals, and emails; and coursework required of candidates. Critical discourse analysis was used to analyze the data. The New Literacy Studies and teaching for social justice frameworks were foundational to this research. In addition, the theory of testimonial reading, as outlined by Felman (1992) and Boler (1999), was used to demonstrate how the two candidates worked within and against the system to resist deficit models of their students and ultimately bear witness to their students' experiences.

A Mindfulness To Transcend Pre-Service Lip-Service: A Call for K-12 Schools To Invest in Social Justice Education By Olivia Murray Multicultural Education, Vol. 17, pp. 48-50 (2010)

According to Sonia Nieto (2000) and the National Center for Education Information (2005), student populations continue to be characterized by diversity while more than ninety percent of those in teacher preparation programs are mostly White, middle class, and from non-urban backgrounds. At a time when school budgets are deteriorating and creative tendencies are replaced with a need to prepare students for high stakes standardized assessment, taking on the bodies of knowledge, research, and practice that inform social justice education is not an easy task. The authors argue that school administration and educators committed to teaching social justice must naturally take on a leadership role in order to confront the challenges that come with this work.

Developing Teachers for Social Justice By Herbert Kohl Radical Teacher, Vol. 65 (2002)

The legislation of life in the classroom is being shaped by the makeover of teachers. The border between teaching students and testing is becoming increasingly unclear and the performance gap is increasing. Many people already teaching are demoralized. In addition, there is an assault on the very enterprise of public education emanating from the Far Right. The "Small Schools" movement, a ray of hope in a slough of despond, is struggling along. The author explores one key text, Nathaniel Higgin's "The Deforming Mirror of Truth," which allowed both of the classes to focus on constructing narratives and on the critical analysis of educational and philosophical theories of childhood, learning, and schooling. The author also covers an extensive use of the ideas of Paulo Freire, Myles Horton, and Vygotsky, among others.

"Am I a Black Woman or a Woman Who is Black? A Few Thoughts on the Meaning of Intersectionality." By Julia S. Jordan-Zachery Politics & Gender, Vol. 3, pp. 254-63 (2007)

In some of our current work, intersectionality is employed more as a descriptive analytical tool that talks about how black women, women of color, or other marginalized groups tend to behave. While indeed this is an important element of intersectionality, focusing only on the descriptive analysis ignores the liberation/political framework of intersectionality. In its earlier conceptualizations, intersectionality was also about the issue of liberation. As we employ intersectionality as an analytical tool, we have to be very specific in articulating for what purposes(s) we are using it.

Intersectionality and Feminist Politics By Nira Yuval-Davis European Journal of Women's Studies, Vol. 13(3), pp. 193-210 (2006)

This article explores various analytical issues involved in conceptualizing the interrelationships of gender, class, race and ethnicity and other social divisions. It compares the debate on these issues that took place in Britain in the 1980s and around the 2001 UN World Conference Against Racism. It examines issues such as the relative helpfulness of additive or mutually constitutive models of intersectional social divisions; the different analytical levels at which social divisions need to be studied, their ontological base and their relations to each other. The final section of the article attempts critically to assess a specific intersectional methodological approach for engaging in aid and human rights work in the South.

"Through the Kaleidoscope": Intersections Between Theoretical Perspectives and Classroom Implications in Critical Global Citizenship Education By Sameena Eidoo, Leigh-Anne Ingram, Angela MacDonald, Maryam Nabavi, & Karen Pashby Canadian Journal of Education, Vol. 34(4), pp. 59-84 (2011)

This paper presents a multi-voiced examination of educating for global citizenship from critical, interdisciplinary perspectives. The paper explores how insights from theoretical work on multiculturalism, race, religion, gender, language and literacy, and eco-justice can contribute to a critical global citizenship education practice. It reports the learning of a group of six Canadian PhD Candidates, who engaged in a year-long collaborative process to explore critical approaches to global citizenship education by focusing on key intersecting concerns, particularly critically understanding globalization. Drawing on theoretical considerations and discussions, the authors consider pedagogical implications for classroom teaching and learning.

(En)gendering Multicultural Identities And Representations In Education. By Nina Asher & Margaret Smith Crocco Theory and Research in Social Education, Vol. 29(1), pp. 129-151 (2001)

This article examines the place of women of the world in the implicit and explicit social studies curriculum of the schools. The authors establish a postcolonial feminist framework for dealing with this topic and draw on evidence from personal testimonies of immigrant and native women, the treatment of women of the "third world" by mainstream media, social studies curricular standards, and one classroom teacher's story. Central to the article is an examination of the tension teachers face in dealing with issues of gender cross-culturally as they navigate between ethnocentrism and cultural relativism towards what is called "the middle ground." The authors offer suggestions at the end of the article for incorporating material about women of the world into the social studies curriculum from a postcolonial feminist perspective.

Democratic Social Cohesion (Assimilation)? Representations of Social Conflict in Canadian Public School Curriculum By Kathy Bickmore Canadian Journal of Education, Vol. 29(2), pp. 359-386 (2006)

This article examines the representation of conflict , diversity, peace, and justice issues in selected mandated curriculum guidelines, grades 1-10, for three Canadian provinces. These curricula , grounded in prevailing assumptions, reflect political will and influence resource availability for teaching. Prominent among them is a neutral discourse invoking Canadian ideals of multiculturalism that emphasizes harmony, marginalizes conflict and critical viewpoints, and presents injustices as past or virtually resolved. Because relatively little attention is given to actual instances of social conflict , violence, or marginalization, these curricula limit students' opportunities to practice with constructive democratic conflict and peacebuilding.

Citizenship and diversity in the global imperative: What does global citizenship education mean for multiculturalism? By Karen L. Pashby Unpublished Master's Thesis, York University, Canada. (2006)

This thesis examines the shifting theoretical and pedagogical terrain between multiculturalism and global citizenship education. Scott's (1999) notion of strategic criticism is employed to determine whether global citizenship marks a shift away from multiculturalism, and if so, whether multiculturalism remains a relevant educational agenda. The mutually reinforcing relationships between citizenship, multiculturalism, and education are examined in the context of globalization. Through a close, critical reading of Kymlicka's works, multiculturalism is shown to have evolved a more socially just notion of democratic citizenship. This is compared to how current discourses of cosmopolitanism and global orientations to citizenship have further evoked and evolved citizenship. Important tensions emerging from the binary of unity and diversity are examined in debates around national and global priorities. Finally, these complex relationships are considered from the perspective of education, and global citizenship education is cautiously endorsed.

Some Challenges Facing Queer Youth Programs in Urban High Schools: Racial Segregation and De-Normalizing Whiteness By Lance T. McCready Journal of Gay & Lesbian Issues in Education, Vol. 1(3), pp. 37-51 (2004)

This article begins a conversation about two important issues that the author believes have an impact on queer youth programs in urban schools: racial segregation and the normalization of Whiteness. Data for the article are based on the author's participation in a school-university collaborative action research project at California High School (CHS) between 1996 and 2000. The project's research on participation in extracurricular activities led to the author's independent participant-observation in Project 10, the school's social/support group for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning students. The results of these investigations suggest that the racially segregated social environment of CHS greatly affects the participation of queer students of color in Project 10. Additionally, faculty advisors for this program seemed less aware of the social/support needs of queer youth of color. In conclusion, the author suggests that through collaborative inquiry, students, teachers, and queer youth advocates develop awareness of the relationship between the social context of urban schools and participation in extracurricular activities. He also suggests that faculty advisors and queer youth advocates become more aware of the identities of queer youth of color by diversifying the curriculum and building coalitions with students and teachers who are broadly concerned with the ways multiple forms of oppression make urban schools ineffective and unsafe.

"Making Space" for Ourselves: African American Student Responses to Their Marginalization By Terah T. Venzant Chambers & Lance T. McCready Urban Education, Vol. 46(6), pp. 1352-1378 (2011)

Drawing from two separate case studies, one on lower track African American students and another on gay and gender nonconforming African American male students, this article explores how students with multiple stigmatized identities make sense of and respond to their marginalization, a process we term making space. In particular, we consider how making space can support students' psychosocial needs and at the same time work against school engagement and academic striving. We describe types of "making space" strategies: sociospatial, performative, and political/institutional, and use these categories to describe the ways students in our projects responded to their perceived marginalization. Institutional processes that make these responses necessary are addressed as well as how schools can either mediate or intensify students' feelings of marginalization and therefore their perceived need to "make space."

Intersectional Feminist Frameworks: An Emerging Vision By The Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women (2006)

After years of working towards greater equality for women, CRIAW believes that different approaches are needed to make real social and economic change - approaches that offer diverse contributions, and that work from Intersectional Feminist Frameworks (IFFs). IFFs offer alternative frameworks to viewing economic and social change which value and bring together the visions, directions and goals of women from very diverse experiences and different perspectives. In this document CRIAW hopes to foster interest in IFFs and encourage their use by women's and social justice organizations.

Unspeakable Offenses: Untangling Race and Disability in Discourses of Intersectionality By Nirmala Erevelles & Andrea Minear Journal of Literary & Cultural Disability Studies, Vol. 4(2), pp. 127-145 (2010)

The Literature of Critical Race Feminist Theory approaches disability as an expression of intersectional identity wherein devalued social characteristics compound stigma resulting in so-called spirit murder. Three diverging practices of intersectionality are identified as guiding scholarship on the constitutive features of multiply minoritizing identities: (1) anticategorical frameworks that insist on race, class, and gender as social constructs/fictions; (2) intracategorical frameworks that critique merely additive approaches to differences as layered stigmas; and (3) constitutive frameworks that describe the structural conditions within which social categories in the above models are constructed by (and intermeshed with) each other in specific historical contexts. In being true to Critical Race Feminist Theory approaches, the article draws on two other narratives, one historical and one contemporary, to describe how individuals located perilously at the intersections of race, class, gender, and disability are constituted as non-citizens and (no)bodies by the very social institutions (legal, educational, and rehabilitational) that are designed to protect, nurture, and empower them.

Transgender Youth of Color and Resilience: Negotiating Oppression and Finding Support By Anneliese A. Singh Sex Roles, Vol. 68, pp. 690-702 (2013)

This qualitative study explored the resilience of 13 transgender youth of color in the southeastern region of the U.S. The definition of resilience framing this study was a participant's ability to "bounce back" from challenging experiences as transgender youth of color. Using a phenomenological research tradition and a feminist, intersectionality (intercategorical) theoretical framework, the research question guiding the study was: "What are the daily lived experiences of resilience transgender youth of color describe as they negotiate intersections of transprejudice and racism?" The researchers' individuated findings included five major domains of the essence of participants' daily lived experiences of resilience despite experiencing racism and transprejudice: (1) evolving, simultaneous self-definition of racial/ethnic and gender identities, (2) being aware of adultism experiences, (3) self-advocacy in educational systems, (4) finding one's place in the LGBTQQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning) youth community, and (5) use of social media to affirm one's identities as a transgender youth of color. Implications for practice, research, and advocacy, in addition to the study's limitations are discussed.

Gender, Narratives and Intersectionality: can Personal Experience Approaches to Research Contribute to "Undoing Gender"? By Barbara A. Cole International Review of Education, Vol. 55, pp. 561-578 (2009)

This paper examines narrative methodologies as one approach to exploring issues of gender, education and social justice and, particularly, insights into "undoing gender." It furthermore examines the possibilities of exploring gender and its multiple intersections in a range of global and policy contexts through the use of personal experience approaches. The "storying" of lived experience is examined as a means of challenging dominant discourses, which can construct and other individuals and groups in relation to many aspects of gender and education. Drawing on intersectionality, as a complex and developing feminist theory, the paper considers ways in which narrative can illuminate often hidden complexities while seeking to avoid generalisations and essentialisms. The difficulties of using narrative in relation to these aims are explored in the light of the warnings of feminist writers such as Michele Fine and bell hooks. The paper briefly considers narrative as both methodology and phenomenon, and finally, drawing on critical discourse analysis, discusses the potential of intersectionality and narrative in relation to undoing gender.

The Dimensions of the Right to Education for Inclusion Throughout Life By Cecilia Fernández Convergence, Vol. 39(2), pp. 109-121 (2006)

Discrimination - Education for Non-Discrimination - Education for Inclusion - Intersectionality are some of the terms and concepts that became relevant, particularly since the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance which was held in Durban, South Africa, in September 2001, some days before September 11, an event which has been somehow responsible for the hurdles faced during the past five years. The discrimination term denotes all forms of distinction, restriction, exclusion and preference based on gender, race, origin, lineage, nationality or ethnicity, sexual orientation, social status, religion, age, disability, which aim at undermining or impeding the exercise and acknowledgement, under equal conditions, of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

When Black + Lesbian + Woman [not equal to] Black Lesbian Woman: The Methodological Challenges of Qualitative and Quantitative Intersectionality Research By Lisa Bowleg Sex Roles, Vol.59, pp. 312-325 (2008)

The notion that social identities and social inequality based on ethnicity, sexual orientation, and sex/gender are intersectional rather than additive poses a variety of thorny methodological challenges. Using research with Black lesbians (Bowleg, manuscripts in preparation; Bowleg et al., Journal of Lesbian Studies, 2008; Bowleg et al., Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology 10:229-240, 2004; Bowleg et al., Journal of Lesbian Studies, 7:87-108, 2003) as a foundation, the author examines how these challenges shape measurement, analysis, and interpretation. She argues that a key dilemma for intersectionality researchers is that the additive (e.g., Black + Lesbian + Woman) versus intersectional (e.g., Black Lesbian Woman) assumption inherent in measurement and qualitative and quantitative data analyses contradicts the central tenet of intersectionality: social identities and inequality are interdependent for groups such as Black lesbians, not mutually exclusive. In light of this, interpretation becomes one of the most substantial tools in the intersectionality researcher's methodological toolbox.

"Don't Ever Forget Now, You're a Black Man in America": Intersections of Race, Class and Gender In Encounters with the Police By Andrea L. Dottolo & Abigail J. Stewart Sex Roles, Vol. 59, pp. 350-364 (2008)

Middle-aged black and white graduates of a Midwestern US high school responded to interview questions about race and racial identity. Their answers included descriptions of police harassment and crime, and focused on those considered to be criminal actors: most often apparently poor, black men. Qualitative analysis of 38 interviews showed that questions about racial identity tapped into a discourse that constructs and stereotypes criminals as occupying social positions defined by race, class and gender, particularly for African Americans. The concept of intersectionality illuminates the cultural construction of police encounters with citizens in terms of poor black men, and the specific nature of the stories of racial identity told-and not told-by respondents with different race, class and gender identities.

Protecting Our Daughters: Intersection of Race, Class and Gender in African American Mothers' Socialization of Their Daughters' Heterosexuality By Tiffany G. Townsend Sex Roles, Vol. 59, pp. 429-442 (2008)

Using a framework of intersectionality and Black feminist thought, this paper provides a conceptual exploration of the socialization process among African American mothers and daughters, with special attention given to the ways in which African American girls become aware of their mother's attitudes and beliefs concerning romantic relationships. The author proposes a model of sexual risk for low income African American girls in which the armoring process serves as the focal point. She then provides a conceptual discussion, comparing her proposed model to current social cognitive models in its ability to comprehensively explain the correlates and predictors of sexual behavior among this population. Implications concerning sexual risk prevention efforts are also discussed.

Race (and Gender and Class) and Child Custody: Theorizing Intersections in Two Canadian Court Cases By Charmaine C. Williams NWSA Journal, Vol. 16(2), pp. 46-69 (2004)

In the summer of 2001, the Canadian media devoted attention to two court cases that resulted in mothers losing custody of their children, Kimberly Van de Perre and Nadia Hama might have been overlooked if the presentation of their cases had not evoked discussion regarding the relevance of claims of racism in custody decisions. Analysis of the media narrative reveals that the narrow focus on race distorted perceptions of these family situations, and contributed to the marginalization of the two single mothers involved. This paper examines this process to explore how an analysis based on multiple identities, and simultaneous existence of oppression and privilege, may have led to different outcomes for these two families.

The Gendered Nature of Discriminatory Experiences by Race, Class, and Sexuality: A Comparison of Intersectionality Theory and the Subordinate Male Target Hypothesis By Gerry Veenstra Sex Roles, Vol. 68, pp. 646-659 (2013)

Three competing theoretical approaches to social inequalities by gender, race, class, and sexuality are examined. The additive approach assumes that people possessing multiple subordinate-group identities experience the oppressions associated with them as distinct phenomena. The intersectionality-inspired approach suggests that subordinate-group identities such as non-White, lower class, and non-heterosexual interact with gender in a synergistic way, occasioning inordinately pernicious experiences of discrimination for women possessing one or more additional subordinate-group identities. The subordinate male target hypothesis (SMTH) claims that the discrimination experienced by the men of subordinate groups-primarily at the hands of men of dominant groups-is greater than that experienced by the women of the same subordinate groups. In 2009, telephone survey data was collected from 414 women and 208 men in Toronto, Canada and 521 women and 245 men in Vancouver, Canada. Negative binomial regression techniques are applied to these data to determine whether and how gender (male or female), race (White or non-White), educational attainment, household income, and sexual orientation (heterosexual or non-heterosexual), as well as two-way interactions between gender and the other variables, predict scale measures of self- reported major experiences of discrimination and self-reported chronic, routine discriminatory experiences. High levels of both kinds of discrimination reported by men in general are at odds with the additive and intersectionality-inspired perspectives that accord women the gender identity most vulnerable to discrimination. Inordinately high levels of routine discrimination reported by men with a high school diploma or less are consistent with the SMTH-inspired perspective.

Race, Class, Gender? Intersectionality Troubles By Susanne Hochreiter Journal of Research in Gender Studies, Vol. 1(2), pp. 49-56 (2011)

Intersectionality is a key concept in recent Gender Studies. There is a lot research on the question of how to "intersect" different dimensions of identities - such as race, class, and gender. This triad of identity (model of "triple oppression") became a buzzword and has been strongly criticized in the last years. At the same time new approaches can hardly solve the problem of what is denominated, what is not, and what the consequences of this politics of names actually are. The pluralisation of identities makes logocentric thinking visible and at the same time continues it. In this article the author will discuss recent intersectionality theory in the context of queer theory and queer politics.

Disappearing Acts: Reclaiming Intersectionality in the Social Sciences in a Post-Black Feminist Era By Nikol G. Alexander-Floyd Feminist Formations, Vol. 24(1), pp. 1-25 (2012)

The article investigates how post-black feminist definitions of intersectionality in the social sciences have "disappeared" black women as knowledge producers and subjects of investigation. This post-black feminist turn in theorizing intersectionality is assessed in terms of the rhetorical strategies critiqued by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989, 1990-91) in her foundational work on intersectionality, demonstrating how the very strategies she identified as hegemonic limitations to black feminism have been incorporated into social science work produced in the name of intersectional investigation, thus re-subjugating black women's knowledge. A reconstructive liberatory project in the name of intersectionality is suggested that would entail scholars across the disciplines implementing hermeneutical and/or narrative methodologies that center on black women's subjectivity.

Toward a theory of disability and gender By Thomas J. Gerrschick Signs, Vol. 25(4), pp. 1263-1268 (2000)

Disability has a profound effect on the material and nonmaterial experience of gender. Gerrschick addresses how disability affects the gendering process, how it affects the experience of gender, how having a disability affects women's and men's abilities to enact gender and in what ways the experiences of men and women with disabilities similar and different.

Labeled "Learning Disabled": Life in and out of School for Urban Black and/or Latino/a Youth from Working-Class Backgrounds By David J. Connor ProQuest Dissertation and Theses (2005)

This research is in response to the problem of overrepresentation of Black and Latino(a) students in segregated special education classes. The qualitative study reveals how working-class Black and Latino(a) urban youth labeled as having learning dis/Abilities (LD) describe the ways they come to understand their positionality in the discourse of LD through their lived experience. The research utilizes an eclectic theoretical framework culling from fields of Disability Studies, Critical Race Theory, LatCrit Theory, and Black Feminist Thought.

Reclaiming English Education: Rooting Social Justice in Dispositions By Janet Alsup & S. J. Miller English Education, Vol. 46(3), pp. 195-215 (2014)

This article addresses the importance of foregrounding social justice in teaching and assessing dispositions for preservice teachers in secondary English language arts. We provide a historical overview of dispositions and their politicization, and we address NCATE's removal of social justice and its impending return. We conclude with possibilities for assessing dispositions for social justice and reflections on the implications for accreditation and consider what might be in store for the future of dispositions in English education.

How Teachers Contribute to Produce the Phenomenon of Cultural Reproduction: The Factor of Normalized Pedagogy By Tien-Hui Chiang Academic Research International, Vol. 4(6), pp. 165-176 (2013)

In terms of implementing social justice , education is imposed the emancipator function, referring to increasing the upward rate of social mobility for working class children through the channel of schooling in a meritocratic society. However, scholars, such as B. Bernstein and P. Bourdieu, discover the inequity of educational results and conceptualize it as cultural reproduction. They contend that this phenomenon roots in the gap between curriculum knowledge and cultural competence of working class students. This essay argues that teachers play as a crucial contributor to the issue of cultural reproduction because they do not recognize the teaching methods that they conduct normally are based on middle/upper class students. Consequently, such middle-class-oriented pedagogy tends to create advantage and disadvantage positions for middle/upper class students and working class students respectively. However, confining the narrow scope of instrumental rationality, teachers normally employ mental reasons to justify their pedagogy. In terms of uncovering this synthetic politics embedded in schooling, this essay borrows the concepts of M. Foucault, such as normalization and self-governing, to develop an argument - normalized pedagogy.

Teacher Education and Black Male Students in the United States By Richard H. Milner, Amber Pabon, Ashley Woodson, & Ebony McGee Multidisciplinary Journal of Educational Research, suppl. Equity, Social Justice & Democracy, Vol. 3(3), pp. 235-265 (2013)

Teacher education programs in the United States (U.S.) struggle to prepare teachers to meet the complex needs of elementary and secondary students in public schools - especially those of color, those living in poverty, and those whose first language is not English. In this article, we argue for focused attention on preparing educators to teach African American male students as these students face particular institutional challenges in successfully navigating the U.S. public school system. Drawing from the significant body of research on teacher education and teacher learning for equity and social justice, four Black teacher educators discuss challenges they have faced in classes designed to prepare teachers to teach Black male students. Through an analysis of commonalities in their experiences, they propose means for teacher educators to foster greater understandings of the heterogeneity found among Black male students so that teachers can craft more responsive and responsible educational experiences for Black males.

"These Things Do Not Ring True to Me": Preservice Teacher Dispositions to Social Justice Literature in a Remote State Teacher Education Program By Tao Keonghee Han The Urban Review, Vol. 45(2), pp. 143-166 (2013)

This study describes preservice teachers ' (PTs) dispositions toward diversity education in a remote small town university. The purpose of the study is to find out whether PTs in an undergraduate elementary literacy methods class in this locale are willing to accept and adopt multicultural children's and youth literature as pedagogical tools and materials in their future classrooms to address race and social justice topics. I used epistemology (i.e., the knowledge system, Scheurich and Young in Edu Res 26(4):4-16, 1997 ), interest convergence (Bell in Harv Law Rev 93(3):518-533, 1980 ), and field (i.e., setting, Bourdieu 1986 ) to analyze the qualitative data from this context. The findings highlight significant issues for teacher educators concerning development of critical consciousness among preservice teachers in small remote regions. Implications for social justice concerns and pedagogical recommendations are included for teacher educators to consider including social justice literature in their literacy methods classes.

Democracy and Social Justice in Sarajevo's Schools By Peter McDermott & Brian Kirby Lanahan The Qualitative Report, Vol. 17(11), pp. 1-27 (2012)

After the end of the 1992-1995 Bosnian war, the people of Sarajevo found themselves rebuilding their country while also learning to live with their former enemies in this developing democracy. In this study we examined the extent to which democratic practices and social justice values were being taught in Sarajevo's schools. Using a case study method, we gathered data gathered from interviews with educators in a variety of roles in Sarajevo, observations of elementary and secondary classroom teaching , and daily reflective journal entries about living and teaching in the city during the fall of 2008. Our data analyses revealed that democratic teaching practices and multicultural values are not being taught in Sarajevo's schools. Instead, entangled and fragmented governmental structures, lingering emotional trauma from the war, and a general sense of pessimism about the future are interfering with educational reform and movement toward a democratic and socially-just society.

Unheard Voices of Minority Teacher Candidates in a Teacher Education Program By Tunde Szecsi & Carolyn Spillman Multicultural Education, Vol. 19(2), pp. 24-29 (2012)

According to the university's mission and guiding principles, which emphasize social justice and diversity, the teacher education program has implemented a plan of action for recruiting and retaining teacher candidates from diverse backgrounds. Aashia, a 22-year-old Asian-American senior in her final internship, was born in the Philippines but grew up in Guam and moved to the U.S. at 16.\n However, these participants had a special calling, an intrinsic motivation and/or a significant friend, coworker, or teacher who made them confident about pursuing their dream (Chamness et.al. 2005; Gordon, 2005). [...]outreach programs and support provided early, often through mentors as role models in high school, plus special guidance during general education courses all appear to have had the potential to attract and retain these particular minority teacher candidates.

Introduction: Caring about Social Justice Issues in Teacher Education By Christian J. Faltis Teacher Education Quarterly, Vol. 38(4), pp. 3-6 (2011)

What these new attacks on teacher education mean for the role and place of social justice is not entirely clear, but I would like to make the argument, as do several of the authors in this issue, that focusing on social justice , on inquiry into practices, and on the ethical dilemmas teachers face in teacher education is essential in preparing teachers for the complexities of teaching in today's diverse classrooms and communities. [...] much of the help that parents provided was in the role of classroom instructional assistants, working with and for the teacher to get things done.

Investigating Preservice Teachers' Understandings of Critical Media Literacy By Lorayne Robertson & Janette M. Hughes Language and Literacy, Vol. 13(2) (2011)

This paper examines preservice teachers ' understandings of critical media literacy as they designed critical media literacy lessons in an initial teacher education language and literacy course for K-6 teachers . The teachers reflected on their initial understandings about social justice , designed several pre-tasks, designed and taught critical media literacy lessons, and then reflected on teaching critical media literacy to elementary school students. The results of this two-year study indicate that while the preservice teachers seemed willing to address social justice issues and they used digital literacies in interesting and engaging ways, some of them faced challenges articulating and focusing their own understandings in media literacy lessons.

Making Multicultural Education Work: A Proposal for a Transnational Multicultural Education By Adeela Arshad-Ayaz Canadian Issues, pp. 71-74 (2011)

In this essay I propose a new framework for multiculturalism and multicultural education . This framework seeks to move away from the 'culture' based understanding of multiculturalism by grounding the issues related to diversity and difference in trans-national social justice. My arguments are premised on the grounds that issues surrounding social justice and multiculturalism cannot be addressed within the contexts of individual nation states. These issues must be considered at the global level. The proposed shift away from the exclusivity of national contexts is necessitated by the recognition that the world is increasingly becoming an unfair place with a stupendously uneven distribution of resources and allocation of values. It is also mandated by the awareness that the actions of individuals are not confined to individual nation states. These actions produce and are reproduced by discourses, institutions and practices that cut across national boundaries and have varying influences on people living in diverse areas of the world. For example, immigrants are often disadvantaged in respect to access to social services as well as to the institutional and financial resources for preservation of their cultural distinctiveness.

Feeling in Crisis: Vicissitudes of Response in Experiments with Global Justice Education By Lisa Taylor Journal of the Canadian Association for Curriculum Studies, Vol. 9(1) (2011)

This paper considers the nexus of affective engagement, a critical analysis of systemic discrimination, and reflexive self-implication in education committed to social change. I ask how our inherited models and theories of learning and teaching for social change can curb our vigilance vis-à-vis the ways libidinal dynamics organize our curriculum as affective wish and our pedagogy as affective defense. I focus specifically on the qualities of global justice education -the ethical and political stakes of this project, the theories of learning, pedagogical strategies and discourses of moral development it inherits-that render learning, teaching , and learning to teach (none of which are discrete) affectively and ethically fraught. The paper examines student writing samples from a mandatory pre-service course on social and global justice education , one designed to engage future teachers in considering the inequitable global distribution of precarity and recognizability (Butler) within contemporary contexts of neoliberal globalization and war. In the writing samples, students reflect on the challenges they faced making sense of representations of the ravages of militarized capitalist globalization, in particular the challenges of creating and facilitating curriculum within which their peers might encounter such difficult knowledge.

"Social Justice Needs to Be Everywhere": Imagining the Future of Anti-Oppression Education in Teacher Preparation By Deirdre Kelly & Gabriella Minnes Brandes Alberta Journal of Educational Research, Vol. 56(4), pp. 388-402 (2010)

This article analyzes a project of social justice in the setting of an important program of formation of the teachers in the Canadian west. This" program inside a program" adopted an educational approach against the oppression, conceived to help the students in pedagogy to understand and has put back in question various shapes of iniquity and the ties between them. We bend on the program of social justice, first by a descriptive analysis of our teaching, then by qualitative interviews and semi-structured nearby of one hour defining of our program (all starting their teacher's career). Our old provided examples of teaching against the current and evoked the challenges bound to the implementation of critical pedagogies. We conclude while presenting four key recommendations and while thinking about the consequences for the formation of the teachers to the future.

Exploring Questions of Social Justice in Bilingual/Bicultural Teacher Education: Towards a Parity of Participation By Shanan Fitts & Evelyn M. Weisman The Urban Review, Vol. 42(5), pp. 373-393 (2010)

This qualitative study examined the development of bilingual and bicultural preservice teachers ' beliefs and attitudes about social justice and its role in the education of language minority children. Fraser's in Redistribution or recognition: a political-philosophical exchange. Verso, New York, (2003) perspectival dualist framework, which calls for the consideration of both the distribution of resources and the recognition of cultural identity, was applied to the investigation of participants' social justice claims. In addition to observing these preservice teachers in their courses and conducting interviews, the researchers also analyzed the teaching practices of their bilingual-bicultural professors. Findings indicate that bilingual teacher candidates need to have space and support for reflecting upon the conflicting meanings they might ascribe to experiences and insights gained through the occupation of different identity positions. Bilingual-bicultural university professors' ability to recognize and legitimate the experiences and perspectives of bilingual/bicultural teacher candidates was significant and empowering.

Democracy Camp for Teachers: Cross-Cultural Professional Development for Preparing Educators to Create Social Justice-Minded Citizens By Susie Burroughs, Peggy Hopper, Kay Brocato, & Mary Lee Webeck International Education, Vol. 39(1), pp. 49-64 (2009)

The Civitas Democracy Camp for Teachers provides professional development for educators to collaboratively explore ideals of citizenship and citizenship education in democratic societies. Reported herein are the findings of a study of the camp experience of a cross-cultural group of educators who examined the concept of social justice and ways to teach their students about it. Results of the study indicate that the participants broadened their definitions of social justice, expanded their recognition of the importance of teaching about social justice, and enhanced their understandings of approaches for teaching about social justice. Further, the findings indicate that cross-cultural professional development can have positive effects in altering and expanding educators' content and pedagogical knowledge of important international issues such as social justice.

Promoting Inclusion in Secondary Schools Through Appreciative Inquiry By Peter L. Kozik, Bernard Cooney, Scott Vinciguerra, Kathleen Gradel, & Joan Black American Secondary Education, Vol. 38(1), pp. 77-91 (2009)

Including students with disabilities fully in the general education curriculum has become accepted in elementary schools, but issues such as teacher collaboration, standardized testing, gaps in skill levels, and scheduling challenges continue to pose significant obstacles to full inclusion in middle schools and high school. This article describes an all day event at which 35 participants from a variety of settings, including higher education , school districts, the State Education Department, and technical support networks explored the question: "In order for inclusive adolescent education to be successful, what values, skills, and knowledge should teachers demonstrate?" Participants used a process of Appreciative Inquiry, a method of organizational development that uses past successes to create a vision of the future. The group discerned, social justice , passion, and courage for change as necessary values, and thought that listening and communication outweighed other skills. Adolescent development and research based practices in secondary schools were found to be the most necessary knowledge

Educating for Democracy: With or without Social Justice By Paul Carr Teacher Education Quarterly, Vol. 35(4), pp. 117-136 (2008)

[...] of particular interest to this research, I am concerned with the connection that educators make between democracy and social justice in education (Guttman, 1999; Regenspan, 2002). [...] the final section serves as a discussion of the research, including suggesting policy and curriculum implications, and highlighting the role of teacher education in the debate. Four Educational Myths That Stymie Social Justice By Joan F. Beswick, Elizabeth A. Sloat, & Douglas J. Willms The Educational Forum, Vol. 72(2), pp. 115-128 (2008)

Four myths that underlie persistent, but ineffective, practices in early literacy education are analyzed in this article. Such analysis is essential because literacy disadvantage ultimately is an issue of equity-a matter of social justice . Research shows that these practices can be refuted and that optimal early literacy outcomes are possible for all students when parents, teachers , and school administrators serve as agents of equity.

Researching the Halted Paths of Male Primary School Teacher Candidates By Douglas Gosse, Michael Parr, & John Allison Journal of Men's Studies, Vol. 16(1), pp. 57-68 (2008)

This arts-informed narrative inquiry will delve into the experiences of male B .Ed. teacher candidates in Northern Ontario who did not complete their education degree. Their intersectional voices will, hopefully, fuel dialogue around issues of power dynamics and intersectional identity (race, class, gender, sexual orientation, geographical location, and language and culture) applicable to education, men's studies, social justice, arts-informed and arts-based educational research, and affiliated disciplines. This paper begins with a brief review of the literature on male primary teachers, then research methodology, next a look at theory, followed by a composite narrative in the voice of a former teacher candidate, and culminates in the researchers' impressions and questions.

Navigating Contradictory Communities of Practice in Learning to Teach for Social Justice By Maria Timmons Flores Anthropology and Education Quarterly, Vol. 38(4), pp. 380-404 (2007)

In this article, the author explores the contradictions that four new teachers experienced as their commitments to social justice collide with urban school culture. Framed within Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger's (1999) theory of situated learning and development concepts of identity, practice, and relationships illustrate how teachers' ideals are challenged as socializing features of two communities of practice-the universities and schools-intersect in new teachers ' development. This research contributes empirical evidence of the application of critical multicultural teacher preparation into practice, a cultural representation of how educational inequities are reproduced or disrupted in the situated contexts of urban schools, an application of Lave and Wenger's theory of Legitimate Peripheral Participation that incorporates formal and informal education across multiple activity settings, and a call for collaborative communities of practice that support teachers ' situated learning in creating transformative practices.

Inclusive Global Education: Implications for Social Justice By Hilary Landorf & Ann Nevin Journal of Educational Administration, Vol. 45(6), pp. 711-723 (2007)

The overarching purpose of this paper is to empower K-12 educators, colleagues in teacher education programs, and educational leadership personnel to address social justice issues within communities where divergent perspectives abound. The authors use a discursive method to uncover the historical and theoretical differences between global education and inclusive education, identify the ways in which the two fields are complementary, and propose strategies for education leadership personnel that build on the commonalities and best practices of both fields. The authors argue that the two fields have essential elements that can and should inform each other. They term this intersection "inclusive global education ". They integrate the concepts from global education and inclusive education to define inclusive global education as a pedagogical and curricular stance, a way to honor the diverse cultural, linguistic, physical, mental, and cognitive complexities of all people, and a process that puts problematization of social justice issues at the center of leadership and teaching /learning activities. Whereas global educators traditionally focus on learning to understand and come to respect the cultural, social, and political "other," the traditional focus of special educators is to empower students to gain self-respect.

The Power of Words: Top-Down Mandates Masquerade as Social Justice Reforms By Linda Christensen Language Arts, Vol. 85(2), pp. 144-147 (2007)

The teachers cited research that contradicted the district's assertions that common textbooks would lead to equity for all students: * No research shows that purchasing a new reading program reliably raises reading achievement (Berends, Bodilly, & Kirby, 2002). * Building teacher capacity and supporting rigorous teacher communities (e.g., study groups, teacher research, etc.) is the key factor for student achievement (Allington & Cunningham, 2006). * Scripted curriculum deskills teachers, reducing them to deliverers of content rather than synthesizers of complex ideas (Rice, 2004). * The programs presented as possible adoptions do not align with the philosophies and rigorous teaching practices of many PPS schools. * No single program can meet the needs of a large and diverse district like Portland. * Portland's reading achievement has consistently risen without a districtwide adoption. In these times, when even the historic civil rights case Brown v Board of Education has been proded, teachers cannot afford to stand on the sidelines of curricular debates wringing our hands while district leaders speak in social justice sound bites and impose cookie cutter curriculum reforms that deskill teachers, disempower local communities, and rob our students of a real social justice education.

Using Case Studies of Ethical Dilemmas for the Development of Moral Literacy: Towards Educating for Social Justice By Joan Poliner Shapiro & Robert E. Hassinger Journal of Educational Administration, Vol. 45(4), pp. 451-470 (2007)

The purpose of this paper is to focus on a case study, framed as an ethical dilemma. It serves as an illustration for the teaching of moral literacy, with a special emphasis on social justice . Initially, the paper provides a rationale for the inclusion of case studies, emphasizing moral problems in university teaching . It discusses briefly the strengths and weaknesses of using these types of case studies in the classroom. In particular, it explains how both the rational and emotional minds can be addressed, through the use of these moral dilemmas, by introducing two concepts: Multiple Ethical Paradigms and Turbulence Theory. Following an explanation of the two concepts, an illustrative case is provided. This case deals with aspects of No Child Left Behind legislation that narrows the curriculum for some students. The underlying social justice issue of this case is raised. The dilemma is followed by a discussion of how to resolve or solve it by raising questions that relate to the Multiple Ethical Paradigms and Turbulence Theory.

Refining Social Justice Commitments through Collaborative Inquiry: Key Rewards and Challenges for Teacher Educators By Camille Wilson Cooper Teacher Education Quarterly, Vol. 33(3), pp. 115-132 (2006)

Cooper discusses the key rewards and challenges of the first two years of TEP's case development project. Findings show that collaborative inquiry prompted the teacher education faculty to better define their social justice commitments, enhance the coherence of their program, and strengthen their community of practice.

Teachers and Tolerance: Discriminating Diversity Dispositions By Pauline Leonard & Lawrence Leonard The Teacher Educator, Vol. 42(1), pp. 30-42 (2006)

Prevailing values of equity and social justice are increasingly espoused in the mission and policy statements of public institutions, organizations, and agencies. In higher education , teacher preparation programs are considered to be key contributors to the cultivation of mores of inclusiveness, where diversity is embraced and appreciated in its multitude of forms. The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine the diversity dispositions of a group of preservice and inservice teachers participating in a multicultural education course at a university in the deep southern region of the United States. Data were collected in the following ways: (a) autobiographical accounts that participants compiled and shared; (b) responses to abbreviated biographies in an online discussion forum; (c) face-to-face discussions of issues related to goals of equity, tolerance, and social justice in schools; and (d) instructor observations of participants' interactions with each other. The research revealed that in the electronic forum the teacher candidates and practicing teachers were particularly candid in reflecting upon and revealing their cultural roots, perceptions, and experiences and validated many-but not all-peer self-reports of marginalization. Three major diversity dispositions emerged in the data analysis: (a) cultural consciousness, (b) intercultural sensitivity, and (c) commitment to social justice.

Spheres of Justice within Schools: Reflections and Evidence on the Distribution of Educational Goods By Clara Sabbagh, Nura Resh, Michael Mor, & Pieter Vanhuysse Social Psychology of Education : An International Journal, Vol. 9(2), pp. 97-118 (2006)

This article argues that there are distinct spheres of justice within education and examines a range of justice norms and distribution rules that characterize the daily life of schools and classrooms. Moving from the macro to micro level, we identify the following five areas: the right to education, the allocation of (or selection into) learning places, teaching -learning practices, teachers ' treatment of students, and student evaluations of grade distribution. We discuss the literature on the beliefs by students and teachers about the just distribution of educational goods in these five domains, and on the practices used in the actual allocation of these goods. In line with normative 'spheres of justice' arguments in social theory, we conclude that the ideals of social justice within schools vary strongly according to the particular resource to be distributed. Moreover, these ideals often do not correspond with the practices that actually guide resource distribution in education, which may go some way toward explaining explicit or latent conflicts in this sphere.

Foreword-"Walking On Water" As Activism: An Invitation to Learn and a Call for Action By Alicia L. Moore & Neal La Vonne Black History Bulletin, Vol. 68(1), pp. 6-8. (2006)

In commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Niagara Movement, its founders and its eminent status in African American history, the Association for the Study of African American Life and History (ASALH) has dedicated its Black History Bulletin to this seminal social justice movement. Accordingly, because one of the demands of the Niagara Movement was for public school education, ASALH has prepared a Black History Bulletin that highlights the code of beliefs that originally framed the bulletin's purpose as it was founded by Carter G. Woodson in 1937-to serve the needs of primary and secondary teachers who incorporate African American History into their lesson plans. Woodson, a noted historian, author, professor, and journalist, believed that if Negroes had an understanding of their contributions to American society, they would be both psychologically and intellectually emancipated.

Implementing a Social Justice Perspective in Teacher Education: Invisible Burden for Faculty of Color By Jean Moule Teacher Education Quarterly, Vol. 32(4), pp. 23-42. (2005)

African Americans in predominantly White institutions often carry a greater load than their positions describe. While researchers have explored the unique role of African Americans in higher education , this study deepens the understanding of this role by analyzing the work of one African American woman in a teacher education program at a large Northwestern research institution. Moule discusses what it means to be an African American woman teaching for social justice.

The Burden of Teaching Teachers: Memoirs of Race Discourse in Teacher Education By Dawn G. Williams, & Venus Evans-Winters The Urban Review, Vol. 37(3), pp. 201-219. (2005)

This paper presents the views and educational experiences of two African American female scholars, from a critical race and black feminist theorist perspective, teaching in the area of social justice to predominantly white female pre-service teachers . These testimonies reveal the struggles encountered by these scholars when engaging students in a historical and contemporary examination of race, privilege, and systemic inequalities. The objectives of this paper are to expand on the literary dialogue of such resistance and attempt to bring awareness into the arenas that need the most exposure, i.e. departmental, faculty, and tenure review meetings. It is commonly written and verbalized that institutions are interested in attracting and retaining faculty of color. We argue that the ways we are supported must shift. This problem of student resistance, who they resist and why, should become open for discussion on college campuses across the nation.

Merging Social Justice and Accountability: Educating Qualified and Effective Teachers By Mary Poplin & John Rivera Theory into Practice, Vol. 44(1), pp. 27-37. (2005)

This article proposes that teacher education programs be developed to promote social justice and accountability. Teacher educators must prepare teachers by (a) inspiring them with experiences of schools and classrooms where the achievement gap is disappearing, (b) preparing them to use curriculum standards and assessments, as well as multiple pedagogical and learning theories and strategies, (c) equipping them to work closely with families and communities, (d) teaching them how schools and classrooms promote and end educational inequities, and (e) inspiring them to do the hard work necessary to close the achievement gap. This requires teacher educators who are committed to the same. The article describes a few instructive events that influenced changes in a particular teacher education program and concludes with ten paradoxes used to build the new program focus on equity, excellence, and integrity.

Multiculturalism, Peace Education, & Social Justice in Teacher Education By Reyes Quezada & Jaime J. Romo Multicultural Education, Vol. 11(3), pp. 2-11. (2004)

For public education to meet the civic needs of students and society, educators must be able to envision and promote systemic change that is transformational, fundamental, and adaptive for all students. Quezada and Romo examine the literature related to institutional and teacher education reform and change related to multicultural education, peace education, and social justice.

Literacy on Three Planes: Infusing Social Justice and Culture into Classroom Instruction By Karen Monkman, Laurie MacGillivray, & Cynthia Hernandez Leyva Bilingual Research Journal, 27(2), pp. 245-258. (2003)

This article argues that instruction should focus on the three "planes" proposed by Barbara Rogoff-personal, social, and cultural-as the multilayered sites where learning occurs. Because the psychological (i.e., personal plane) is commonly the focus of educational instruction, we focus more on the social and cultural planes. We demonstrate learning on these multiple planes using two examples drawn from classroom observations-one a planned routine, the other a spontaneous teachable moment, and both reflecting social justice concerns-and draw on interviews of the teacher about her philosophical and political approaches to learning. The article is intended to demonstrate how research can inform teaching -how one teacher is able to engage children in a bilingual classroom in learning on "three planes" (Rogoff, 1990, 1995) in a way that infuses social justice into the development and experience of literacy in which children "read the world" (Freire & Macedo, 1987)

Locating Gender Bias and Systemic Discrimination in Public Schooling Bureaucracy By Stephen K. Jull Alberta Journal of Educational Research, Vol. 48(1), pp. 47-60. (2002)

The contemporary model of bureaucracy guiding the daily functioning of public schooling in Canada is discussed in terms of its propensity for gender bias and systemic discriminatory practice. Systemic discrimination in bureaucracy is situated in a global culture of gender, founded on a universal acceptance of the duality of human sexuality, and rooted in dominant discourses of masculinity and femininity. Addressing inequities in the public schooling bureaucracy that are linked to the duality of masculinity and femininity and the resultant imbalance in the divisions of bureaucratic power and authority between men and women is fundamentally a gender issue. As such, facilitating stability-enhancing radical reform in the public schooling bureaucracy is an infinitely complex task-insofar as the foundations of the modern bureaucracy are closely tied to core sociopolitical constructs based on the so-called nature of sex, gender, and the natural distribution of knowledge-power. In the context of a critically pragmatic and practical suggestion for change, this article contextualizes Ramsay and Parker's (1992) "neo-bureaucracy" (p. 269) as a model of reform that offers the possibility for broadly defined acceptance in the teaching profession and the wider society, while bringing issues of equity and social justice to the forefront of the daily practice.

Institute for Intersectionality Research and Policy (IIRP)

The Institute for Intersectionality Research and Policy (IRPP) anchors a vibrant interdisciplinary community of nationally and internationally recognized researchers, scholars, activists, and practitioners who are on the cutting edge of advancing the theory and practical applications of intersectionality in research, policy and praxis.

Ontario Human Rights Commission

The Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC) is one part of Ontario's system for human rights, alongside the Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario (HRTO) and the Human Rights Legal Support Centre (HRLSC). The OHRC plays an important role in preventing discrimination and promoting and advancing human rights in Ontario. The OHRC: (1) Develops public policy on human rights; (2) Actively promotes a culture of human rights in the province; (3) Conducts public inquiries; (4) Intervenes in proceedings at the Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario (HRTO); (5) Initiates our own applications (formerly called 'complaints'); (6) Engages in proactive measures to prevent discrimination using public education, policy development, research and analysis; and (7) Brings people and communities together to help resolve issues of "tension and conflict."

Canadian Research Institute for the Advancement of Women (CRIAW)

CRIAW is a research institute that provides tools to facilitate organizations taking action to advance social justice and equality for all women. CRIAW recognizes women's diverse experiences and perspectives; creates spaces for developing women's knowledge; bridges regional isolation; and provides communication links between/among researchers and organizations actively working to promote social justice and equality for all women.
Canadian Race Relations Foundation
The Canadian Race Relations Foundation is Canada's leading agency dedicated to the elimination of racism and the promotion of harmonious race relations in the country. Created as part of the historic Japanese Canadian Redress Agreement, the Foundation's governing legislation, the Canadian Race Relations Foundation Act, was given Royal Assent on February 1, 1991. The Act was proclaimed by the Federal Government on October 28, 1996, and the Foundation opened its doors in 1997.

Disabled Women's Network (DAWN-RAFH)

DAWN-RAFH Canada's mission is to end the poverty, isolation, discrimination and violence experienced by women with disabilities and Deaf women. DAWN-RAFH is an organization that works towards the advancement and inclusion of women and girls with disabilities and Deaf women in Canada. Our overarching strategic theme is one of leadership, partnership and networking to engage all levels of government and the wider disability and women's sectors and other stakeholders in addressing our key issues.

Canadian Human Rights Commission

Parliament created the Canadian Human Rights Act in 1977 to provide equal opportunity to everyone in Canada and to help people confront discrimination in their daily lives. Parliamentarians shared a vision of a country where "all individuals should have an opportunity equal with other individuals to make for themselves the lives that they are able and wish to have", free from discrimination. The Canadian Human Rights Commission was created to administer the Canadian Human Rights Act. It also ensures compliance with the Employment Equity Act. The Commission operates independently from government when administering these two acts of Parliament.

Intergroup Resources is an online resource centre that seeks to strengthen intergroup relations for social justice by sharing materials, tools, and lessons learned from organizers around the United States. It grew out of an activist research initiative and is led by a collective of organizations with experience facilitating intergroup dialogue and political education.

Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives

The Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives is an independent, non-partisan research institute concerned with issues of social, economic and environmental justice. Founded in 1980, the CCPA is one of Canada's leading progressive voices in public policy debates. They have a National Office in Ottawa, and provincial offices in British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, Ontario, and Nova Scotia.

Canadian Civil Liberties Association

The Canadian Civil Liberties Association is a national organization that was constituted to promote respect for and observance of fundamental human rights and civil liberties, and to defend, extend, and foster recognition of these rights and liberties. The fight against abuse of state authority has not always won popularity contests for CCLA, but the Association has been a leader in protecting our fundamental freedoms, and has earned widespread respect for its principled stands on such issues as censorship, capital punishment, and police powers. Their website contains numerous educational resources for teachers.

The Centre for Social Justice (CSJ)

The Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) conducts research, education and advocacy on issues of equality and democracy. It works to strengthen movements for social justice in Toronto, Ontario, Canada and globally. The programmatic content of the Centre's work may change from year to year, but there is an on-going interest in working strategically to narrow the gap between rich and poor, challenging the corporate domination of Canadian politics, and pressing for policy changes that promote economic and social justice.

Anti-Racism Resource Centre

The Anti-Racism Resource Centre is resource hub for educators, employers, students, youth, and anyone looking for info on race, anti-racism, and anti-discrimination. It is their hope that by facilitating access to justice for victims of racism and hate crime, and providing educational resources on anti-racism to the general population, that the Anti-Racism Online Resource Centre will serve as a valuable tool in creating a more just and inclusive society.

People for Education is an independent organization working to support public education in Ontario's English, Catholic and French schools. They're passionate about publicly funded education, and believe that well-equipped publicly funded schools, with a well-rounded curriculum, provide young people with the best chance for a bright future. People for Education works with policy-makers and the media in order to maintain a resource network for teachers, parents, and community organizations.

Sierra Youth Coalition (SYC)

The Sierra Youth Coalition is an organization run by youth and for youth, serving as the youth arm of the Sierra Club of Canada. SYC has grown into a nation-wide network, with hundreds of registered members and thousands of dedicated volunteers, operating in more than 80 colleges and universities and 50 high schools.

Through grassroots action, SYC aims to address unsustainable practices through a solutions based approach that promotes education for sustainability, bioregionalism, and sustainable communities. SYC acts as a networking and resource centre for youth aged 15 to 30 concerned about environmental and social justice issues. Our mission is to empower young people to become active community leaders who contribute to making Canada a more sustainable society.

Access Alliance Multicultural Health and Community Services

Access Alliance Multicultural Health and Community Services improves health outcomes for the most vulnerable immigrants, refugees, and their communities. We do this by facilitating access to services and addressing systemic inequities. Access Alliance Multicultural Health and Community Services acknowledges that oppressions based on race, ethnicity, creed, class, gender, sexual orientation, gender orientation, immigration status, country of origin, religion, mental health status, age and ability are systemic in Canadian society. We are committed to actively working against all forms of oppression.

Girls Action Foundation

Girls Action Foundation is a national charitable organization. We lead and seed girls' programs across Canada. We build girls' and young women's skills and confidence and inspire action to change the world. Through our innovative programs, research, and support to a network of over 300 partnering organizations and projects, Girls Action reaches over 60,000 girls and young women. We reach remote, marginalized and urban communities, including those in the North.

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This article explains intersectionality and touches on some of the key issues regarding its development and implementation. As a critical lens for bringing awareness to the social justice industry, intersectionality is a way to present the simple reality that disadvantage or exclusion can be based on the interaction of multiple factors rather than just one.

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Executive Summary

Eighty years ago, a federal agency, the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC), created "Residential Security" maps of major American cities. These maps document how loan officers, appraisers and real estate professionals evaluated mortgage lending risk during the era immediately before the surge of suburbanization in the 1950's. Neighborhoods considered high risk or "Hazardous" were often "redlined" by lending institutions, denying them access to capital investment which could improve the housing and economic opportunity of residents.

This study examines how neighborhoods were evaluated for lending risk by the HOLC, and compares their recent social and economic conditions with city-level measures of segregation and economic inequality. The study reveals:
The economic and racial segregation created by "redlining" persists in many cities
Redlining buttressed the segregated structure of American cities. Most of the neighborhoods (74%) that the HOLC graded as high-risk or "Hazardous" eight decades ago are low-to-moderate income (LMI) today. Additionally, most of the HOLC graded "Hazardous" areas (nearly 64%) are minority neighborhoods now.
Persistent economic inequality
There is significantly greater economic inequality in cities where more of the HOLC graded high-risk or "Hazardous" areas are currently minority neighborhoods. To a lesser extent this is also true of cities where more of the HOLC low-risk or "Desirable" areas have remained white. This could indicate that cities with less change in the racial and ethnic structure of their neighborhoods over the past 80 years have greater economic inequality today.
Persistent residential segregation
Cities where more of the HOLC high-risk graded "Hazardous" neighborhoods are mostly minority are associated with "hypersegregation". Both black and Hispanic residents of hypersegregated cities are unevenly distributed and have lower levels of interaction with non-Hispanic whites. Minority residents also tend to be more clustered in neighborhoods of cities where there were more HOLC higher-risk or "Hazardous" neighborhoods.
Gentrification is related to some lessening of segregation,
but also with increased economic inequality
Gentrification is associated with greater economic change in the HOLC highest-risk, "Hazardous" neighborhoods and higher levels of interaction between black and white residents, but also greater economic inequality in cities. Gentrification probably occurred in the HOLC "Hazardous" graded areas because of decades of depressed home values.
Regional differences in changes of HOLC "Hazardous",
and LMI and majority-minority areas
Cities in the South showed the least change in the HOLC-evaluated "Hazardous" neighborhoods that today have lower incomes and higher populations of majority-minority residents. The Midwest closely followed the South in the persistence of low-to-moderate income (LMI) neighborhoods and HOLC "Hazardous" areas.

INTRODUCTION

Access to credit--home mortgage and small business loans--is an underpinning of economic inclusion and wealth-building in the U.S. Credit access, however, varies greatly depending on individual creditworthiness, and also on place-based factors like economic conditions of prosperity and growth which shape local credit markets. Another determinant of credit access is the risk associated with lending, which can be mitigated by the value of the collateral. Home mortgage lending credit access is subject to all of these factors, with the property collateralizing the loan. As a consequence, it has a neighborhood-level spatial structure, presenting a geography which can be examined in maps of cities across the country. Redlining--the practice of denying borrowers access to credit based on the location of properties in minority or economically disadvantaged neighborhoods--was widely practiced across the U.S., even in places not commonly associated with "Jim Crow" segregation laws (Rothstein 2017). While overt redlining is illegal today, having been prohibited under the Fair Housing Act of 1968, its enduring effect is still evident in the structure of U.S. cities. Part of the evidence of this enduring structure can be seen in the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) maps created 80 years ago, and the neighborhood economic and racial/ethnic composition today. The maps were created by the HOLC as part of its City Survey Program in the late 1930s. The HOLC deployed examiners across the country to classify neighborhoods by their perceived level of lending risk.

HOLC examiners consulted with local bank loan officers, city officials, appraisers, and realtors to create "Residential Security" maps of cities. More than 150 of these maps still exist. The examiners systematically graded neighborhoods based on criteria related to the age and condition of housing, transportation access, closeness to amenities such as parks or disamenities like polluting industries, the economic class and employment status of residents, and their ethnic and racial composition. Neighborhoods were color-coded on maps: green for the "Best," blue for "Still Desirable," yellow for "Definitely Declining," and red for "Hazardous."

NCRC has taken these maps and compared the grading from 80 years ago with more current economic and demographic status of neighborhoods as low-to-moderate income (LMI), middle-to-upper income (MUI), or majority-minority. To a startling degree, the results reveal a persistent pattern of both economic and racial residential exclusion. They provide evidence that the segregated and exclusionary structures of the past still exist in many U.S. cities.

In 1933, the HOLC was established to assist homeowners who were in default on their mortgages and in foreclosure. The HOLC was one of many "New Deal" programs--policies intended to relieve the worst effects of the Great Depression--leading the way in establishing the modern government-backed mortgage system. In the case of the HOLC, stabilization of the nation's mortgage lending system was the primary goal. It accomplished this task by purchasing mortgages that were in default, providing better terms for financially struggling families. For example, the HOLC and the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) introduced innovative loan programs, making fully amortized loans available over a 25-year period (Crossney and Bartelt 2005). This replaced the previous private and locally based system in which mortgages were usually made only for 5 to 10 years, at the end of which a "balloon" payment, covering the entirety of the principal, was due. Some scholars have argued that the maps and codification of appraisal practices introduced by the HOLC bolstered "redlining" as a pattern in government mortgage lending (Jackson 1987; Massey and Denton 1993). Others have argued that the maps were confidential documents and an analysis of individual HOLC loans, most of which were made by 1936, before the "residential security maps" were completed, indicates that the agency provided mortgages to both white and minority borrowers (Hillier 2003a, 2003b; Crossney and Bartelt 2005). From this evidence it appears that the residential security maps were not used by the HOLC to qualify mortgage refinancing; however, it is unclear to what degree the maps may have been used later, by FHA appraisers. Hillier (2003b) found that when conventional loans were made in HOLC red-coded "Hazardous" areas, they had higher interest rates for borrowers, and also found discriminatory practices by the HOLC in allowing brokers to follow local segregation standards in the resale of properties acquired by foreclosure. Greer's 2014 analysis extends beyond the HOLC maps themselves to encompass later FHA mortgage risk maps of Chicago, finding that those maps directly impacted lending decisions, barring loans over larger sectors of the city. While the ultimate use of the HOLC residential security maps is a subject of debate, it is clear that the HOLC maps compiled the common understanding of local-level lending decision makers of the risk in the neighborhoods of their cities. Consequently, the HOLC maps document which areas were considered lower risk, and therefore preferred for loans, and higher-risk areas where lending was discouraged. The maps document the neighborhood structure of cities and indicate areas which may have been subject to "redlining" by banks when making lending decisions. Since the HOLC maps document the contemporary expert judgement of neighborhood lending risk, they provide an archive of lending risk perception immediately prior to World War II--background material which can help us understand the extensive reconfiguration of the U.S. urban system with the explosion in suburbanization of the post-WWII period.

This study utilizes neighborhood-level grading from the HOLC maps to assess both the economic status and proportion of minorities living in those areas today. Digitized images of the HOLC Residential Security maps for 115 cities were compared with the presence of LMI and MUI income census tracts currently in those areas using 2010 Decennial Census, and 2016 Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) Census-derived data. This data was compared then statistically analyzed at the national, regional, and city levels. The questions of this analysis concern the persistence of inequality in cities where the structure documented by the HOLC maps has changed the least; regional differences between cities; and the relationship of neighborhood change and recent gentrification. Specifically, the questions are:

1. What proportion of the area on the HOLC maps classified least favorably as "Hazardous" ("D" or colored red) is presently occupied by LMI and minority-majority communities for each city? What proportion classified with the most favorable grade of "Best" ("A" or colored green) is currently non-Hispanic white and MUI?

2. Are there regional differences in how the city-level changes took place?

3. Do cities with greater persistence of an inequitable structure (more HOLC "Hazardous" or "D" graded areas that are minority-majority and/or LMI) correlate with current indicators of economic inequality and segregation?

4. Is there an association between higher levels of gentrification and the change of HOLC "Hazardous" or "D"-graded areas into higher income MUI and majority non-Hispanic white areas?

These questions are approached through the spatial analysis of the HOLC map archive, and the degree to which the old grading corresponds with current neighborhood economic and racial/ethnic status. This is then compared with overall city-level indicators of segregation and economic inequality.

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Bruce Mitchell PhD., Senior Research Analyst and Juan Franco, Senior GIS Specialist, NCRC

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HOLC "redlining" maps: The persistent structure of segregation and economic inequality " NCRC

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Eighty years ago, a federal agency, the Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC), created "Residential Security" maps of major American cities. These maps document how loan officers, appraisers and real estate professionals evaluated mortgage lending risk during the era immediately before the surge of suburbanization in the 1950's.

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Mapping Inequality allows visitors to explore over 150 redlining maps and about 5000 neighborhood surveys created the Home Owners' Loan Corporation. These materials offer an extraordinary window into twentieth-century racial and wealth inequalities.

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Mapping The Lasting Effects of Redlining.

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Mapping The Lasting Effects of Redlining.

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This article shows how census data and maps can be used to show the historical and current impact of redlining.

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In the late 1930s, in an attempt to prevent further foreclosures following the Great Depression, the FHA asked the Home Owners' Loan Corporation to assess mortgage-lending risk in hundreds of American cities.

Neighborhood by neighborhood, the HOLC gathered terrain, type and age of buildings, sales and rental demand, and about the " reams of information: threat of infiltration of foreign-born, negro, or lower grade population." Then they mapped this data, using a color code to delineate neighborhoods, from desirable "hot spots" in green to "high risk" blocks in red.

Redlining, as this discriminatory practice came to be known, had devastating and lasting effects for people of color. In particular, African Americans living in those redlined neighborhoods were, as Evan Tachovsky writes at Belt Magazine, "excluded from the mortgage market and targeted by predatory lenders, creating a cycle of insecurity and poverty."

The legacy of redlining remains entrenched across the country today. Tachovsky, a data analyst, has drawn on those old HOLC maps and recent Census data to show how closely contemporary poverty rates align with the racist mortgaging policies of the early 20th century. Above is his map of Detroit; click here for Chicago and Cleveland, featured at Belt. He explains:

On the Census layer, dark grey areas are above the poverty line while light grey areas are below the poverty line. On the HOLC layer, green areas are Grade A ("highly desirable"), blue are Grade B ("somewhat desirable"), yellow are Grade C ("declining"), and red are Grade D ("to be avoided"). Use zoom to navigate between the two layers or the search box to go to a specific address.

And for more on the continuing effects of redlining, read " The Case for Reparations," Ta-Nehisi Coates' 2014 landmark piece on the enduring economic effects of racism. In it, Coates quotes Charles Abrams, the lawyer and urbanist who helped create the New York City Housing Authority. Abrams wrote in 1955:

A government offering such bounty to builders and lenders could have required compliance with a nondiscrimination policy. Instead, the FHA adopted a racial policy that could well have been culled from the Nuremberg laws.

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Mapping the Lasting Effects of Redlining

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In the late 1930s, in an attempt to prevent further foreclosures following the Great Depression, the FHA asked the Home Owners' Loan Corporation to assess mortgage-lending risk in hundreds of American cities. Neighborhood by neighborhood, the HOLC gathered terrain, type and age of buildings, sales and rental demand, and about the " reams of information: threat of infiltration of foreign-born, negro, or lower grade population."

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U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: Seattle city, Washington; UNITED STATES

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Frequently requested statistics for: Seattle city, Washington; UNITED STATES

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The Math Behind Gerrymandering and Wasted Votes

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The Math Behind Gerrymandering and Wasted Votes

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This article explains gerrymandering in terms of how it works mathematically.

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Imagine fighting a war on 10 battlefields. You and your opponent each have 200 soldiers, and your aim is to win as many battles as possible. How would you deploy your troops? If you spread them out evenly, sending 20 to each battlefield, your opponent could concentrate their own troops and easily win a majority of the fights. You could try to overwhelm several locations yourself, but there's no guarantee you'll win, and you'll leave the remaining battlefields poorly defended. Devising a winning strategy isn't easy, but as long as neither side knows the other's plan in advance, it's a fair fight.

Now imagine your opponent has the power to deploy your troops as well as their own. Even if you get more troops, you can't win.

In the war of politics, this power to deploy forces comes from gerrymandering, the age-old practice of manipulating voting districts for partisan gain. By determining who votes where, politicians can tilt the odds in their favor and defeat their opponents before the battle even begins.

In 1986, the Supreme Court ruled extreme partisan gerrymanders unconstitutional. But without a reliable test for identifying unfair district maps, the court has yet to throw any out. Now, as the nation's highest court hears arguments for and against a legal challenge to Wisconsin's state assembly district map, mathematicians are on the front lines in the fight for electoral fairness.

Simple math can help scheming politicians draw up districts that give their party outsize influence, but mathematics can also help identify and remedy these situations. This past summer the Metric Geometry and Gerrymandering Group, led by the mathematician Moon Duchin, convened at Tufts University, in part to discuss new mathematical tools for analyzing and addressing gerrymandering. The "efficiency gap" is a simple idea at the heart of some of the tools being considered by the Supreme Court. Let's explore this concept and some of its ramifications.

Start by imagining a state with 200 voters, of whom 100 are loyal to party A and 100 to party B. Let's suppose the state needs to elect four representatives and so must create four districts of equal electoral size.

Imagine that you have the power to assign voters to any district you wish. If you favor party A, you might distribute the 100 A voters and 100 B voters into the four districts like this:

With districts constructed in this way, party A wins three of the four elections. Of course, if you prefer party B, you might distribute the voters this way:

Here, the results are reversed, and party B wins three of the four elections.

Notice that in both scenarios the same number of voters with the same preferences are voting in the same number of elections. Changing only the distribution of voters among the districts dramatically alters the results. The ability to determine voting districts confers a lot of power, and attending to some simple math is all that's needed to create an electoral edge.

What if, instead of creating an advantage for one party over the other, you wished to use your power to create fair districts? First, you'd need to determine what "fair" means, and that can be tricky, as winners and losers often have different perspectives on fairness. But if we start with some assumptions about what "fair" means, we can try to quantify the fairness of different voter distributions. We may argue about those assumptions and their implications, but by adopting a mathematical model we can attempt to compare different scenarios. The efficiency gap is one approach to quantifying the fairness of a voter distribution.

To understand the efficiency gap, we can begin with the observation that, in a series of related elections, not all votes have the same impact. Some votes might make a big difference, and some votes might be considered "wasted." The disparity in wasted votes is the efficiency gap: It measures how equally, or unequally, wasted votes are distributed among the competing parties.

So what counts as a wasted vote? Consider California's role in presidential elections. Since 1992, California has always backed the Democratic nominee for president. Therefore, California Republicans know they are almost certainly backing a losing candidate. In some sense their vote is wasted: If they were allowed to vote in a toss-up state like Florida, their vote might make more of a difference. From a Republican perspective, that would be a more efficient use of their vote.

As it turns out, Democratic voters in California can make a similar argument about their vote being wasted. Since the Democratic candidate will likely win California in a landslide, many of their votes, in a sense, are wasted, too: Whether the candidate wins California with 51 percent of the vote or 67 percent of the vote, the outcome is the same. Those extra winning votes are meaningless.

Thus, in the context of the efficiency gap, there are two kinds of wasted votes: those for a losing candidate and those for a winning candidate that go beyond what is necessary for victory (for simplicity, we take the threshold for victory to be 50 percent, even though this could technically result in a tie; an actual tie is beyond unlikely with hundreds of thousands of voters in each congressional district). In a multi-district election, each party will likely have wasted votes of each kind. The efficiency gap is the difference in the totals of the wasted votes for each party, expressed as a percentage of total votes cast. (We subtract the smaller number from the larger when possible, to ensure a nonnegative efficiency gap. We could also take the absolute value of the difference.)

Let's return to our four-district scenarios and examine their efficiency gaps. Our first distribution looked like this.

In this scenario, 75 of B's votes are wasted: 60 in losing causes and 15 more than the 25 needed to win district 4. Only 25 of party A's votes are wasted: 5 extra votes in each victory and 10 losing votes. The raw difference in wasted votes is 75 − 25 = 50, so the efficiency gap here is 50/200 = 25 percent. We say the 25 percent efficiency gap here favors party A, as party B had the larger number of wasted votes. In the second scenario, where the numbers are reversed, the 25 percent efficiency gap now favors party B.

Can the efficiency gap give us a sense of the fairness of a distribution? Well, if you had the power to create voting districts and you wanted to engineer victories for your party, your strategy would be to minimize the wasted votes for your party and maximize the wasted votes for your opponent. To this end, a technique colorfully known as packing and cracking is employed: Opposition votes are packed into a small number of conceded districts, and the remaining block of votes is cracked and spread out thinly over the rest of the districts to minimize their impact. This practice naturally creates large efficiency gaps, so we might expect fairer distributions to have smaller ones.

Let's take a deeper look at efficiency gaps by imagining our 200-voter state now divided into 10 equal districts. Consider the following voter distribution, in which party A wins 9 of the 10 districts.

On the surface, this doesn't seem like a fair distribution of voters. What does the efficiency gap say?

In this scenario, almost all of party B's votes are wasted: nine losing votes in each of nine districts, plus nine excess votes in one victory, for a total of 90 wasted votes. Party A's voters are much more efficient: only 10 total votes are wasted. There is a difference of 90 − 10 = 80 wasted votes and an efficiency gap of 80/200 = 40 percent, favoring party A.

Compare that with the following distribution, where party A wins 7 of the 10 districts.

Here, the wasted vote tally is 70 for party B and 30 for party A, producing an efficiency gap of 40/200 = 20 percent. A seemingly fairer distribution results in a smaller efficiency gap.

As a final exercise, consider this even split of district elections.

The symmetry alone suggests the answer, and the calculations confirm it: 50 wasted votes for each party means a 0 percent efficiency gap. Notice here that a 0 percent efficiency gap corresponds to an independent notion of fairness: Namely, with voters across the state evenly split between both parties, it seems reasonable that each party would win half of the elections.

These elementary examples demonstrate the utility of the efficiency gap as a measure of electoral fairness. It's easy to understand and compute, it's transparent, and its interpretations are consistent with other notions of fairness. It's a simple idea, but one that is being used in a variety of complex ways to study gerrymandering. For example, mathematicians are now using simulations to consider millions of theoretical electoral maps for a given state and then examining the distribution of all possible efficiency gaps. Not only does this create a context for evaluating the fairness of a current map against other possibilities, it can also potentially be used to suggest fairer alternatives.

Though voters are not actually assigned to districts in the way we have imagined in our examples, the practice of gerrymandering achieves similar results. By strategically redrawing district boundaries, gerrymanderers can engineer voting distributions to create an uneven electoral playing field. These unfair fights affect how we are governed and help majority-party incumbents coast to re-election term after term. The case before the Supreme Court involves just one of many potentially unfair maps. Objective mathematical tools like the efficiency gap may be the only way to root out gerrymandering and keep our political battlefields in balance.
Download the "Doing the Political Math" PDF worksheet to practice these concepts or to share with students. Original story reprinted with permission from Quanta Magazine, an editorially independent publication of the Simons Foundation whose mission is to enhance public understanding of science by covering research developments and trends in mathematics and the physical and life sciences.

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The Math Behind Gerrymandering and Wasted Votes

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Imagine fighting a war on 10 battlefields. You and your opponent each have 200 soldiers, and your aim is to win as many battles as possible. How would you deploy your troops? If you spread them out evenly, sending 20 to each battlefield, your opponent could concentrate their own troops and easily win a majority of the fights.

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Another in-depth article explaining the role math plays in gerrymandering.

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Quantifying Bizarreness

Gerrymanderers rig maps by "packing" and "cracking" their opponents. In packing, you cram many of the opposing party's supporters into a handful of districts, where they'll win by a much larger margin than they need. In cracking, you spread your opponent's remaining supporters across many districts, where they won't muster enough votes to win.

For instance, suppose you're drawing a 10-district map for a state with 1,000 residents, who are divided evenly between Party A and Party B. You could create one district that Party A will win, 95 to 5, and nine districts that it will lose, 45 to 55. Even though the parties have equal support, Party B will win 90 percent of the seats.

Such gerrymanders are sometimes easy to spot: To pick up the right combination of voters, cartographers may design districts that meander bizarrely. This was the case with the "salamander"-shaped district signed into law in 1812 by Massachusetts governor Elbridge Gerry - the incident that gave the practice its name. In an assortment of racial gerrymandering cases, the Supreme Court has "stated repeatedly ... that crazy-looking shapes are an indicator of bad intent," Duchin said.

Yet it's one thing to say bizarre-looking districts are suspect, and another thing to say precisely what bizarre-looking means. Many states require that districts should be reasonably "compact" wherever possible, but there's no one mathematical measure of compactness that fully captures what these shapes should look like. Instead, there are a variety of measures; some focus on a shape's perimeter, others on how close the shape's area is to that of the smallest circle around it, and still others on things like the average distance between residents.

The Supreme Court justices have "thrown up their hands," Duchin said. "They just don't know how to decide what shapes are too bad."

The compactness problem will be a primary focus of the Tufts workshop. The goal is not to come up with a single compactness measure, but to bring order to the jostling crowd of contenders. The existing literature on compactness by nonmathematicians is filled with elementary errors and oversights, Duchin said, such as comparing two measures statistically without realizing that they are essentially the same measure in disguise.

Mathematicians may be able to help, but to truly make a difference, they will have to go beyond the simple models they've used in past papers and consider the full complexity of real-world constraints, Duchin said. The workshop's organizers "are absolutely, fundamentally motivated by being useful to this problem," she said. Because of the flood of interest, plans are afoot for several satellite workshops, to be held across the country over the coming year.

Ultimately, the workshop organizers hope to develop a deep bench of mathematicians with expertise in gerrymandering, to "get persuasive, well-armed mathematicians into these court conversations," Duchin said.

The Accidental Gerrymander

A compactness rule would limit the range of tactics available for drawing unfair maps, but it would be far from a panacea. For starters, there are a lot of legitimate reasons why some districts are not compact: In many states, district maps are supposed to try to preserve natural boundaries such as rivers and county lines as well as "communities of interest," and they must also comply with the Voting Rights Act's protections for racial minorities. These requirements can lead to strange-looking districts - and can give cartographers latitude to gerrymander under the cover of satisfying these other constraints.

More fundamentally, drawing compact districts gives no guarantee that the resulting map will be fair. On the contrary, a 2013 study suggests that even when districts are required to be compact, drawing biased maps is often easy, and sometimes almost unavoidable.

The study's authors - political scientists Jowei Chen of the University of Michigan and Jonathan Rodden of Stanford University - examined the 2000 presidential race in Florida, where George W. Bush and Al Gore received an almost identical number of votes. Despite this perfect partisan balance, in the round of redistricting after the 2000 census, the Republican-controlled Florida legislature created a congressional district map in which Bush voters outnumbered Gore voters in 68 percent of the districts - a seemingly classic case of gerrymandering.

Yet when Chen and Rodden drew hundreds of random district maps using a nonpartisan computer algorithm, they found that their maps were biased in favor of Republicans too, sometimes as much as the official map. Democratic voters in the early 2000s, they found, were clustering into highly homogeneous neighborhoods in big cities like Miami and spreading out their remaining support in suburbs and small towns that got swallowed up inside Republican-leaning districts. They were packing and cracking themselves.

This kind of "unintentional gerrymandering" creates problems for Democrats in many of the large, urbanized states, Chen and Rodden found, although some states - such as New Jersey, in which Democratic voters are evenly spread through a large urban corridor - have population distributions that favor Democrats.

Chen and Rodden's work indicates that biased maps can often arise even in the absence of partisan intent, and that drawing fair maps under such circumstances requires considerable care. Maps can be drawn that break up the tight city clusters, as in Illinois, where the Democratic-controlled legislature has created districts that unite segments of Chicago with suburbs and nearby rural areas.

Nevertheless, Chen and Rodden write, Democratic cartographers have a tougher job than Republican ones, who "can do strikingly well by literally choosing precincts at random."

Wasted Votes

Since drawing compact districts is not a cure-all, solving the gerrymandering problem also requires ways to measure how biased a given map is. In a 2006 ruling, the Supreme Court offered tantalizing hints about what kind of measure it might look kindly on: one that captures the notion of "partisan symmetry," which requires that each party have an equal opportunity to convert its votes into seats.

The court's interest in partisan symmetry, coming after its rejection of so many other possible gerrymandering principles, represents "the most promising development in this area in decades," wrote two researchers - Nicholas Stephanopoulos, a law professor at the University of Chicago, and Eric McGhee, a research fellow at the Public Policy Institute of California - in a 2015 paper.

In that paper, they proposed a simple measure of partisan symmetry, called the "efficiency gap," which tries to capture just what it is that gerrymandering does. At its core, gerrymandering is about wasting your opponent's votes: packing them where they aren't needed and spreading them where they can't win. So the efficiency gap calculates the difference between each party's wasted votes, as a percentage of the total vote - where a vote is considered wasted if it is in a losing district or if it exceeds the 50 percent threshold needed in a winning district.

For instance, in our 10-district plan above, Party A wastes 45 votes in the one district it wins, and 45 votes each in the nine districts it loses, for a total of 450 wasted votes. Party B wastes only 5 votes in the district it loses, and 5 votes in each of the districts it wins, for a total of 50. That makes a difference of 400, or 40 percent of all voters. This percentage has a natural interpretation: It is the percentage of seats Party B has won beyond what it would receive in a balanced plan with an efficiency gap of zero.

Stephanopoulos and McGhee have calculated the efficiency gaps for nearly all the congressional and state legislative elections between 1972 and 2012. "The efficiency gaps of today's most egregious plans dwarf those of their predecessors in earlier cycles," they wrote.

The efficiency gap played a key role in the Wisconsin case, where the map in question, according to expert testimony by the political scientist Simon Jackman, had an efficiency gap of 13 percent in 2012 and 10 percent in 2014. By comparison, the average efficiency gap among state legislatures in 2012 was just over 6 percent, Stephanopoulos and McGhee have calculated.

The two have proposed the efficiency gap as the centerpiece of a simple standard the Supreme Court could adopt for partisan gerrymandering cases. To be considered an unconstitutional gerrymander, they suggest, a district plan must first be shown to exceed some chosen efficiency gap threshold, to be determined by the court. Second, since efficiency gaps tend to fluctuate over the decade that a district map is in force, the plaintiffs must show that the efficiency gap is likely to favor the same party over the entire decade, even if voter preferences shift about somewhat.

If these two requirements are met, Stephanopoulos and McGhee propose, the burden then falls to the state to explain why it created such a biased plan; perhaps, the state could argue, other considerations such as compactness and preservation of boundaries tied its hands. The plaintiffs could then rebut that claim by producing a less biased plan that performed as well as the existing map on measures like compactness.

This approach, the pair wrote, "would neatly slice the Gordian knot the Court has tied for itself," by explicitly laying down just how much partisan effect is too much.

The Question of Intent

The efficiency gap can help to identify plans with strong partisan bias, but it cannot say whether that bias was created intentionally. To disentangle the threads of intentional and unintentional gerrymandering, last year Cho - along with her colleagues at Urbana-Champaign, senior research programmer Yan Liu and geographer Shaowen Wang - unveiled a simulation algorithm that generates a large number of maps to compare to any given districting map, to determine whether it is an outlier.

There's an almost unfathomably large number of possible maps out there, far too many for any algorithm to fully enumerate. But by spreading their algorithm's tasks across a massive number of processors, Cho's team found a way to create millions or even billions of what they call "reasonably imperfect" maps - ones that perform at least as well as the original map on whatever nonpartisan measures (such as compactness) a court might be interested in. "As long as a particular facet can be quantified, we can incorporate it into our algorithm," Cho and Liu wrote in a second paper.

In that paper, Cho and Liu used their algorithm to draw 250 million imperfect but reasonable congressional district maps for Maryland, whose existing plan is being challenged in court. Nearly all their maps, they found, are biased in favor of Democrats. But the official plan is even more biased, favoring Democrats more strongly than 99.79 percent of the algorithm's maps - a result extremely unlikely to occur in the absence of an intentional gerrymander.

In a similar vein, Chen and Rodden have used simulations (though with many fewer maps) to suggest that Florida's 2012 congressional plan was almost surely intentionally gerrymandered. Their expert testimony contributed to the Florida Supreme Court's decision in 2015 to strike down eight of the plan's 27 districts.

"We didn't have this level of sophistication in simulation available a decade ago, which was the last major case on this topic before the [U.S. Supreme] Court," said Bernard Grofman, a political scientist at the University of California, Irvine.

The Florida ruling was based on the state constitution, so its implications for other states are limited. But the Wisconsin case has "potential incredible precedent value," Grofman said.

Grofman has developed a five-pronged gerrymandering test that distills the key elements of the Wisconsin case. Three prongs are similar to those Stephanopoulos and McGhee have proposed: evidence of partisan bias, indications that the bias would likely endure for the whole decade, and the existence of at least one replacement plan that would remedy the existing plan's bias. To these, Grofman adds two more requirements: simulations showing that the plan is an extreme outlier, suggesting that the gerrymander was intentional, and evidence that the people who made the map knew they were drawing a much more biased plan than necessary.

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The Mathematics Behind Gerrymandering | Quanta Magazine

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Gerrymanderers rig maps by "packing" and "cracking" their opponents. In packing, you cram many of the opposing party's supporters into a handful of districts, where they'll win by a much larger margin than they need. In cracking, you spread your opponent's remaining supporters across many districts, where they won't muster enough votes to win.

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Reading Diversity tools from Teaching Tolerance

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Reading Diversity tools from Teaching Tolerance

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Including diverse voices is a priority in K-12 classrooms, and we've developed a unique model to make it easier: Reading Diversity. (This model may look familiar: It's a new version of an existing tool called Appendix D.)

Traditionally, tools that aid text selection have focused on quantitative and qualitative measures like complexity, word and sentence length, cohesion, language features and knowledge demands. But these tools do not include diversity and representation, critical literacy, or reader and task as part of the selection criteria.

Reading Diversity is different. This model promotes a multi-dimensional approach to text selection that prioritizes critical literacy, cultural responsiveness and complexity.

We have designed two versions of the Reading Diversity model as two editable PDF tools educators can download, complete, save and share.

Explore these sample Reading Diversity tools, and begin cultivating a more inclusive classroom library today!

Sample Tools K-2

Sample Tools Grades 3-5

Sample Tools Grades 6-8

Sample Tools Grades 9-12

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Including diverse voices is a priority in K-12 classrooms, and we've developed a unique model to make it easier: Reading Diversity. (This model may look familiar: It's a new version of an existing tool called Appendix D.) Traditionally, tools that aid text selection have focused on quantitative and qualitative measures like complexity, word and sentence length, cohesion, language features and knowledge demands.

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A 501(c)(3) nonprofit, WNDB aims to create a world where every reader can find themselves in the pages of a book. To reach this goal, we've created programs to mentor diverse writers and illustrators, support diverse publishing professionals, and provide books to classrooms nationwide.

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Lists about: Non-Caucasian Protagonists in Science Fiction, Fantasy, Horror, and Paranormal Romance, Diversity in Young Adult and Middle Grade, Diversity...

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NoveListPlus
Booklist Online
Literature Resource Center

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View our full list of online resources, databases and journals.

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http://historicalthinking.ca/historical-thinking-concepts

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https://teachinghistory.org/teaching-materials/ask-a-master-teacher/23610

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AtoZ The World
Demographics Now
Digital Sanborn Maps
History Study Center
LGBTQ History and Culture
Opposing Viewpoints in Context
Statistical Abstract of the U.S.

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View our full list of online resources, databases and journals.

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This resource is a useful starting point for finding more information about marginalized scientists.

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This page contains links to lists of scientists.

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Diversity In The Lab Makes Me A Better Scientist

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Diversity In The Lab Makes Me A Better Scientist

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https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/diversity-in-the-lab-makes-me-a-better-scientist/

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An article from The New Yorker about the banlieues in Paris.

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Fouad Ben Ahmed never paid much attention to Charlie Hebdo. He found the satirical magazine to be vulgar and not funny, and to him it seemed fixated on Islam, but he didn't think that its contributors did real harm. One of its cartoonists, Stéphane Charbonnier, also drew for Le Petit Quotidien, a children's paper to which Ben Ahmed subscribed for his two kids. On January 7th, upon hearing that two French brothers with Algerian names, Saïd and Chérif Kouachi, had executed twelve people at the Charlie Hebdo offices-including Charbonnier-in revenge for covers caricaturing Muhammad, Ben Ahmed wrote on Facebook, "My French heart bleeds, my Muslim soul weeps. Nothing, absolutely nothing, can justify these barbaric acts. Don't talk to me about media or politicians who would play such-and-such a game, because there's no excuse for barbarism. #JeSuisCharlie."

That night, Ben Ahmed left his house, in the suburbs outside Paris, and went into the city to join tens of thousands of people at a vigil. He is of Algerian and Tunisian descent, with dark skin, and a few white extremists spat threats at him, but Ben Ahmed ignored them-France was his country, too. On January 11th, he joined the one and a half million citizens who marched in unity from the Place de la République.

Ben Ahmed's Facebook page became a forum for others, mostly French Muslims, to discuss the attacks. Many expressed simple grief and outrage; a few aired conspiracy theories, suggesting a plot to stigmatize Muslims. "Let the investigators shed light on this massacre," Ben Ahmed advised. One woman wrote, "I fear for the Muslims of France. The narrow-minded or frightened are going to dig in their heels and make an amalgame"-conflate terrorists with all Muslims. Ben Ahmed agreed: "Our country is going to be more divided." He defended his use of #JeSuisCharlie, arguing that critiques of Charlie's content, however legitimate before the attack, had no place afterward. "If we have a debate on the editorial line, it's like saying, 'Yes-but,' " he later told me. "In these conditions, that is unthinkable."

Ben Ahmed, who is thirty-nine, works as a liaison between residents and the local government in Bondy-a suburb, northeast of Paris, in an area called Department 93. For decades a bastion of the old working class and the Communist Party, the 93 is now known for its residents of Arab and African origin. To many Parisians, the 93 signifies decayed housing projects, crime, unemployment, and Muslims. France has all kinds of suburbs, but the word for them, banlieues, has become pejorative, meaning slums dominated by immigrants. Inside the banlieues are the cités: colossal concrete housing projects built during the postwar decades, in the Brutalist style of Le Corbusier. Conceived as utopias for workers, they have become concentrations of poverty and social isolation. The cités and their occupants are the subject of anxious and angry discussion in France. Two recent books by the eminent political scientist Gilles Kepel, "Banlieue de la République" and "Quatre-vingt-treize" ("Ninety-three"), are studies in industrial decline and growing segregation by group identity. There's a French pejorative for that, too: communautarisme.

Ben Ahmed has lived in the 93 his entire life. A few years ago, he and his wife, Carolina, and their two children moved into a small house near Charles de Gaulle Airport. They wanted to be near a private school that the children attend, because most public schools in the 93 are overcrowded and chaotic, and staffed by younger, less qualified teachers. Ben Ahmed spent his teens in one of the toughest suburbs, Bobigny, in a notorious cité called l'Abreuvoir. During his twenties and early thirties, Ben Ahmed was employed by the Bobigny government as a community organizer, working with troubled youth-some of them his friends and neighbors, many just out of prison or headed there. His authority on life in the cités exceeds that of any scholar.

After the attacks, Ben Ahmed wrote an open letter to President François Hollande titled "All Partly Responsible, but Not Guilty." He identified himself as a banlieue resident who had often "seen death a few metres from me." He wrote about the problems of joblessness, discrimination, and collective withdrawal from society. He recalled that, in October, 2001, a soccer game in Paris between France and Algeria-the first such match since Algerian independence, in 1962-had to be called off when thousands of French youths of North African origin booed the "Marseillaise" and invaded the field, some chanting, "Bin Laden, bin Laden!" The French public responded with righteous revulsion. "The problem was before our eyes," Ben Ahmed wrote. "But instead of asking good questions, we chose stigmatization, refusal of the other." He went on, "The split was born on that day, the feeling of rejection expressed by the political class, when we could have asked other questions: What's wrong? What's the problem?"

Ben Ahmed wears sharp dark suits, even on weekends, as if such formality were the only way for an Arab from the 93 to be taken seriously. When I met him, soon after the attacks, he told me, "In French, we say, 'Clothes don't make the monk'-but they do, unfortunately." For the same reason, he always speaks proper French, not the accented slang of the banlieues. He shaves his head close, the black stubble of his hairline descending to a widow's peak. He has a broad, boyish face and a disarming smile; as he shuttles around the 93, with quick, lock-kneed strides, he seems to know everyone by name. But as a youth in l'Abreuvoir he had to learn to fight-he trained at boxe française, a form of kickboxing-and his eyes can turn hooded and flat under stress. Two years ago, upon entering a cinema with his children, Ben Ahmed noticed that a patron was carrying a shotgun. (The man was out to settle scores with his wife and her lover.) Ben Ahmed told his children to lie down, stalked the gunman for thirty feet, then grabbed him from behind and took him to the floor in a Brazilian-jujitsu chokehold. After security guards arrived, Ben Ahmed escorted his children into a screening of "Man of Steel."

Ben Ahmed had been nurturing political ambitions, and the incident made him a neighborhood hero. He decided to run for local office. "I have an ability to talk with everyone, because I respect the other," he told me. "I think there's always some good at the bottom of everyone." Ben Ahmed's wife and friends consider him a little naïve, but naïveté is almost a requirement for a banlieue Muslim entering French politics during a national-identity crisis.

The highway that encircles Paris is known as the Périphérique. Entering or leaving the suburbs is often called "crossing the Périphérique," as if it were a frontier. Banlieue residents joke that going into Paris requires a visa and a vaccination card. Mehdi Meklat, a young writer at Bondy Blog, which reports on the banlieues, told me, "There are two parallel worlds." He called the dynamic between Paris and the suburbs "schizophrenic."

The R.E.R., the rail network linking Paris to its suburbs, takes you from the Gare du Nord to Ben Ahmed's station in just nineteen minutes. The trip begins in a tunnel, and when the train emerges the boulevards lined with bistro awnings are gone. Even the weather seems different-damp and murky, with a wind blowing from the southwest. (The suburbs of the 93 grew around factories that had been situated northeast of Paris in order to allow industrial smells to drift away from the City of Light.) The rail tracks cut through a disordered landscape of graffiti-covered walls, glass office buildings, soccer fields, trash fires, abandoned industrial lots, modest houses with red tile roofs, and clusters of twenty-story monoliths-the cités.

The banlieues are far more diverse than the ghettos of American cities. On the R.E.R., I saw a man speaking Tamil on his cell phone; an Asian woman watching her two boys; North African women in every variety of hijab, or in none; an elderly white man; a black man in a blazer reading the sports section; an Arab begging in the aisle with a child in his arms. Wealthy neighborhoods stand next door to poor ones, privately owned houses are interspersed with housing projects, and people of every color and religion shop in the commercial centers. In a dingy little restaurant in Montreuil, on an empty street near a cité, Arab men were served by a white waitress. The banlieues have housed generations of immigrants, and the older tide of Portuguese, Italians, and Poles hasn't completely gone out with the more recent waves of Arabs, Africans, and Chinese. The suburbs are thought to remain majority white, though no one knows for sure because, in France, collecting statistics by ethnicity or religion is illegal. (A precise count isn't necessary for the cités: they are overwhelmingly Arab and black.)

For all their vitality, the banlieues feel isolated from the city, and from France itself. Parisians and tourists rarely visit them, and residents complain that journalists drop in only to report on car burnings and drug shootings. The suburb Clichy-sous-Bois-the scene, in 2005, of youth riots that spread across the country-has tried to raise revenue by offering a tour de banlieue for curious outsiders. Many suburban residents, meanwhile, never even think of going to Paris. Compared with American slums, the banlieues have relatively decent standards of housing and safety, but the psychological distance between the 93 and the Champs-Elysées can feel insuperable-much greater than that between the Bronx and Times Square. The apartment blocks in the cités, often arranged around a pharmacy, a convenience store, and a fast-food joint, look inward. Many have no street addresses, obvious points of entry, or places to park. The sense of separation is heightened by the names of the surrounding streets and schools, preserved from a historical France that has little connection to residents' lives. The roads around Gros Saule-a drug-ridden cité where the police dare not enter-include Rue Henri Matisse and Rue Claude Debussy.

"It's a social frontier," Badroudine Abdallah, Mehdi Meklat's colleague at Bondy Blog, said. "It's not just about being black or Arab. It's also about having relationships at your disposal, a network." Meklat and Abdallah, who are in their twenties, told me about weeklong internships required of French ninth graders. Most of their classmates ended up in lousy little bakeries or pharmacies, or with nothing, because corporations wouldn't answer queries from the children of immigrants in the 93.

Being from the banlieues is a serious impediment to employability, and nearly every resident I met had a story about discrimination. Fanta Ba, the daughter of Senegalese immigrants, has taken to sending out job applications using her middle name, France, and Frenchifying her last name to Bas, but she remains out of work. Whenever she hears of a terrorist attack in France, she prays, "Don't let it be an Arab, a black, a Muslim." On January 7th, she turned off the TV and avoided Facebook for two days. She couldn't bear to rewatch the violent images or hear that all Muslims bore some responsibility. "To have to say, 'I am Charlie' or 'I am a Muslim and I condemn this'-it's too much," she said. "It wasn't me. I asked myself, 'How will this end? Are they going to put crosses on the apartment doors of Muslims or Arabs?' "

Ben Ahmed has a friend from Bobigny named Brahim Aniba, an accountant who, like many banlieue residents, once endured a period of unemployment. To receive state benefits, he had to meet with a job counsellor. Aniba told me that the counsellor, wanting to help, said, "You don't have an aunt who lives in Paris or somewhere else? Because Bobigny-really? Cité Grémillon?" This was the French equivalent of Shitsville. The counsellor advised, "If you have an address in Paris, a post-office box, just to receive mail, it's better. And then the family name, Aniba-it's O.K., but the first name, Brahim, use 'B.' "

"Madame, why don't I just drop my pants instead?" Aniba said.

Simply defining who is French can make small talk tricky. When people ask Widad Ketfi, a thirty-year-old journalist, where she's from, she replies, "Bondy," but that never ends the conversation. "Of what origin?" "French." "Where are your parents from?" "France!" Even citizens of immigrant descent often identify whites with the term Français de souche -"French from the roots." The implication is that people with darker skin are not fully French.

Fanta Ba said, "You do everything for France, to be accepted, but you feel you're not welcome." This is especially true for Muslims. In a poll taken by Le Monde after the attacks, a majority of respondents agreed that Islam is incompatible with French values. In a cité like Trappes, where Ba grew up, some Muslims have separated from French society: women are disappearing under the black abaya; men are dropping out of school to sell Islamic clothing online. Ba doesn't cover her hair, but she has become more observant as she struggles with being jobless and alone. Withdrawal, she said, was often a reaction to exclusion.

In the 2012 elections, nine of the five hundred and seventy-seven seats in France's National Assembly were won by nonwhite candidates-an increase of eight seats. France remains a caste society where social capital is king. It's ruled by les énarques -graduates of the prestigious École Nationale d'Administration, in Strasbourg. According to Laurent Bouvet, a political scientist, an élite degree is the only guarantee of finding a good job in a country that's mired in economic torpor. This is increasingly true in America, too, but the U.S. absorbs immigrants far more easily than France. What the two countries have in common-and what makes them unique-is a national identity based not just on history, blood, soil, and culture but on the idea of popular sovereignty. In France, this is called republicanism, and in theory the idea is universal. In practice, being part of the French republic has to do not just with democracy and secularism but also with what you wear, what you eat, and what you name your children.

In 2007, a national immigration museum opened in the Porte Dorée, an Art Deco palace in eastern Paris which was built for a colonial exposition in 1931. Tradition requires French Presidents to inaugurate national museums, but Nicolas Sarkozy, who had used immigration as a wedge issue in his election campaign, refused to attend. The Musée de l'Histoire de l'Immigration opened without official ceremony. (Last December, after seven years, Hollande, a Socialist, finally inaugurated it.) When I went to the museum, in February, there were few visitors, and many Parisians remain unaware of its existence.

That struck me as a missed opportunity, for the exhibitions tell a rich story, going back to the mid-nineteenth century, when France was receiving new immigrants while the rest of Europe was creating them. As recently as the nineteen-thirties, France had the world's highest number of immigrants per capita. The museum's placards offer historical reassurance: "The figure of the unassimilable foreigner accompanies every wave of immigrants. From the Italians at the end of the nineteenth century to the Africans of today, the stereotypes hardly change: immigrants are too numerous, carriers of disease, potential criminals, aliens in the body of the nation. This xenophobia, recurring in times of crisis, is often paired with anti-Semitism and fed by racism."

The least digestible aspect of France's colonial past is Algeria. When Algeria was settled by Europeans, in the early nineteenth century, it became part of greater France, and remained so until 1962, when independence was achieved, after an eight-year war in which seven hundred thousand people died. It's hard to overstate how heavily this intimate, sad history has been repressed. "The Battle of Algiers," the filmmaker Gillo Pontecorvo's neo-realist masterpiece about insurgency, counterinsurgency, terrorism, and torture in Algiers, was banned in France for five years after its release, in 1966, and it remains taboo there. On October 17, 1961, during demonstrations by pro-independence Algerians in Paris and its suburbs, the French police killed some two hundred people, throwing many bodies off bridges into the Seine. It took forty years for France to acknowledge that this massacre had occurred, and the incident remains barely mentioned in schools. Young people in the banlieues told me that colonial history is cursorily taught, and literature from former colonies hardly read.

Andrew Hussey, a British scholar at the University of London School of Advanced Study in Paris, believes that the turmoil in the banlieues-periodic riots, car burnings, brawls with cops-is one more front in the long war between France and its Arabs, especially Algerians. The aim of the violence isn't reform or revolution but revenge. "The kids in the banlieues live in this perpetual present of weed, girls, gangsters, Islam," he said. "They have no sense of history, no sense of where they come from in North Africa, other than localized bits of Arabic that they don't understand, bits of Islam that don't really make sense."

Hussey's recent book, "The French Intifada," describes the conflict in such dire terms that his French publisher refused to release a translation. His banlieue research is less nuanced than that of Kepel (the phrase "French intifada" drew laughs of disbelief when I mentioned it to some banlieue residents), but it's vivid and firsthand. The book opens with an eyewitness account of an eight-hour battle, in the Gare du Nord in 2007, between cops and banlieue kids who shout, in Arabic, "Fuck France!" Hussey writes, "This slogan-it is in fact more of a curse-has nothing to do with any French tradition of revolt." But his portrait leaves out all the banlieue residents who are trying to be both Muslim and French-people like Fouad Ben Ahmed.

One night, at a Thai restaurant in the suburb of Aulnay-sous-Bois, Ben Ahmed said, "I barely know my history. It's not taught, and because it's painful my mother and my grandfather never told me." Still, he knew the basics of the French-Algerian War, and he spoke about the pieds-noirs-French settlers in Algeria who, after independence, fled what they considered their homeland-and the Harkis, Algerian Muslims who supported French rule and were demonized by other Algerians. At the end of the war, neither country made a place for citizens with conflicting allegiances and identities: Algeria became an Arab state, and France cauterized its wounds by pretending that the conflict hadn't happened. Among the pieds-noirs, Harkis, and Algerians who immigrated to France for economic reasons, guilt and recrimination have impeded a candid reckoning with their shared pasts. Ben Ahmed said, "And since neither our parents nor the state tells us this history, other people come along to tell us lies in order to justify things that are unjustifiable." He meant jihadists.

Ben Ahmed's grandfather was an Algerian who enlisted in the French Army and immigrated to the Paris banlieues in 1958. Most immigrants of that period entered France as laborers-factory hands, street-cleaners-and lived in shantytowns. Their presence was expected to be temporary. When it became clear that most of the immigrants weren't returning home, the shantytowns were cleared and the workers were moved into the cités. Ben Ahmed's grandfather, with his military pay, was able to afford a small house in the 93. Ben Ahmed's mother was a secretary in a metallurgical factory; his father disappeared when Fouad was two. He grew up in relative ease in his grandparents' house until 1989, when they sold it. Ben Ahmed was thirteen.

At the time, his mother was unemployed, and she and Fouad had to move to l'Abreuvoir, the cité in Bobigny. L'Abreuvoir had been considered innovative when it was built, in the sixties, with undulating rows of four-story low-rises and green circular towers. But by the nineties it had become a center of heroin trafficking. Once, Ben Ahmed walked into the lobby of his building and saw a man holding a bag of drugs and a wad of cash. "Get out of here, or I'll take care of you," the man said. Ben Ahmed fled.

He was an indifferent student, forced to repeat several grades, but his mother made him stick with it, because her welfare benefits would drop if he quit school. He helped support her and his little brother by delivering washing machines to Paris apartments. Some of his friends were drug dealers, and Ben Ahmed might have become a criminal, too, had he not met Carolina, the daughter of political refugees from Chile. When they were eighteen, she told Ben Ahmed to choose between his crowd and her. With Carolina's help, he finished high school, got a college degree in social management, and became a youth organizer.

One youth Ben Ahmed tried to help was J.-P., a wild kid from Salvador Allende, another cité in Bobigny. Ben Ahmed, twelve years older, had known J.-P. almost since birth. ("Bobigny is like a village," J.-P. said.) J.-P. was a métis: Arab father, white mother. His grandfather had emigrated from Algeria in 1954, and became a street-cleaner. His father belonged to what J.-P. called "an uprooted generation, with their ass on two chairs"-unwanted by both the old country and the new. J.-P.'s father is still alive, but most of his father's friends died young, from violence, drugs, or AIDS. J.-P. grew up a tattooed devotee of "Scarface" and Tupac Shakur. At fourteen, he was expelled from school and began selling drugs and stealing. "When people lay down the law with violence, to get the last word you have to be the most violent," J.-P. said. He didn't see himself as a victim. "I was a little asshole. I chose to get into it. I should've tried not to go down that path. The problem is why the path's there at all."

We drove around the 93 in Ben Ahmed's Citroën. J.-P.-light-skinned, ripped jeans, bad teeth-sat in back. He never took out his earphones, and he often withdrew into a haze, only to emerge with full powers of focus and articulation. He had been imprisoned three times since 2010. His first conviction, he said, had involved "a little of everything-weapons possession, violence, buying drugs."

Ben Ahmed recalled that he and J.-P. knew a teen-age girl whose boyfriend was a thug. Ben Ahmed advised the girl to be careful, and, when word got back to the boyfriend, he confronted Ben Ahmed: "What the fuck do you want?" The next night, Ben Ahmed asked a friend in the boyfriend's cité to go with a few others to calm the guy down. When the boyfriend saw the group approaching, he pulled out a pistol and fired warning shots.

"Sometimes it's hard-wanting to try to help certain people and finding yourself in a situation that's difficult," Ben Ahmed told me.

"Two years later, I slept with the girl," J.-P. said, laughing. "The same guy shot me in the leg."

"What's also hard is for someone like me who wants to help J.-P.," Ben Ahmed said. "Sometimes you feel people aren't ready to be helped."

"Hey, you're starting to annoy me," J.-P. said. "Give me a hundred thousand euros. That would help!" He complained that his stomach was growling. We dropped him off at a Senegalese cafeteria.

"You're very intelligent but wrong in the head," Ben Ahmed said to him.

"I like my life," J.-P. said. "It's never too late to change." He walked away, with a slight limp.

"I'm afraid he'll end badly," Ben Ahmed said.

In 2004, the French parliament passed a law forbidding religious symbols in public schools. The law emerged in response to Muslim girls coming to class with their hair covered. The legislation affirmed the century-old French concept of laïcité, or secularism, which enshrines state neutrality toward religion and prevents religion from intruding into the civic space. (In America, the intent of secularism was nearly the reverse, prohibiting state interference in religion.) But many French Muslims interpreted the ban as an act of gratuitous hostility. Some of them told me, inaccurately, that the law had made an exception for the Jewish kippah.

"School is a sacred space in republican theory-it's the church of the republic," Vincent Martigny, a political scientist at the École Polytechnique, outside Paris, said. "School is the place where an individual, especially a child, becomes a citizen, which is a superior form of the individual." Martigny noted that rigid republicanism coexists in France with public support for cultural diversity-in cinema, in local festivals. But in an era of insecurity France is undergoing what he called "moral panic attacks." In a recent poll in Le Monde, forty-two per cent of respondents said that they no longer felt at home in France.

After the Charlie killings, dozens of mosques around France were defaced, and in a few cases fired upon. Veiled girls and women were harassed. Some French Muslims complained that, while the government sent armed soldiers to guard Jewish sites, Muslim sites were initially left unprotected. The complaint, though accurate, obscured key differences of degree and kind: Jews, who represent less than one per cent of the French population, are the victims of half the country's hate crimes, and in recent years they've been the repeated targets of murderous violence.

On January 8th, there was a nationwide minute of silence for the Charlie victims. At least a hundred incidents were reported of students in banlieue schools refusing to observe it. People in the 93 explained that some rebellious kids were just acting out. But the public was outraged. Sarkozy, eying another shot at the Presidency in 2017, demanded that schools stop serving halal food-if Muslim kids didn't want to eat pork, they could forgo eating.

Hélène Kuhnmunch teaches history in a vocational high school in Colombes, a banlieue northwest of Paris. The vocational schools are despised, she said, as tools of "exclusion from the system," and they have few resources. Kuhnmunch is a fifteen-year veteran who teaches banlieue youths because she loves their humor and energy. In 2008, she and a group of immigrant kids made a documentary film about the Franco-Algerian history that lay buried in the children's families. One boy discovered that his father had been among the Algerians thrown by police into the Seine. (He survived.)

Kuhnmunch said that her students responded to the Charlie attacks with defensiveness, adding, "This wasn't new, this feeling of always being pushed back on their origins, their religion, of being insulted." Kuhnmunch, who lives in Paris, did not attend the unity march at the Place de la République, because she knew "that the banlieues would not be there." She spent that day gathering material for a class on the attacks.

"They realized that the same arguments were made then on the subject of the Catholic religion and in 2004 on this story of the veil," she said. "And that moved them-that this wasn't just something against Islam, that it comes out of a tradition."

J.-P. offered to take me to a mosque in Bobigny. He rarely went there himself; his attachment to Islam had less to do with faith than with cultural identity. One Friday afternoon, he showed up at the concrete shopping mall in the town center wearing a glossy black hooded coat, a long black skirt over gray sweatpants, green-and-yellow sneakers, and earphones-religious gangster attire. We followed a footpath away from the projects, under railroad tracks, up to a scrubby clearing beside a junk yard of decaying freight containers. A double trailer stood next to a white tent. This was the central mosque of Bobigny, a town of fifty thousand people. (A new mosque, planned for years, remained unbuilt.) There was a bottleneck where men streamed through the door of one of the trailers. Women, out of view, were presumably in the other trailer. In the entryway, shoes were piled waist high. We squeezed inside the sanctuary, which had barely eight feet of headroom, and found places at the back.

At least two hundred men were kneeling, heads bowed to the carpet. On the coming Sunday, a few miles away, the magnificent, cavernous churches of Paris would be nearly empty. The imam, an elderly Tunisian who spoke little French, gave the closing prayer. J.-P. kept his earphones in.

Afterward, in the crush at the exit-old North African men, young blacks in street clothes, fundamentalists with long beards in ankle-length skirts-J.-P. introduced me to some of his friends. "_Allahu akbar! _" they exclaimed in surprised welcome, but they seemed even more surprised to see J.-P. He said to me, "Not everyone has to be a Muslim in the same way. There are sixty-two approaches to Islam."

I mentioned a few I knew about, including Sufism and Salafism.

"We're all Salafists," J.-P. said. "We all want to live like the companions of the Prophet in the seventh century."

The Salafists I knew were extreme ascetics-they didn't drink, smoke, or sleep around. J.-P. enjoyed his "glass of wine," and had plans to get wasted that very night. His idea of Salafism seemed little more than an aspiration to be a more observant Muslim.

He had hesitated to take me inside a cité -he had too many enemies. Instead of showing me around his own housing project, he led me across the street to a larger block of towers called Chemin Vert. J.-P. knew everyone there, too. "This guy is a big rapper," he said of a loiterer, who nodded warily. Two young Arabs were hanging out in front of a tower, and J.-P. identified one as a dealer. The other, learning that I had come from America, cried, "Is it true that Tupac is dead?" A group of bearded men from the mosque greeted us. J.-P. introduced me to one of them, joking that the man might be heading off to Syria. The man smiled uneasily.

In the deserted center of Chemin Vert, on a plaza surrounded by eight twenty-story towers, J.-P. stopped walking. "See?" he said. "It closes you off." The cité felt like the perimeter walls of a prison. Even Brutalist Bobigny had disappeared. J.-P. was gazing at nothing I could discern. The air was dense with rain that wouldn't fall. "There's nothing at all for kids," he said. "I've never seen the 'Mona Lisa.' I want to see it before I die."

In the middle of the cité, at a fast-food counter, we ordered lunch: a pile of fried meat covered in processed cheese. J.-P., still wearing earphones, asked the cook what he thought of the Islamic State. The cook said that it was bad. J.-P. agreed, but his politics were heavily inflected with a sense of Muslim oppression. If Muslims wanted to go fight in Syria or Iraq, that was their business. France was different. If someone hurt France, he hurt J.-P., too.

"France is our mother," J.-P. said as he ate. His own mother was a white Frenchwoman. "Your father, he gives you more-Islam. But your mother is still your mother. And, whatever happens, you'll love her your whole life. Even if she didn't cherish you."

Other Muslims had described themselves as unloved children of the republic. Widad Ketfi, the journalist, said, "If you have children you don't take care of, a day will come when you tell them, 'Do this,' and they'll say, 'I don't give a damn. You're not my father.' " Sometimes French Muslims compete for their father's love with his other, more favored children-the Jews. Or else they search for another father.

"Islam sometimes brings the radiance and love and affection that the republic doesn't give," J.-P. said. He laughed at his own words. "Because me-I'm rotten."

When I met J.-P., he was looking for work. Eventually, Ben Ahmed helped him find a job as a housepainter, with the city of Bondy. But J.-P.'s life was hardly stable. He had a court date pending-he had been charged with armed assault. He told me that he wasn't too worried about returning to jail, because he was "four hundred per cent innocent." The first of his prison terms, he told me, had been in Villepinte, near the airport. Among the inmates was Amedy Coulibaly.

Coulibaly, the French son of Malian parents, grew up in a cité south of Paris. At fifteen, he began a career in armed robbery, and during one of his imprisonments, in 2006, he met a newly converted Islamist named Chérif Kouachi. Both twenty-three, they found a mentor in a veteran jihadist named Djamel Beghal, who had been born in Algeria and had brought radical Islamist views with him when he moved to France, in 1987. Beghal visited Afghanistan and became an Al Qaeda operative in 2000; the following year, he was charged in France with plotting to bomb the U.S. Embassy in Paris. From an isolation cell in prison, he managed to communicate with Coulibaly and Kouachi. At one point, Coulibaly used a smuggled camera to shoot video of the prison's dismal conditions. The footage aired on French TV.

The leading authority on jihadism in French prisons is an Iranian sociologist in Paris named Farhad Khosrokhavar. For his book "Radicalisation," published just before the January attacks, he spent three days a week in French prisons for three years, developing a theory of inmate conversion. It happens in stages. Most of the recruits grow up without fathers and without any religious knowledge-only anger and alienation in the banlieues. They fall into crime and end up in prison. J.-P. described the mind-set of some of his fellow-inmates: "I'm in prison, the state is to blame-it pushed me to live this life." Prisoners watch a lot of TV news, and see war and death in Muslim countries. Someone like Coulibaly, J.-P. said, starts to "mix all this together" and create his own ideology, then "runs across a bad person who influences him." One former prisoner I met in the 93 explained that Islamists target the fragiles, psychologically weak inmates who never receive visits. They are offered solace, a new identity, and a political vision inverting the social order that places them at the bottom.

As Khosrokhavar analyzes it, prisoners are "born again": "Through jihadism, they transform the contempt of the others. . . . Once they become jihadists, people fear them. One of them told me, 'Once they fear you, they cannot be contemptuous toward you anymore.' " After converts are released, they go on an "initiation journey" to the Middle East or North Africa, where they become capable of extreme violence. They come to think "that they belong elsewhere, to the Islamic community, and not to the French society."

Khosrokhavar estimates that, of France's sixty-four thousand prisoners, up to sixty per cent are Muslim. (Muslims are thought to compose only eight per cent of the population.) These inmates are served by fewer than two hundred prison imams, many of whom are older immigrants and unable to understand life in the banlieues. France once had many Islamist mosques, but its internal intelligence service rooted out radical imams, and the country's mosques are now pointedly apolitical. Recruitment, therefore, happens outside the mosque, in prisons or on the Internet. The conversion process rarely involves more than three people, to thwart infiltration. French intelligence estimates the number of suspected jihadists to be three thousand, in a country of sixty-five million people.

Radicalization, then, is not a mass phenomenon in the banlieues. "There are no jihadi pools," Jean-Pierre Filiu, an Arabist at the élite Paris Institute of Political Studies, said. Becoming a jihadist is a quantum leap requiring self-isolation, a break with one's upbringing, and dehumanization of non-Muslims.

In 2007, after Coulibaly was released, he appeared to go straight. He got a short-term job at a Coca-Cola bottling plant, married his girlfriend, Hayat Boumeddiene, in an Islamic ceremony, and met President Sarkozy, at a 2009 event promoting youth employment. But Coulibaly led a double life. He cut himself off from his parents, whom he considered infidels. He stayed in touch with Beghal and Kouachi after their release, meeting in the South of France and supplying them with weapons and money. "When jihadis go on the run, they don't go to the banlieues, " Filiu said. "They go to the countryside, to a place where you don't have a Muslim for ten kilometres."

In 2010, French police arrested Coulibaly again, finding a stash of ammunition in his apartment. He was convicted of plotting to spring from prison an Islamist who had organized bombings around France in 1995, killing eight people. Coulibaly was sent to Villepinte prison, where J.-P. was serving time. They watched TV and competed on a PlayStation. "He was nice, smiling, pleasant," J.-P. recalled. "I never saw him bother anyone. He never preached. If someone told me this person was capable of doing what happened, I wouldn't have bet on that horse." Coulibaly was released early, in March, 2014. He slipped off the police radar, before surfacing just after the Charlie massacre as the Kouachis' accomplice and a self-proclaimed soldier of the Islamic State.

In videos made just before the attack and posted after his death, Coulibaly keeps changing costume, as if to emphasize his transformation. He wears a gangbanger's leather jacket in one, a military flak vest in another, a turban and the white robe of a martyr in a third. Always, an automatic is at his side. "It was as if, for him, he didn't exist enough," Abdallah said. "It wasn't enough to be a normal guy."

From the supermarket, Coulibaly contacted the media, asking to speak with the police and pledging allegiance to the Islamic State. During the siege, he angrily justified his actions to his hostages, citing the incarceration of Muslims, hostility toward women wearing the hijab, Israel's treatment of Palestinians, and French military action in Mali and Syria. He demanded to know why, if French citizens could rally together after the Charlie massacre, they had never demonstrated on behalf of persecuted Muslims. " I was born in France," he declared.

Another youth whom Ben Ahmed tried to help was named Stéphane. He came from a Catholic Haitian family and grew up near his friend J.-P., in a cité in Bobigny. When Stéphane was thirteen, his father died and he became so disruptive at school that he was expelled. He turned to petty crime, and he and his friends regularly drank themselves into a stupor.

At sixteen, Stéphane heard someone reciting a verse of the Koran and felt tears come to his eyes. He didn't understand the words, but the sounds moved him. Most of his friends were Muslims, and he decided to convert. He stopped drinking, and quit a restaurant training program that required him to prepare pork. But he wasn't ready to go completely straight, and at nineteen he was arrested and sentenced to eighteen months in prison. Inside, he began praying five times a day, and when he got out he vowed to reform his life. He started a business that rented inflatable castles and other equipment for children's parties, and made a point of hiring unemployed locals. He formed a group that organized excursions for youths in the cités. He married J.-P.'s cousin, and with his earnings he moved to a small house not far from Ben Ahmed's.

I met Stéphane there one day in February. We sat at the kitchen table while his wife, who was pregnant, watched TV. Stéphane was lightly bearded and wore pajama bottoms and a T-shirt that clung to his muscular torso. His answers were terse until I asked him what role life in the banlieues had played in the January attacks.

"The neighborhoods and the environment don't create it-it's the people themselves," he said. Men like Coulibaly "think everything here in this lower world is useless, it's just a passage. And this ideology that they have-it's not the fact that you live in a banlieue that gives it to you. It's your faith." Stéphane could see that Coulibaly was "fed up" with "the injustice we have here in France." But even if Coulibaly's milieu was the context for his actions, it wasn't the cause. "He reacted-and a lot of people react, you know. But most don't have such a strong faith to do those acts that he did."

What stops them? I asked.

"Fear."

Stéphane leaned forward, his eyes fixed on mine. He hadn't said that he admired Coulibaly's actions, but he hadn't issued the immediate condemnation made by nearly everyone else I'd met in the 93. Stéphane seemed to be saying that what separated Coulibaly from all the other pissed-off Muslims in the banlieues was the intensity of his convictions.

Andrew Hussey, the British scholar in Paris, described the intoxicating, mystical quality of jihadism. "It's not an ideology of social conditions," he said. "This is not about poverty, this is not about improving people's conditions. It's about hatred, to some extent. Purification." He likened it to the Fascism of the nineteen-thirties. Jihadism doesn't have the contours of ordinary politics. "This will turn you from 'I am nothing' to 'I should be everything,' " Hussey said. Jihadism attracted both wealthy insiders like bin Laden and poor outsiders like Coulibaly. It was "a floating ideology, like the cloud-you've just got to lock onto it."

I asked Stéphane to describe the injustice that Coulibaly was reacting to.

"Injustice toward Muslims."

The crime of slavery couldn't be acknowledged, because of the vast fortunes made from it. France had given money to Israel as compensation for the French role in the Holocaust-imagine what it would cost to make reparations for slavery! Coulibaly had chosen his target carefully, Stéphane said: "It's a symbol, to say that, with all the injustice here, stop focussing on the threats to one religion."

I asked why Coulibaly hadn't directed his anger at a church, given that most of France's citizens are Catholic. "Because France isn't controlled by the Christians," Stéphane said. He claimed that France's tiny population of Jews controls the National Assembly, the media, and the banks. The Prime Minister, Manuel Valls, is married to a Jew, and, according to Stéphane, that was why he went on TV after the attacks and said, "France without Jews is not France." Valls didn't say, "France isn't France without Muslims."

Stéphane had only praise for Marine Le Pen, the leader of the far-right National Front. "The real French, Français de souche, they see that France is now controlled by the Jews," he said. I asked if Le Pen, who is known for having anti-immigrant views, posed a threat to French Muslims. "When I see Valls, I think Islamophobe," Stéphane said. "Marine Le Pen, I think pure French who wants to give everything to the French. Understand?"

"Does that include you?"

"Me? I'm French." Stéphane showed me his identity card. "Lots of Muslims are going to vote for Marine Le Pen." I had heard this from others, and some political data bore it out. "You know what they say-the enemies of my enemies are my friends."

Last summer's war in Gaza provoked widespread demonstrations in France, and some turned violent and explicitly anti-Semitic, with attacks on synagogues and kosher shops. One day in August, Ben Ahmed was driving home from Bondy's city hall when he heard someone shout, "Dirty Jew!" He stopped. A man in a kippah was walking away from another man.

"Dirty asshole!" Ben Ahmed yelled at the man who had hurled the insult. It was someone he knew, and the man, seeing him, looked surprised, saying, "Hey, why are you talking like that?"

"When you respect him, I'll respect you," Ben Ahmed said.

The anti-Semite walked away. The Jew thanked Ben Ahmed. "People are making an amalgame," he said. In the banlieues, French Jews were commonly conflated with Israelis.

"Do you often get insulted?" Ben Ahmed asked.

"No, it's the first time. It's the war."

"No, it's just an asshole," Ben Ahmed said. "A visible minority, that's all."

The old anti-Semitism of the French right and the newer immigrant strain were united in 2008, when Jean-Marie Le Pen, the founder of the National Front, became godfather to the third child of Dieudonné M'bala M'bala, the French-Cameroonian comedian, who turns Jew-baiting into lucrative entertainment. Dieudonné has an avid following in the banlieues -Stéphane's views about Jews could have been lifted from a Dieudonné monologue. Unless you're already on his team, Dieudonné is distinctly unfunny. His 2012 film, "The Anti-Semite," begins with a mock silent movie, with jaunty piano accompaniment, in which Dieudonné plays an American soldier who's just liberated Auschwitz. (If only historical ignorance were the movie's main failing.) A grovelling prisoner shows him around the camp. Inside a gas chamber, Dieudonné dabs his neck with Zyklon B, as if it were cologne; in the crematorium, he mistakes children's remains for chicken bones. When he sits in a leather armchair, the prisoner tells him, "Careful, you're sitting on my grandma!"

Dieudonné has spread anti-Semitism beyond extremist circles into popular culture. In Montreuil, I met a restaurant health inspector, Saïd Allam, who is a fan. "Dieudonné is the same as Charlie Hebdo-it's satire," Allam said. "He does sketches to make people laugh at Jews, Charlie Hebdo does cartoons of the Prophet to make people laugh-it's the same thing." After the massacres, Dieudonné wrote on his Facebook page, with typical slyness, "I feel I'm Charlie Coulibaly." In response, the authorities prosecuted him for supporting terrorism, and he's been convicted several times for inciting racial hatred; this has led his admirers to accuse the government of a double standard. "People say, 'In killing Charlie Hebdo you killed freedom of expression,' " Allam said. "But you already killed freedom of expression in sending Dieudonné to court." Complaints about double standards displaced the horror of the killings with a more comfortable sense of victimization. The argument that Charlie attacks religious politics, whereas Dieudonné goes after Jews, was far too subtle for the fraught atmosphere that prevailed after January 7th. So was the notion that hate-speech laws are inherently problematic, not least because they're bound to inspire charges of selective application.

Ben Ahmed detested Dieudonné. "He's the only comedian who could gather in one room Islamophobes, anti-Semites, and anti-élites, and make them all laugh," he said. "Not because it's funny, but out of hatred."

In 2006, a multiracial gang led by Youssouf Fofana, a criminal of Ivorian descent, kidnapped a Jewish cell-phone salesman named Ilan Halimi and took him to a cité south of Paris. The gang wanted ransom money. According to an associate of the gang, Fofana believed that the state considered him a slave, and that "Jews were kings, because they ate the state's money." Fofana, assuming that all Jews were rich, demanded four hundred and fifty thousand euros. But Halimi's family couldn't afford this, and the kidnappers tortured Halimi-with punches, lit cigarettes, acid, and, finally, knives.

After twenty-four days, Halimi was found, naked and mutilated, tied to a tree in a park south of Paris. He died en route to the hospital. During his long agony, at least fifty people in the cité -from gang members to neighbors-knew that something was going on, but no one called the police.

In a sense, the Halimi case was even more troubling than the January attacks. Because so many residents had sanctioned the violence, it suggested that lawlessness and hate had become endemic in the banlieues. Marc Weitzmann, a novelist who is writing a book about French anti-Semitism, said that, in the banlieues, a hatred of Jews "is in the background of the values they grow up with-it's ready to be activated as soon as they move from nihilistic delinquency to the search for meaning." For some residents, anti-Semitism can be the path toward radicalism.

Ben Ahmed said that he had two jobs in the 93: "to correct bad ideas in religion, and to end the stigmatization of that religion." It was a difficult balancing act. What if correcting bad ideas led to more stigmatization of Islam? For example, what should one call the religious ideas that, according to Stéphane, had given Amedy Coulibaly the courage to act?

Allam, the restaurant health inspector from Montreuil, lamented the fact that the killings were labelled "an Islamist act." He added, "It's very, very serious to say that, because it implicates a religion in murderous acts." If a blond man killed cartoonists for caricaturing blonds, he argued, people would call him crazy. "And a guy who kills people in the name of religion is a crazy man."

But the words "Islamic" and "Islamist" are not the same, and allow a crucial political distinction to be made between ordinary believers and ideologues-a distinction that protects Muslims from being equated with jihadists. Nevertheless, the wound of exclusion has festered in French Muslims for so long that the subject of Islamist terrorism is almost too sensitive to touch. An honest conversation about it would require a degree of trust that hardly exists.

One evening, Ben Ahmed prepared dinner at the house of his next-door neighbor, Valérie Tabet, a widowed piano teacher whose daughter attends the same school as Ben Ahmed's kids. The two families are close. Tabet, who has pale skin and short, dark-blond hair, told me that it's no longer safe for young children to be out alone on the streets of the 93, and Ben Ahmed has become a kind of father figure to her daughter. While Ben Ahmed poured crêpe batter onto a griddle in the Tabets' dining room, he and Valérie discussed how someone becomes a terrorist.

Ben Ahmed said, "I have the impression in fact that it's rather simple, how these people can flip from one day to the next."

"It isn't from one day to the next," Tabet said.

"For me, it's a question of people who either are psychologically ill, maybe a little crazy," Ben Ahmed said. "These people are very fragile, and at a given moment they're recruited by people-"

"There's too many jihadis for me to agree with you," Tabet interrupted. "The Kouachi brothers were fragile in their makeup-a lack of bearings, a lack of education, a lack of a vision of life, and later that leads to violence-but I don't agree that they were nuts."

Ben Ahmed said that this wasn't what he meant. In addition to the psychiatric cases, there were the psychologically weak, like the Kouachis: "These people would have got in a fight on the street for nothing, for a parking place." He added, "Coulibaly, he scares me a bit, because his family life was more normal." Somehow, Coulibaly was indoctrinated, and then he found it all too easy to find weapons.

"It's very easy to get them," Tabet agreed. "But there's a lot of people who are made fragile by society, because there's not enough work for everyone, because of social problems and all that. But what I see is that there's a point in common among those people-they're Muslims." She added quickly, "And it's not to point a finger, because I mean the potential terrorists. But the problem for me is what they hear in the mosques, in small groups." She spoke of radical imams preaching hate.

Ben Ahmed said that Tabet was simply repeating what she'd heard in the media.

"But someone indoctrinates them."

"The people who do that are in a network, but not in a network you would call Muslim," Ben Ahmed said. "Not in the mosque." He searched for the name of Coulibaly's recruiter in jail. "Djamel Beghal. He isn't an imam."

"You can't say that there aren't people who use religion to attract these youths."

"You say 'people,' sure, but you also said 'imams.' I'm not saying they don't exist, but you're generalizing from the exception."

"I'm saying there are many reasons, and the point in common is these are young Muslims. And that means something-it means that they're using religion."

Ben Ahmed seemed to be afraid that if he accepted Tabet's view he would end up vindicating the Islamophobes. He couldn't cross that line. The two friends were on the verge of an argument that might inflict lasting hurts.

"Your opinion is interesting," Ben Ahmed said. "The thing is, I'm convinced that this doesn't really happen in the mosques. It's in prison."

"Yes, that's certain," Tabet said.

"And there are people who come to the mosques to talk with some of them and succeed in capturing them, on the side."

" Voilà. "

They had found just enough common ground to move on.

More than fifteen hundred French citizens have left to join the Islamic State-a quarter of the European total. Around two hundred of them have returned to France. A growing number of these new recruits have no connection to the banlieues. According to Farhad Khosrokhavar, the majority of French Muslims going to Syria are now middle-class youths, some of them white converts to Islam, and an increasing percentage of them female. They come from big cities and small towns. "They do not belong to broken families," Khosrokhavar said. Their radicalization can happen in a very short time, a matter of weeks, usually through social media. They go to the Middle East because they're moved by the plight of fellow-Muslims. Once there, some are shocked by the Islamic State's violence and try to return home; others are seduced by it.

A few days before the January attacks, Hayat Boumeddiene, Coulibaly's wife, flew from Madrid to Turkey, then crossed into Syria. A security camera at the Istanbul airport captured her entry into Turkey, alongside a young man with a thin beard, his long black hair tied back in a bun. He was a twenty-three-year-old from the 93 named Mehdi Belhoucine. His older brother, Mohamed, had become radicalized through the Internet around 2009, and afterward relayed messages for a network of French jihadists headed for central Asia. Mohamed and Mehdi were now believed to be in Syria. The brothers had been excellent students-Mohamed had done advanced studies in mine engineering, Mehdi in electronic mechanics-and were from a middle-class family who lived in a private house. Ben Ahmed knew their mother, who worked with him at Bondy's city hall. "Very nice lady," he said. "It's too, too sad."

Sylvine Thomassin, the mayor of Bondy, told me, "I had a clear view of jihadism before January-families with educational deficiencies, parents who hadn't done well, kids failing at school." It was, she said, a weirdly "reassuring diagram," because it made the pathway of radicalism seem predictable. Then came the stunning news of the Belhoucine brothers' connection to the authors of the Paris attacks. The mayor, who knew the Belhoucines well, now found it impossible to come up with a profile. "Our Muslim fellow-citizens live overwhelmingly in public housing, and the majority are confronted with the same problems as those who are radicalized, and yet they aren't radicalized," she said. "So the problem definitely isn't the banlieues. Perhaps it's the hypersensitivity of a very small number to this discourse around them."

Xavier Nogueras, a defense lawyer in Paris, represents twenty French citizens accused of jihadism. A few of his clients are violent and dangerous, he said, but many went to Syria out of idealism, wanting to defend other Muslims against the Assad regime and build an Islamic state. He argued that such people pose no threat to France and that the state shouldn't permanently embitter them with years of detention. Nogueras resisted tracing his clients' motives to social conditions in the banlieues. Few have criminal backgrounds; some had well-paid jobs in large French companies. "The most surprising thing to me is their immense humanity," Nogueras said. He finds jihadists more interesting than the drug dealers and robbers he's represented. "They have more to say-many more ideas. Their sacred book demands the application of Sharia, which tells them to cover their wives, not to live in secularism. And we are in a country that inevitably stigmatizes them, because it's secular. They don't feel at home here."

I found the lawyer's distinction between jihadism at home and abroad less than reassuring. Coulibaly's faith could have led him to kill people in Paris or in Syria; violence driven by ideology could happen anywhere. The "idealism" of clients motivated to make Sharia universal law is, in some ways, more worrying than simple thuggery: even if France dedicates itself urgently to making its Muslims full-fledged children of the republic, a small minority of them will remain, on principle, irreconcilable.

On a commercial street in the 93, in a sparsely furnished apartment with no name on the buzzer, Sonia Imloul, a social worker of Algerian origin, meets with families of radicalized young people. Cases come to her through police departments or through government agencies that have been contacted by the families, on a hot line. Sitting down at the kitchen table, Imloul lit a cigarette and said, "I've had children of doctors, journalists, generals. I'd say it's almost a national epidemic." She remains "super-vigilant" about her fourteen-year-old son.

Imloul's method is to maintain a young person's ties to his or her family before an "initiation journey" occurs. "The family often has the answer, without knowing it," she said. Radicalization has been a phenomenon in France for thirty years; devising a proper solution may take another thirty. The problem is acute in France, Imloul said, partly because the republic's rigid secularism leaves no room for serious discussions of religious identity. "With a radical, if you don't talk to him about religion, you can't talk about anything," she said. France has taken an entirely punitive approach to the problem. Imloul's "prevention cell" is the only such program in the country.

The January attacks created a genuine sense of crisis, and Prime Minister Valls made passionate speeches condemning the "geographic, social, ethnic apartheid" that denies French citizens in places like the 93 full entry into the republic. Thomassin, the mayor of Bondy (and Ben Ahmed's boss), showed me a map to pinpoint where high-rise cités are being torn down and replaced by smaller buildings surrounded by green space. The goal was to encourage a new spirit of neighborliness. The mayor of Le Blanc-Mesnil, another banlieue in the 93, described a similar plan, along New Urbanist lines, that allowed public-housing renters to become homeowners. I got the feeling that, after decades of denial, France was now playing catch-up.

"We're at war, but not against a religion," Valls said. France was "at war to defend our values, which are universal." He urged French Muslims to see it as their struggle, too. "It is a war against terrorism and radical Islamism, against everything that aims to break our solidarity, liberty, fraternity."

For two or three decades, a soft multiculturalism has been the default politics of the governing left, while France's silent majority, more and more culturally insecure, has moved rightward, and the banlieues have been allowed to rot. The National Front voter and the radicalized Muslim feel equally abandoned. According to the political scientist Laurent Bouvet, the January attacks, like an underwater bomb, brought all these trends to the surface. "Secularism is our common good," Bouvet said. "If there is a common French identity, it's not an identity of roots, it's not a Christian identity, it's not cathedrals, it's not the white race. It's a political project." He went on, "If we let the National Front define French identity, it's going to be by race, by blood, by religion."

France has an official "rapporteur général" for secularism, and currently it is an earnest young Socialist politician named Nicolas Cadène. He told me that France had failed to create a national story that included all its citizens. The shock of the attacks and the divisive fallout made a new approach imperative, and he sketched a program of reform starting with the schools: explain the meaning of secularism while teaching "impartial, neutral" facts about different religions as a way to make students more tolerant and critical-minded; integrate more colonial history into the curriculum; encourage the teaching of Arabic in public schools, so that this wasn't left to madrassas. Some of these changes will be instituted this fall.

Jean-Pierre Filiu, the Arabist, told me that, for more than a decade, Sciences Po-the social-science institution where he teaches-has been admitting a portion of each new class on the basis of slightly different entrance criteria. French law forbids discrimination by ethnicity or religion, so Sciences Po uses geography instead. "We want to bring in students from the 93," Filiu said. "I've been sitting on those juries, and the banlieues are among the best, because you have la niaque "-heart, a fighting instinct. I thought of what such a chance would have meant to Ben Ahmed.

Elections in France's hundred departments were scheduled for late March. Ben Ahmed decided to run as a Socialist to represent Bobigny. When his campaign posters were defaced with swastikas and racist graffiti-"Dirty Arab"-he ignored it. He spent nights and weekends leafletting and shaking hands in his old hangouts. The residents greeted him as one of them, but many thought that voting was pointless. He told his most resistant neighbors-the old women in full hijab, the jobless men at the corner bar, J.-P. and his gang-that they couldn't abstain if they wanted to be equal citizens.

Ben Ahmed came in fourth. Even the candidate from the National Front beat him. The Socialists, being the party in power, did badly almost everywhere. The extreme right continued to rise. But Ben Ahmed wasn't discouraged. He believed in politics, and he believed in France. He would try again. ♦

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George Packer on the city's immigrant suburbs, the Charlie Hebdo attacks, and France's problems with Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, and Islamist radicalism.

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Another article on banlieues.
CONTENT WARNING: Discussion of sexual assault, abuse by police, systemic racism

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Tanvi Misra/CityLab

They've been called "no-go zones"-regions where no rules apply. To residents, they're neighborhoods that are stigmatized and neglected. Why haven't targeted policies to fix them had the intended effect?

AULNAY-SOUS-BOIS-I cross the street at Boulevard Marc Chagall-not far from where the Grand Paris Express metro stop is set to open -and cut through a small garden. Chants of "No justice, no peace!" are wafting below the din of the traffic.

In a knot of modernist public housing complexes-cités, as they're called-is a crawling crowd of a few hundred people: flocks of young kids, moms and dads with strollers, grandmas in headscarves, academics, activists, and a couple of journalists. Young men secure the borders of the demonstration, and from time to time, hand out bottles of cold water. They wear neon construction vests over black T-shirts that make a simple request in bold, white font: "Verité pour Yacine."

The rally snakes through the streets, stopping intermittently to demand that the residents who are watching from their windows come down and join. It ends at a small park next to Cité Savigny, where 24-year-old Yacine Ben Kahla was last seen.

On September 14, this young man was hanging out with some friends at that very spot, right next to the building in which his family lives. At 4:50 a.m., he told his mom on the phone that he was on his way up. He never made it.

The next morning, Ben Kahla was found dead in the cellar of his building with his pants around his ankles. The police told his family that he had died of a cocaine overdose. To his family, though, the pattern of contusions on his body appears consistent with the way the French police immobilizes people, his brother Bilel later tells me. The family does not feel like they're getting straight answers, and have a modest demand: a sincere, transparent investigation into the death.

The lack of trust in the police's word is neither new to the residents of Aulnay-sous-Bois, a suburb in Seine-Saint-Denis-the 93rd Department and one of the poorest regions of France-nor is it incidental. Ben Kahla's death comes months after news broke that officers allegedly raped a 22-year-old from the area with a baton. The police called it an accident. And last year, another young man named Adama Traoré died under suspicious circumstances in police custody in another town further north. The incident was called " France's Ferguson" and catalyzed its own parallel Black Lives Matter movement. The police initially said he'd died of a heart attack, but contradictory official accounts have surfaced during the investigation.

On this overcast October afternoon, exactly a month after Yacine Ben Kahla's death, his family addresses the gathering of neighbors, friends, and strangers. "This is geographic injustice," Bilel, 29, tells the group in French. "People in the 'quartiers populaires' do not have the same access to rights and justice."

The outskirts of Paris are not-and perhaps have never been-neutral spaces. Today, the term "banlieue" or "suburbs" has become a euphemism for the racial other; these spaces embody the stereotypes that plague their residents, many of whom are working class immigrants of Middle Eastern and North African descent. The young, Muslim men hailing from these areas are regarded as aimless delinquents at best, and imminent terrorists at worst. And the women: in need of liberation. This spatial stigma isn't an abstract thing, either. It prevents residents from getting jobs and getting into good schools; it invites stricter policing; all in all, it creates a positive feedback loop of unemployment, poverty, anger, and political apathy.

Affirmative action to correct for these socioeconomic problems isoff the table in a country that clings to a color-blind Republicanism so doggedly that information about race is not even collected in the Census.As a workaround, a territory-based aid plan was created.Since the 1980s, France's urban policy or "politique de la ville" has singled out certain areas-mainly in the banlieues-that require special attention. Called "sensitive urban zones" (ZUS) at the beginning-and since renamed to " priority neighborhoods of the cit y" (QPVs)-these areas have been sites for direct government interventions in housing, economic development, education, and security for the last forty years.

But according to the residents, activists, and academicsI talked to, this policy may have just institutionalized the stigma, eclipsing the benefits it currently provides. Many worry that it does not directly address the root cause of the issues in these spaces-that it's a "solution façade,"as Bilel Ben Kahla puts it. Ultimately, it leaves intact the feeling among banlieue residents that it isn't just their physical presence that's peripheral, but also their identities and histories.

Spatial stigma: a long tradition

I walk into Le Khédive café in the St. Denis commune of 93, directly opposite a gothic basilica where French queens were crowned back in the day. Chayma Drira, a 23-year-old journalist and student at the Sciences Po, is sitting by the window.

Drira's family came to the country during the 1960s after the Algerian War of Independence and lived in shantytowns in Nanterre, in the western suburbs of Paris, she tells me. In the 1970s, they moved to public housing in La Courneuve-also in the Department 93. It was here that Nicholas Sarkozy, who was minister of interior at the time, famously vowed to " clean up" the cités in 2005. At another point, he called the young men "scum," a word with particular venom in French that has congealed in time. Later that year, the banlieues erupted in violence following the deaths of two youths the police were pursuing. (It has since been reclaimed in local slang and rap anthems-perhaps inadvertent wordplay on Du Bois's idea of " double consciousness.")

Later, Drira shows me around. We peer at the architecture of the old buildings, zig-zag through the nearby farmer's market selling canned goods and cheap housewares, and try Algerian delicacies. We take the tram to La Courneuve, where I see South Asian vegetarian restaurants, fast-food kebab joints, and small homes with slanted roofs ("Like Wysteria Lane!" Drira says.) Home prices in La Courneuve are prohibitively high for many becausethe suburb has a metro stop, Drira tells me. Some areas in banlieue neighborhoods have lots going on, she says, but just blocks away, the same places can seem like ghost towns. Uniformly, though, they lack book stores, libraries, and other "third spaces," she complains.

The " Other Paris "-as it's often referred to by journalists-seems to me diverse, varied and most of all, normal. And yet, people in center of the city do not see it as a place to sit in a café and drink green tea, like we did in St. Denis earlier that day, Drira tells me. They are often too scared to come up here because they think it's unsafe-especially for women. "There is a lot of stigma in this town...because of politics," Drira tells me in English in a quiet moment between bursts of rapid French.

The suburbs' bad reputation has adapted to contemporary fears, but it's centuries old, according to Ernesto Castaneda-Tinoco, a sociologist at American University in Washington D.C., who studies the stigmatization of marginalized urban spaces. It goes all the way back to medieval times, when Paris was walled off so that the peasants who lived outside and sold their goods inside could be taxed upon entry. In the mid-1800s, Baron Haussman designed the airy boulevards of central Paris for the elite, very much with the intention of relegating the underclasses to the outskirts.

"In the time of Haussmann, the Paris bourgeoisie often spoke about ' les classes dangereuses' - the dangerous classes," Jean-Louis Cohen, an architectural historian, told the New York Times Magazine in 2009. "He sought to expel the popular classes from the center, to push them out, to the north and northeast of the city. But it marks the beginning of a long conflict."

Later, when factories sprung up outside Paris, the people who worked in them lived nearby. In the early 20 th century, the French Communist Party had a strong presence in these parts, casually called the " red belt."After the World Wars, France reconstructed with the help of migrant workers from other parts of Europe and from former colonies. Like Drira's family, many first lived in shantytowns at the fringes of the city. In the '60s, they were folded into behemoth public housing complexes-many of them designed with utopian ideals in mind by famous architects such as Le Corbusier. This was done strategically.

"During this relocation process, the choice was made not to mix these people with the others but to separate them in specific neighborhoods or in specific housing within these neighborhoods-so from the outset, the segregation model was in place," says Thomas Kirszbaum, a sociologist who specializes in urban policy at theÉcole Normale Supérieure de Cachan.

While French ghettos emerged in a different political context and in response to different historical stimuli than the ones in the U.S., they were similar in that they were created intentionallyand they trapped their poor residents of color in poverty, often for generations. " All this means is that the French government, but also the mayors and so on, they have a huge responsibility in the construction of the French model of segregation."

Today, these suburbs are sprawling with narrow sidewalks and wide streets, but their pockets of high-density public housing have become " archipelagos of social exclusion," writes Paris-based architect Léopold Lambert.Lambert hasbeenworking on a series on discrimination and design in the banlieue for his magazine Funambulist. He has mapped the spatial disparities in transit and pedestrian infrastructure, for example. He has also argued that decisions perpetuating racial and economic segregation are still being made today. To support this, he has visualized the municipalities in the Paris metropolitan area that currently have less than 25 percent of social housing in their jurisdiction, required by a law updated in 2013. (Municipalities have until 2025 to reach that threshold.)

The warmer the color of the jurisdiction in the map below, the lower the share of social housing. The darker grey areas, on the other hand, have more than their 25 percent share. Note the difference between Central Paris and the outskirts:

As the concentration of Muslim migrants in banlieue neighborhoods has grown with increased migration, so has the fear that these spaces are breeding grounds of anti-state sentiment and extremism-even though the evidence that terrorists come from practicing Muslim families, particularly from the banlieue, is contested. The belief that Islam is incompatible with national identity and values is supported by politicians on the far right and the left.

In response, the French government has pushed to control public spaces. The longstanding ban on Muslim garb in the name of " laïcité," or secularism, is perhaps the most well-known example of that. But there are others. Just recently, 100 or so lawmakers, led by Valérie Pécresse, the head of the regional government in the Paris area, disrupted street prayers held by Muslims in the north suburbs who were demonstrating the closure of their mosque. "They were singing the Marseillaise, throwing it in our faces, even though we're French people here,"a worshipper named Abdelkader told the BBC. "We're French. Long live France!"

The label: an albatross

Politique de la ville was created in the wake of anti-racist demonstrations in the early-1980s. A mix of criteria-including reputation, share of youth and foreigners, and unemployment-was used to select urban sensitive zones in the first iteration of the program.

"What you must have in mind is that [the banlieue] was constructed as a public problem as soon as youth descending from the Maghreb -specifically, Algerian migrants-suddenly became visible in the public space," Kirszbaum says.

Today's 1,300 priority neighborhoods are based on a reformed methodology that is seemingly more objective-it takes into account only the income levels of the residents. Functionally, the policy developed new administrative territoriesfor the purpose of distributing extra funds. The categories also serve as an information-gathering metric-a way to compare socioeconomic gaps between distressed and thriving neighborhoods.

The main objective of politique de la ville, according to some experts, was to equalize the playing field between minorities and other French in a race-neutral way. In that regard, the policy has come up short. One big reason is that these areas don't cleanly overlap with minority or poor residents. According to Patrick Simon, a senior researcher at the National Institute of Demographic Studies (INED), only 20 percent of French minorities live in these neighborhoods."If it were 90 percent, you'd say, 'OK, when we're talking about these neighborhoods we're talking about ethnic populations,'" he says.

The second issue, Simon tells me, is that the funding allocated to these places has not matched the need. "Politically, you advertise action, but in reality, you don't put so much money into it," he says. In the summer of 2017, the government announced an 11 percent cut in the politique de la ville budget, Le Monde reports.

Cries from the far right, meanwhile, allege that these areas still get too much taxpayer money. Drira remembers watching Marine Le Pen, the president of the National Front, ask why it is that these areas get special attention. To Drira, who is no fan of Le Pen, the question the right wing politician posed seemed interesting: Why were these zones so heavily concentrated in Grand Paris when poor people existed everywhere?

"It speaks to their paternalistic attitude that the government has [towards us]," she tells me at the café in St. Denis. "It has to do with how the people in these spaces are regarded: as a population that needs civilizing, needs assistance, saving...It's a neo-colonial attitude."

Priority neighborhoods have indeed served as either punching bags or projects, depending on who's talking; usually, it's the former. In that sense, this designation has perhaps helped conserve the stigma that it sought to dismantle. It literally draws a boundary between "them" and "us," Kirszbaum tells me. "It is also very much loaded with political or social imagination."

"Sensed and Probed"

Perhaps the most well-known reference to "priority neighborhoods," or sensitive urban zones in the U.S. media was in the the lead-up to the 2016 election, when Fox News famously called them" No-Go Zones ", suggesting that police officers were too scared to enter these areas. The French have their own version of that term: "Zones de non-droites"-where no rules apply.

In reality, of course, the police are a constant presence in many of these areas, experts say. One way to clearly see that is to take a close look at the architecture of the police stations in these neighborhood and compare them to the ones in whiter, wealthier inner Paris neighborhoods. Lambert, the architect, took an inventory of these buildings and mapped them out. The new ones (the large circles in the map below), which disproportionately stand near cités (red blotches), are cold, fortress-like, windowless, and uninviting; the ones in richer, whiter areas in Central Paris are historic buildings with large windows and welcoming entrances. "That says a lot bout the way the police, and by extension the state, represents itself within those areas," he says, "as being engaged in some sort of phantasmagoric civil war or something."

Of course, it's not just how the police are representing themselves that's different. Their approach is, too. In the early and mid-2000s, anthropologist Didier Fassin conducted an ethnography of priority zones, in which he detailed how police harassed youths, Roma populations, and undocumented migrants to make daily quotas. In 2012, he wrote an op-ed in Le Monde on the conduct of the powerful arm of the national police-the Anti-Criminality Brigade (BAC). Here's a translated snippet from that piece about the ZUS territories where they operate:

Contrary to the popular notion that the banlieues, and notably the cités, are supposedly destroyed from the inside by crime and delinquency, the statistics of the Interior Ministry reveal a less somber situation. Most of the serious crimes have been declining for decades, and their incidence in the sensitive urban zones isn't higher than the ones in the surrounding urban areas.

That the French police disproportionately target minorities has beenprettywell-documented. A 2012 Human Rights Watch report found that black and brown residents-even if they were as young as 14-were more likely to be stopped, frisked, and often verbally and physically abused. In 2016, the highest French court also found that the police illegally profiled young men of color. But in the priority zones, the presence of the police grows stronger. In 2012, the Socialist Party's Manuel Valls, who was the interior minister at the time, revealed " security priority zones" for targeted policing operations. Per a 2016 government report, 77 out of 80 of these zones are in priority neighborhoods.

At a café in Sarcelles-a banlieue commune sometimes called the "Little Jerusalem" because of its large Jewish population-I met Henry Shah, who researches slum populations in and around Paris. He puts the language of the priority zone label in perspective: "'Sensible' doesn't mean 'sensitive,' it means an area that needs to be sensed or probed," Shah tells me. There's a parallel here, he says, between the rhetoric employed by the Sarkozy government in 2010 when it designated the clearance of Roma slums a priority. "The fact of an area being a 'priority' for the government is tied into controlling public space and controlling populations deemed risky."

The French Ministry of Interior, which oversees the national police, said it could not respond to CityLab's questions in time. A spokesperson for Colombe Brossel, Paris's deputy mayor of security, prevention, popular areas, and integration, told CityLab that while Brossel agrees with the previous government's designation of priority security zones, she believes more work needs to be done in improving relations between the police and communities. That includes better communication on police action, better identification of police officers, and making identity checks fairer and more effective, the spokesperson said in an email statement.

Former President Francois Hollande had promised to put in place a system of accountability in which officers gave out receipts each time they stopped someone, but that didn't end up happening. On the contrary, after the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, he called an emergency that extended law enforcement powers. It lasted longer than the one called during the Algerian War-finally ending on October 30, 2017. In its place now stands a sweeping, permanent anti-terrorism law, which codifies some of the extended police powers. Human rights groups fear that it is only going to further stigmatize the country's Muslim population.

One change that local politicians proudly point to as a politique de la ville success story is the crop of snazzy buildings that have come up in the banlieue. Since 2003, a bulk of the funding has been allocated towardthese urban renewal projects. The idea is that replacing the run-down public housing complexes with more open, new buildings will attract a mixed income population to these areas and allow for more "eyes on the street."

The residents I spoke with in Aulnay-sous-Bois regard these projects with skepticism. Many worry, for example, that these new housing projects, just like the transit expansion in suburbs, would jack up the real estate prices, displacing current banlieue residents farther out to the outskirts. Another concern is that the neighborhood facelifts are superficial, not as actual investments in the fabric of the banlieue communities. "They are changing the physical space, but not creating social links,"says Drira, whose grandmother's building in La Courneuve is set to be demolished in 2018.

But what if the polique de la ville had not existed at all? "The situation would be much worse," Kirszbaum says. "That would be the common sense evaluation." The big "but" here is this: politique de la ville doesn't seem to have made the situation all that much better. Banlieue residents don't feel their situation is very different from what it was a decade ago.

So, what's the solution? For Naima M'Faddel, a city official from Dreux, it's doing away with these designations altogether. "It has resulted in too many perverse effects,"she said in a 2016 interview to L'Express. For Simon, the researcher at INED, politique de la ville could still work if it refocuses on its original intent-to help people gain access to opportunities, rather than to simply alter the physical attributes of the spaces they live in.Kirszbaum, the sociologist, also emphasized the importance of giving communities a seat at the table, to empower grassroots organizations, and actually listen to the conversations happening in these spaces. From these recommendations, a central theme emerges: any workable solution needs to address people, not just the place. And if officials are making policy decisions without listening to what the banlieue residents want and need, then there is little chance they are going to succeed in tailoring their solutions.

This week, President Emanuel Macron announced a " new approach" to the politique de la ville, which involves a doubling of money going to the urban renewal program. Drira is not persuaded by Macron's promises. If the French government were really sincere about helping, she says, it would acknowledge its own role in creating the banlieue; take responsibility for colonialism and slavery and understand how the legacies of these actions persist in the way these urban spaces are policed today. Even though Paris recently expanded its physical boundaries to include many suburban municipalities, Drira says the city has yet to fold the residents of these spaces into its imagined community-into France's idea of itself. It needs to recognize that the banlieue is not the other, it is othered by the state. "They keep blaming the problems [of these neighborhoods] on us," Drira says. "and yet, it's they who are not making an effort."

About the Author

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They've been called "no-go zones"-regions where no rules apply. To residents, they're neighborhoods that are stigmatized and neglected. Why haven't targeted policies to fix them had the intended effect? AULNAY-SOUS-BOIS-I cross the street at Boulevard Marc Chagall-not far from where the Grand Paris Express metro stop is set to open -and cut through a small garden.

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Paris Banlieues Archives from The Funambulist

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Paris Banlieues Archives from The Funambulist

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French Banlieues Archives - THE FUNAMBULIST MAGAZINE

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This is an exhaustively sourced and well-written Wikipedia entry on the Spanish Inquisition.

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The Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition ( Spanish: Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición), commonly known as the Spanish Inquisition ( Inquisición española), was established in 1478 by the Catholic Monarchs, King Ferdinand II of Aragon and Queen Isabella I of Castile. It began toward the end of the Reconquista and was intended to maintain Catholic orthodoxy in their kingdoms and to replace the Medieval Inquisition, which was under papal control. It became the most substantive of the three different manifestations of the wider Catholic Inquisition, along with the Roman Inquisition and the Portuguese Inquisition. The "Spanish Inquisition" may be defined broadly as operating in Spain and in all Spanish colonies and territories, which included the Canary Islands, the Kingdom of Naples, and all Spanish possessions in North America and South America. According to modern estimates, around 150,000 people were prosecuted for various offences during the three-century duration of the Spanish Inquisition, of whom between 3,000 and 5,000 were executed, approximately 2.7 percent of all cases. The Inquisition, however, since the creation of the American courts, has never had jurisdiction over the Indians. The King of Spain ordered "that the inquisitors should never proceed against the Indians, but against the old Christians and their descendants and other persons against whom in these kingdoms of Spain it is customary to proceed".

The Inquisition was originally intended primarily to identify heretics among those who converted from Judaism and Islam to Catholicism. The regulation of the faith of newly converted Catholics was intensified following royal decrees issued in 1492 and 1502 ordering Jews and Muslims to convert to Catholicism or leave Castile, resulting in hundreds of thousands of forced conversions, the persecution of and , and the mass expulsions of Jews and of Muslims from Spain. The Inquisition was abolished in 1834, during the reign of Isabella II, after a period of declining influence in the preceding century.

The Virgin of the Catholic Monarchs.

The Inquisition was created through papal bull, Ad Abolendam, issued at the end of the 12th century by Pope Lucius III to combat the Albigensian heresy in southern France. There were a large number of tribunals of the Papal Inquisition in various European kingdoms during the Middle Ages. In the Kingdom of Aragon, a tribunal of the Papal Inquisition was established by the statute of Excommunicamus of Pope Gregory IX, in 1232, during the era of the Albigensian heresy, as a condition for peace with Aragon. The Inquisition was ill-received by the Aragonese, which led to prohibitions against insults or attacks on it. Rome was particularly concerned that the Iberian peninsula's large Muslim and Jewish population would have a 'heretical' influence on Catholic citizens. Rome pressed the kingdoms to accept the Papal Inquisition after Aragon. Navarra conceded in the 13th century and Portugal by the end of the 14th, though its 'Roman Inquisition' was famously inactive. Castile refused steadily, trusting in its prominent position in Europe and its military power to keep the Pope's interventionism in check. By the end of the Middle Ages, England, due to distance and voluntary compliance, and Castile (future part of Spain), due to resistance and power, were the only Western European kingdoms to successfully resist the establishment of the Inquisition in their realms.

There are several hypotheses of what prompted the creation of the tribunal after centuries of tolerance (within the context of medieval Europe).

The Spanish Inquisition is interpretable as a response to the multi-religious nature of Spanish society following the reconquest of the Iberian Peninsula from the Muslim Moors. The Reconquista did not result in the total expulsion of Muslims from Spain, since they, along with Jews, were tolerated by the ruling Christian elite. Large cities, especially Seville, Valladolid, and Barcelona, had significant Jewish populations centered on Juderia, but in the coming years the Muslims became increasingly alienated and relegated from power centers.

Post-reconquest medieval Spain has been characterized by Américo Castro as a society of relatively peaceful co-existence ( convivencia) punctuated by occasional conflict among the ruling Catholics and the Jews and Muslims. As historian Henry Kamen notes, the "so-called convivencia was always a relationship between unequals." Despite their legal inequality, there was a long tradition of Jewish service to the Crown of Aragon, and Jews occupied many important posts, both religious and political. Castile itself had an unofficial rabbi. Ferdinand's father John II named the Jewish Abiathar Crescas Court Astronomer.

Anti-semitic attitudes increased all over Europe during the late 13th century and throughout the 14th century. England and France expelled their Jewish populations in 1290 and 1306 respectively. At the same time, during the Reconquista, Spain's anti-Jewish sentiment steadily increased. This prejudice climaxed in the summer of 1391 when violent anti-Jewish riots broke out in Spanish cities like Barcelona. To linguistically distinguish them from non-converted or long-established Catholic families, new converts were called conversos, or New Catholics. This event must be understood in the context of the fierce civil war and new politics that Peter the Cruel had brought to the land, and not be confused with spontaneous anti-semitic reactions to the plague seen in northern Europe.

According to Don Hasdai Crescas, persecution against Jews began in earnest in Seville in 1391, on the 1st day of the lunar month Tammuz (June). From there the violence spread to Córdoba, and by the 17th day of the same lunar month, it had reached Toledo (called then by Jews after its Arabic name "Ṭulayṭulah") in the region of Castile. Then the violence spread to Mallorca and by the 1st day of the lunar month Elul it had also reached the Jews of Barcelona in Catalonia, where the slain were estimated at two-hundred and fifty. Indeed, many Jews who resided in the neighboring provinces of Lleida and Gironda and in the kingdom of Valencia had also been affected, as were also the Jews of Al-Andalus (Andalucía). While many died a martyr's death, others converted to save themselves.

Encouraged by the preaching of Ferrand Martínez, Archdeacon of Ecija, the general unrest affected nearly all of the Jews in Spain, during which time an estimated 200,000 Jews changed their religion or else concealed their religion, becoming known in Hebrew as Anusim, meaning, "those who are compelled [to hide their religion]." Only a handful of the more principal persons of the Jewish community, those who had found refuge among the viceroys in the outlying towns and districts, managed to escape.

Forced baptism was contrary to the law of the Catholic Church, and theoretically anybody who had been forcibly baptized could legally return to Judaism. Legal definitions of the time theoretically acknowledged that a forced baptism was not a valid sacrament, but confined this to cases where it was literally administered by physical force: a person who had consented to baptism under threat of death or serious injury was still regarded as a voluntary convert, and accordingly forbidden to revert to Judaism. After the public violence, many of the converted "felt it safer to remain in their new religion." Thus, after 1391, a new social group appeared and were referred to as or New Christians. Many conversos, now freed from the anti-Semitic restrictions imposed on Jewish employment, attained important positions in fifteenth-century Spain, including positions in the government and in the Church. Among many others, physicians Andrés Laguna and Francisco López de Villalobos (Ferdinand's court physician), writers Juan del Enzina, Juan de Mena, Diego de Valera and Alonso de Palencia, and bankers Luis de Santángel and Gabriel Sánchez (who financed the voyage of Christopher Columbus) were all conversos. Conversos -not without opposition-managed to attain high positions in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, at times becoming severe detractors of Judaism. Some even received titles of nobility and, as a result, during the following century some works attempted to demonstrate many nobles of Spain were descended from Israelites.

According to this hypothesis, the Inquisition was created to standardize the variety of laws and many jurisdictions Spain was divided into. It would be an administrative program analogous to the Santa Hermandad (the "Holy Brotherhood", a law enforcement body, answering to the crown, that prosecuted thieves and criminals across counties in a way local county authorities could not, ancestor to the Guardia Civil), an institution that would guarantee uniform prosecution of crimes against royal laws across all local jurisdictions.

The Kingdom of Castile had been prosperous and successful in Europe thanks in part to the unusual authority and control the king exerted over the nobility, which ensured political stability and kept the kingdom from being weakened by in-fighting (as was the case in England, for example). Under the Trastámara dynasty, both kings of Castile and Aragon had lost power to the great nobles, who now formed dissenting and conspiratorial factions. Taxation and varying privileges differed from county to county, and powerful noble families constantly extorted the kings to attain further concessions, particularly in Aragon.

The main goals of the reign of the Catholic Monarchs were to unite their two kingdoms and strengthen royal influence to guarantee stability. In pursuit of this, they sought to further unify the laws of their realms and reduce the power of the nobility in certain local areas. They attained this partially by raw military strength by creating a combined army between the two of them that could outmatch the army of most noble coalitions in the Peninsula. It was impossible to change the entire laws of both realms by force alone, and due to reasonable suspicion of one another the monarchs kept their kingdoms separate during their lifetimes. The only way to unify both kingdoms and ensure that Isabella, Ferdinand, and their descendants maintained the power of both kingdoms without uniting them in life was to find, or create, an executive, legislative and judicial arm directly under the Crown empowered to act in both kingdoms. This goal, the hypothesis goes, might have given birth to the Spanish Inquisition.

The religious organization to oversee this role was obvious: Catholicism was the only institution common to both kingdoms, and the only one with enough popular support that the nobility could not easily attack it. Through the Spanish Inquisition, Isabella and Ferdinand created a personal police force and personal code of law that rested above the structure of their respective realms without altering or mixing them, and could operate freely in both. As the Inquisition had the backing of both kingdoms, it would exist independent of both the nobility and local interests of either kingdom.

According to this view, the prosecution of heretics would be secondary, or simply not considered different, from the prosecution of conspirators, traitors, or groups of any kind who planned to resist royal authority. At the time, royal authority rested on divine right and on oaths of loyalty held before God, so the connection between religious deviation and political disloyalty would appear obvious. This hypothesis is supported by the disproportionately high representation of the nobility and high clergy among those investigated by the Inquisition, as well as by the many administrative and civil crimes the Inquisition oversaw. The Inquisition prosecuted the counterfeiting of royal seals and currency, ensured the effective transmission of the orders of the kings, and verified the authenticity of official documents traveling through the kingdoms, especially from one kingdom to the other. See "Non-Religious Crimes".

At a time when most of Europe had already expelled the Jews from the Christian kingdoms, the "dirty blood" of Spaniards was met with open suspicion and contempt by the rest of Europe. As the world became smaller and foreign relations became more relevant to stay in power, this foreign image of "being the seed of Jews and Moors" may have become a problem. In addition, the coup that allowed Isabella to take the throne from Joana of Avis and the Catholic Monarchs to marry had estranged Castile from Portugal, its historical ally, and created the need for new relationships. Similarly, Aragon's ambitions lay in control of the Mediterranean and the defense against France. As their policy of royal marriages proved, the Catholic Monarchs were deeply concerned about France's growing power and expected to create strong dynastic alliances across Europe. In this scenario, the Iberian reputation of being too tolerant was a problem.

Despite the prestige earned through the reconquest ( reconquista), the foreign image of Spaniards coexisted with an almost universal image of heretics and "bad Christians", due to the long coexistence between the three religions they had accepted in their lands. Anti-Jewish stereotypes created to justify or prompt the expulsion and expropriation of the European Jews were also applied to Spaniards in most European courts, and the idea of them being "greedy, gold-thirsty, cruel and violent" due to the "Jewish and Moorish blood" was prevalent in Europe before America was discovered by Europeans. Chronicles by foreign travelers circulated through Europe, describing the tolerant ambiance reigning in the court of Isabella and Ferdinand, and how Moors and Jews were free to go about without anyone trying to convert them. Past and common clashes between the Pope and the kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula regarding the Inquisition in Castile's case and regarding South Italy in Aragon's case, also reinforced their image of heretics in the international courts. These accusations and images could have direct political and military consequences at the time, especially considering that the union of two powerful kingdoms was a particularly delicate moment that could prompt the fear and violent reactions from neighbors, even more if combined with the expansion of the Ottoman Turks on the Mediterranean.

The creation of the Inquisition and the expulsion of both Jews and Moriscos may have been part of a strategy to whitewash the image of Spain and ease international fears regarding Spain's allegiance. In this scenario, the creation of the Inquisition could have been part of the Catholic Monarchs' strategy to " turn" away from African allies and "towards" Europe, a tool to turn both actual Spain and the Spanish image more European and improve relations with the Pope.

The alleged discovery of Morisco plots to support a possible Ottoman invasion were crucial factors in their decision to create the Inquisition. At this time, the Ottoman Empire was in rapid expansion and the Aragonese Mediterranean Empire was crumbling under debt and war exhaustion. Ferdinand reasonably feared that he would not be capable of repelling an Ottoman attack to Spain's shores, especially if the Ottomans had internal help. The regions with the highest concentration of Moriscos were those close to the common naval crossings between Spain and Africa. If the weakness of the Aragonese Naval Empire was combined with the resentment of the higher nobility against the monarchs, the dynastic claims of Portugal on Castile and the two monarchs' exterior politics that turned away from Morocco and other African nations in favor of Europe, the fear of a second Muslim invasion, and thus a second Muslim occupation was hardly unfounded. This fear may have been the base reason for the expulsion of those citizens who had either a religious reason to support the invasion of the Ottomans (Moriscos) or no particular religious reason to not do it (Jews). The Inquisition might have been part of the preparations to enforce these measures and ensure their effectiveness by rooting out false converts that would still pose a threat of foreign espionage.

In favor of this view there is the obvious military sense it makes, and the many early attempts of peaceful conversion and persuasion that the Monarchs used at the beginning of their reign, and the sudden turn towards the creation of the Inquisition and the edicts of expulsion when those initial attempts failed. The conquest of Naples by the Gran Capitan is also proof of an interest in Mediterranean expansion and re-establishment of Spanish power in that sea that was bound to generate frictions with the Ottoman Empire and other African nations. So, the Inquisition would have been created as a permanent body to prevent the existence of citizens with religious sympathies with African nations now that rivalry with them had been deemed unavoidable.

The creation of the Spanish Inquisition was consistent with the most important political philosophers of the Florentine School, with whom the kings were known to have contact ( Guicciardini, Pico della Mirandola, Machiavelli, Segni, Pitti, Nardi, Varchi, etc.) Both Guicciardini and Machiavelli defended the importance of centralization and unification to create a strong state capable of repelling foreign invasions, and also warned of the dangers of excessive social uniformity to the creativity and innovation of a nation. Machiavelli considered piety and morals desirable for the subjects but not so much for the ruler, who should use them as a way to unify its population. He also warned of the nefarious influence of a corrupt church in the creation of a selfish population and middle nobility, which had fragmented the peninsula and made it unable to resist either France or Aragon. German philosophers at the time were spreading the importance of a vassal sharing the religion of their lord.

The Inquisition may have just been the result of putting these ideas into practice. The use of religion as a unifying factor across a land that was allowed to stay diverse and maintain different laws in other respects, and the creation of the Inquisition to enforce laws across it, maintain said religious unity and control the local elites were consistent with most of those teachings.

Alternatively, the enforcement of Catholicism across the realm might indeed be the result of simple religious devotion by the monarchs. The recent scholarship on the expulsion of the Jews leans towards the belief of religious motivations being at the bottom of it. But considering the reports on Ferdinand's political persona, that is unlikely the only reason. Ferdinand was described, among others, by Machiavelli, as a man who didn't know the meaning of piety, but who made political use of it and would have achieved little if he had really known it. He was Machiavelli's main inspiration while writing The Prince.

The hierarchy of the Catholic Church had made many attempts during the Middle Ages to take over Christian Spain politically, such as claiming the Church's ownership over all land reconquered from non-Christians (a claim that was rejected by Castile but accepted by Aragon and Portugal). In the past, the papacy had tried and partially succeeded, in forcing the Mozarabic Rite out of Iberia. Its intervention had been pivotal for Aragon's loss of Rosellon. The meddling regarding Aragon's control over South Italy was even stronger historically. In their lifetime, the Catholic Monarchs had problems with Pope Paul II, a very strong proponent of absolute authority for the church over the kings. Carrillo actively opposed them both and often used Spain's "mixed blood" as an excuse to intervene. The papacy and the monarchs of Europe had been involved in a rivalry for power all through the high Middle Ages that Rome had already won in other powerful kingdoms like France.

Since the legitimacy granted by the church was necessary for both monarchs, especially Isabella, to stay in power, the creation of the Spanish Inquisition may have been a way to apparently concede to the Pope's demands and criticism regarding Spain's mixed religious heritage, while at the same time ensuring that the Pope could hardly force the second inquisition of his own, and at the same time create a tool to control the power of the Roman Church in Spain. The Spanish Inquisition was unique at the time because it was not led by the Pope. Once the bull of creation was granted, the head of the Inquisition was the Monarch of Spain. It was in charge of enforcing the laws of the king regarding religion and other private-life matters, not of following orders from Rome, from which it was independent. This independence allowed the Inquisition to investigate, prosecute and convict clergy for both corruptions and possible charges of treason of conspiracy against the crown (on the Pope's behalf presumably) without the Pope's intervention. The inquisition was, despite its title of "Holy", not necessarily formed by the clergy and secular lawyers were equally welcome to it. If it was an attempt at keeping Rome out of Spain, it was an extremely successful and refined one. It was a bureaucratic body that had the nominal authority of the church and permission to prosecute members of the church, which the kings could not do, while answering only to the Spanish Crown. This did not prevent the Pope from having some influence on the decisions of Spanish monarchs, but it did force the influence to be through the kings, making direct influence very difficult.

Other hypotheses that circulate regarding the Spanish Inquisition's creation include:

Economic reasons: Since one of the penalties that the Inquisition could enforce on the convicts was the confiscation of their property, which became Crown property, it has been stated that the creation of the Inquisition was a way to finance the crown. There is no solid reason for this hypothesis to stand alone, nor for the Kings of Spain to need an institution to do this gradually instead of confiscating property through edicts, but it may be one of the reasons why the Inquisition stayed for so long. This hypothesis notes the tendency of the Inquisition to operate in large and wealthy cities and is favoured by those who consider that most of those prosecuted for practising Judaism and Islam in secret were actually innocent of it.[27] Gustav Bergenroth, editor and translator of the Spanish state papers from 1485-1509, believed that revenue was the incentive for Ferdinand and Isabella's decision to invite the Inquisition into Spain.[28] Other authors point out that both monarchs were very aware of the economic consequences they would suffer from a decrease in population.

Intolerance and racism: This argument is usually made regarding the expulsion of the Jews or the Moriscos,[27] and since the Inquisition was so closely interconnected with those actions can be expanded to it. It varies between those who deny that Spain was really that different from the rest of Europe regarding tolerance and openmindedness and those who argue that it used to be, but gradually the antisemitic and racist atmosphere of medieval Europe rubbed onto it. It explains the creation of the Inquisition as the result of exactly the same forces as those that caused the creation of similar entities across Europe. This view may account for the similarities between the Spanish Inquisition and similar institutions but completely fails to account for its many unique characteristics, including its time of appearance and its duration through time, so even if accepted requires the addition of some of the other hypothesis to be complete.[17]

Purely religious reasons: essentially this view suggests that the Catholic Monarchs created the Inquisition to prosecute heretics and sodomites "because the Bible says so".

Tomás de Torquemada

Fray Alonso de Ojeda, a Dominican friar from Seville, convinced Queen Isabella of the existence of Crypto-Judaism among Andalusian during her stay in Seville between 1477 and 1478. A report, produced by Pedro González de Mendoza, Archbishop of Seville, and by the Segovian Dominican Tomás de Torquemada -of converso family himself-corroborated this assertion.

Spanish monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella requested a papal bull establishing an inquisition in Spain in 1478. Pope Sixtus IV granted a bull permitting the monarchs to select and appoint two or three priests over forty years of age to act as inquisitors. In 1483, Ferdinand and Isabella established a state council to administer the inquisition with the Dominican Friar Tomás de Torquemada acting as its president, even though Sixtus IV protested the activities of the inquisition in Aragon and its treatment of the conversos. Torquemada eventually assumed the title of Inquisitor-General.

Ferdinand II of Aragon pressured Pope Sixtus IV to agree to an Inquisition controlled by the monarchy by threatening to withdraw military support at a time when the Turks were a threat to Rome. The pope issued a bull to stop the Inquisition but was pressured into withdrawing it. On 1 November 1478, Sixtus published the Papal bull, Exigit Sinceras Devotionis Affectus, through which he gave the monarchs exclusive authority to name the inquisitors in their kingdoms. The first two inquisitors, Miguel de Morillo and Juan de San Martín, were not named until two years later, on 27 September 1480 in Medina del Campo.

The first was held in Seville on 6 February 1481: six people were burned alive. From there, the Inquisition grew rapidly in the Kingdom of Castile. By 1492, tribunals existed in eight Castilian cities: Ávila, Córdoba, Jaén, Medina del Campo, Segovia, Sigüenza, Toledo, and Valladolid. Sixtus IV promulgated a new bull categorically prohibiting the Inquisition's extension to Aragón, affirming that:

... many true and faithful Christians, because of the testimony of enemies, rivals, slaves, and other low people-and still less appropriate-without tests of any kind, have been locked up in secular prisons, tortured, and condemned like relapsed heretics, deprived of their goods and properties, and given over to the secular arm to be executed, at great danger to their souls, giving a pernicious example and causing scandal to many.

-  Henry Kamen, The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision

According to the book A History of the Jewish People,

In 1482 the pope was still trying to maintain control over the Inquisition and to gain acceptance for his own attitude towards the New Christians which was generally more moderate than that of the Inquisition and the local rulers.

In 1483, Jews were expelled from all of Andalusia. Though the pope wanted to crack down on abuses, Ferdinand pressured him to promulgate a new bull, threatening that he would otherwise separate the Inquisition from Church authority. Sixtus did so on 17 October 1483, naming Tomás de Torquemada Inquisidor General of Aragón, Valencia, and Catalonia.

Torquemada quickly established procedures for the Inquisition. A new court would be announced with a thirty-day grace period for confessions and the gathering of accusations by neighbors. Evidence that was used to identify a crypto-Jew included the absence of chimney smoke on Saturdays (a sign the family might secretly be honoring the Sabbath), the buying of many vegetables before Passover, or the purchase of meat from a converted butcher. The court could employ physical torture to extract confessions once the guilt of the accused had been established. Crypto-Jews were allowed to confess and do penance, although those who relapsed were executed.

In 1484, Pope Innocent VIII attempted to allow appeals to Rome against the Inquisition, which would weaken the function of the institution as protection against the pope, but Ferdinand in December 1484 and again in 1509 decreed death and confiscation for anyone trying to make use of such procedures without royal permission. With this, the Inquisition became the only institution that held authority across all the realms of the Spanish monarchy and, in all of them, a useful mechanism at the service of the crown. The cities of Aragón continued resisting, and even saw revolt, as in Teruel from 1484 to 1485. The murder of Inquisidor Pedro Arbués in Zaragoza on 15 September 1485, caused public opinion to turn against the conversos and in favour of the Inquisition. In Aragón, the Inquisitorial courts were focused specifically on members of the powerful converso minority, ending their influence in the Aragonese administration.

The Inquisition was extremely active between 1480 and 1530. Different sources give different estimates of the number of trials and executions in this period; some estimate about 2,000 executions, based on the documentation of the autos-da-fé, the great majority being conversos of Jewish origin. He offers striking statistics: 91.6% of those judged in Valencia between 1484 and 1530 and 99.3% of those judged in Barcelona between 1484 and 1505 were of Jewish origin.

The Inquisition had jurisdiction only over Christians. It had no power to investigate, prosecute, or convict Jews, Muslims, or any open member of other religions. Anyone who was known to identify as either Jew or Muslim was outside of Inquisitorial jurisdiction and could be tried only by the King. All the inquisition could do in some of those cases was to deport the individual according to the King's law, but usually, even that had to go through a civil tribunal. The Inquisition had the authority to try only those who self-identified as Christians (initially for taxation purposes, later to avoid deportation as well) while practicing another religion de facto. Even those were treated as Christians. If they confessed or identified not as "judeizantes" but as fully practicing Jews, they fell back into the previously explained category and could not be targeted, although they would have pleaded guilty to previously lying about being Christian.

Expulsion of Jews and Jewish conversos

Though not subject to the Inquisition, Jews who refused to convert or leave Spain were called heretics and could be burned to death on a stake

The Spanish Inquisition had been established in part to prevent conversos from engaging in Jewish practices, which, as Christians, they were supposed to have given up. This remedy for securing the orthodoxy of conversos was eventually deemed inadequate since the main justification the monarchy gave for formally expelling all Jews from Spain was the "great harm suffered by Christians (i.e., conversos) from the contact, intercourse and communication which they have with the Jews, who always attempt in various ways to seduce faithful Christians from our Holy Catholic Faith", according to the 1492 edict.

The Alhambra Decree, issued in January 1492, gave the choice between expulsion and conversion. It was among the few expulsion orders that allowed conversion as an alternative and is used as a proof of the religious, not racial, element of the measure. The enforcement of this decree was very unequal with the focus mainly on coastal and southern regions-those at risk of Ottoman invasion-and more gradual and ineffective enforcement towards the interior.

Historic accounts of the numbers of Jews who left Spain were based on speculation, and some aspects were exaggerated by early accounts and historians: Juan de Mariana speaks of 800,000 people, and Don Isaac Abravanel of 300,000. While few reliable statistics exist for the expulsion, modern estimates based on tax returns and population estimates of communities are much lower, with Kamen stating that of a population of approximately 80,000 Jews and 200,000 conversos, about 40,000 emigrated. The Jews of the kingdom of Castile emigrated mainly to Portugal (where the entire community was forcibly converted in 1497) and to North Africa. The Jews of the kingdom of Aragon fled to other Christian areas including Italy, rather than to Muslim lands as is often assumed. Although the vast majority of conversos simply assimilated into the Catholic dominant culture, a minority continued to practice Judaism in secret, gradually migrated throughout Europe, North Africa, and the Ottoman Empire, mainly to areas where Sephardic communities were already present as a result of the Alhambra Decree.

The most intense period of persecution of conversos lasted until 1530. From 1531 to 1560 the percentage of conversos among the Inquisition trials dropped to 3% of the total. There was a rebound of persecutions when a group of crypto-Jews was discovered in Quintanar de la Orden in 1588 and there was a rise in denunciations of conversos in the last decade of the sixteenth century. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, some conversos who had fled to Portugal began to return to Spain, fleeing the persecution of the Portuguese Inquisition, founded in 1536. This led to a rapid increase in the trials of crypto-Jews, among them a number of important financiers. In 1691, during a number of in Majorca, 37 chuetas, or conversos of Majorca, were burned.

During the eighteenth century, the number of conversos accused by the Inquisition decreased significantly. Manuel Santiago Vivar, tried in Córdoba in 1818, was the last person tried for being a crypto-Jew.

Expulsion of Moriscos and Morisco conversos

The Inquisition searched for false or relapsed converts among the Moriscos, who had converted from Islam. Beginning with a decree on 14 February 1502, Muslims in Granada had to choose between conversion to Christianity or expulsion. In the Crown of Aragon, most Muslims faced this choice after the Revolt of the Brotherhoods (1519-1523). It is important to note that the enforcement of the expulsion of the moriscos was done really unevenly, especially in the lands of the interior and the north, where the coexistence had lasted for over five centuries and moriscos were protected by the population, and orders were partially or completely ignored.

The War of the Alpujarras (1568-71), a general Muslim/Morisco uprising in Granada that expected to aid Ottoman disembarkation in the peninsula, ended in a forced dispersal of about half of the region's Moriscos throughout Castile and Andalusia as well as increased suspicions by Spanish authorities against this community.

Many Moriscos were suspected of practising Islam in secret, and the jealousy with which they guarded the privacy of their domestic life prevented the verification of this suspicion. Initially, they were not severely persecuted by the Inquisition, experiencing instead a policy of evangelization a policy not followed with those conversos who were suspected of being crypto-Jews. There were various reasons for this. In the kingdoms of Valencia and Aragon, a large number of the Moriscos were under the jurisdiction of the nobility, and persecution would have been viewed as a frontal assault on the economic interests of this powerful social class. Most importantly, the moriscos had integrated into the Spanish society significantly better than the Jews, intermarrying with the population often, and were not seen as a foreign element, especially in rural areas. Still, fears ran high among the population that the Moriscos were traitorous, especially in Granada. The coast was regularly raided by Barbary pirates backed by Spain's enemy, the Ottoman Empire, and the Moriscos were suspected of aiding them.

In the second half of the century, late in the reign of Philip II, conditions worsened between Old Christians and Moriscos. The Morisco Revolt in Granada in 1568-1570 was harshly suppressed, and the Inquisition intensified its attention on the Moriscos. From 1570 Morisco cases became predominant in the tribunals of Zaragoza, Valencia and Granada; in the tribunal of Granada, between 1560 and 1571, 82% of those accused were Moriscos, who were a vast majority of the Kingdom's population at the time. Still, the Moriscos did not experience the same harshness as judaizing conversos and Protestants, and the number of capital punishments was proportionally less.

In 1609, King Philip III, upon the advice of his financial adviser the Duke of Lerma and Archbishop of Valencia Juan de Ribera, decreed the Expulsion of the Moriscos. Hundreds of thousands of Moriscos were expelled. This was further fueled by the religious intolerance of Archbishop Ribera who quoted the Old Testament texts ordering the enemies of God to be slain without mercy and setting forth the duties of kings to extirpate them. The edict required: 'The Moriscos to depart, under the pain of death and confiscation, without trial or sentence... to take with them no money, bullion, jewels or bills of exchange.... just what they could carry.' Although initial estimates of the number expelled such as those of Henri Lapeyre reach 300,000 Moriscos (or 4% of the total Spanish population), the extent and severity of the expulsion in much of Spain has been increasingly challenged by modern historians such as Trevor J. Dadson. Nevertheless, the eastern region of Valencia, where ethnic tensions were high, was particularly affected by the expulsion, suffering economic collapse and depopulation of much of its territory.

Of those permanently expelled, the majority finally settled in the Maghreb or the Barbary coast. Those who avoided expulsion or who managed to return were gradually absorbed by the dominant culture.

The Inquisition pursued some trials against Moriscos who remained or returned after expulsion: at the height of the Inquisition, cases against Moriscos are estimated to have constituted less than 10 percent of those judged by the Inquisition. Upon the coronation of Philip IV in 1621, the new king gave the order to desist from attempting to impose measures on remaining Moriscos and returnees. In September 1628 the Council of the Supreme Inquisition ordered inquisitors in Seville not to prosecute expelled Moriscos "unless they cause significant commotion." The last mass prosecution against Moriscos for crypto-Islamic practices occurred in Granada in 1727, with most of those convicted receiving relatively light sentences. By the end of the 18th century, the indigenous practice of Islam is considered to have been effectively extinguished in Spain.

Despite popular myths about the Spanish Inquisition relating to Protestants, it dealt with very few cases involving actual Protestants, as there were so few in Spain. Lutheran was a portmanteau accusation used by the Inquisition to act against all those who acted in a way that was offensive to the church. The first of the trials against those labeled by the Inquisition as "Lutheran" were those against the sect of mystics known as the " Alumbrados" of Guadalajara and Valladolid. The trials were long and ended with prison sentences of differing lengths, though none of the sect were executed. Nevertheless, the subject of the "Alumbrados" put the Inquisition on the trail of many intellectuals and clerics who, interested in Erasmian ideas, had strayed from orthodoxy. This is striking because both Charles I and Philip II were confessed admirers of Erasmus. The first trials against Lutheran groups, as such, took place between 1558 and 1562, at the beginning of the reign of Philip II, against two communities of Protestants from the cities of Valladolid and Seville, numbering about 120. The trials signaled a notable intensification of the Inquisition's activities. A number of were held, some of them presided over by members of the royal family, and around 100 executions took place. The autos-da-fé of the mid-century virtually put an end to Spanish Protestantism, which was, throughout, a small phenomenon to begin with.

After 1562, though the trials continued, the repression was much reduced. About 200 Spaniards were accused of being Protestants in the last decades of the 16th century.

Most of them were in no sense Protestants ... Irreligious sentiments, drunken mockery, anticlerical expressions, were all captiously classified by the inquisitors (or by those who denounced the cases) as "Lutheran." Disrespect to church images, and eating meat on forbidden days, were taken as signs of heresy...

It is estimated that a dozen Spaniards were burned alive.

Protestantism was treated as a marker to identify agents of foreign powers and symptoms of political disloyalty as much as, if not more than a cause of prosecution in itself.

Even though the Inquisition had theoretical permission to investigate Orthodox "heretics", it almost never did. There was no major war between Spain and any Orthodox nation, so there was no reason to do so. There was one casualty tortured by those "Jesuits" (though most likely, Franciscans) who administered the Spanish Inquisition in North America, according to authorities within the Eastern Orthodox Church: St. Peter the Aleut. Even that single report has various numbers of inaccuracies that make it problematic, and has no confirmation in the Inquisitorial archives.

The category "superstitions" includes trials related to witchcraft. The witch-hunt in Spain had much less intensity than in other European countries (particularly France, Scotland, and Germany). One remarkable case was that of Logroño, in which the witches of Zugarramurdi in Navarre were persecuted. During the that took place in Logroño on 7 and 8 November 1610, six people were burned and another five burned in effigy. The role of the Inquisition in cases of witchcraft was much more restricted than is commonly believed. Well after the foundation of the Inquisition, jurisdiction over sorcery and witchcraft remained in secular hands. In general the Inquisition maintained a skeptical attitude towards cases of witchcraft, considering it as a mere superstition without any basis. Alonso de Salazar Frías, who took the Edict of Faith to various parts of Navarre after the trials of Logroño, noted in his report to the Suprema that, "There were neither witches nor bewitched in a village until they were talked and written about".

Included under the rubric of heretical propositions were verbal offences, from outright blasphemy to questionable statements regarding religious beliefs, from issues of sexual morality to misbehaviour of the clergy. Many were brought to trial for affirming that simple fornication (sex between unmarried persons) was not a sin or for putting in doubt different aspects of Christian faith such as Transubstantiation or the virginity of Mary. Also, members of the clergy themselves were occasionally accused of heretical propositions. These offences rarely led to severe penalties.

Pope Clement VII granted the Inquisition jurisdiction over sodomy within Aragon in 1524, in response to a petition from the Saragossa tribunal. The Inquisition in Castile declined to take the same jurisdiction, making sodomy the only major crime with such a significant regional discrepancy. Even within Aragon, the treatment of sodomy varied significantly by region, because the pope's decree required that it be prosecuted according to each area's local law. For instance, the tribunal of the city of Zaragoza was considered unusually harsh by contemporaries.

The first person known to have been executed by the Inquisition for sodomy was a priest, Salvador Vidal, in 1541. Others convicted of sodomy received sentences including fines, burning in effigy, public whipping, and the galleys. The first burning for sodomy took place in Valencia in 1572.

Sodomy was an expansive term; while a 1560 decision ruled that lesbian sex not involving a dildo could not be prosecuted as sodomy, bestiality routinely was, especially in Saragossa in the 1570s. Men might also be prosecuted based on accusations of engaging in heterosexual sodomy with their wives.

Those accused included 19% clergy, 6% nobles, 37% workers, 19% servants, and 18% soldiers and sailors. Nearly all of almost 500 cases of sodomy between persons concerned the relationship between an older man and an adolescent, often by coercion, with only a few cases where the couple were consenting homosexual adults. About 100 of the total involved allegations of child abuse. Adolescents were generally punished more leniently than adults, but only when they were very young (under about 12 years) or when the case clearly concerned rape did they have a chance to avoid punishment altogether.

Prosecutions for sodomy gradually declined, in large part due to decisions from the Suprema intended to reduce the publicity for sodomy cases. In 1579, public autos-da-fé ceased to include people convicted on sodomy charges unless they were sentenced to death; even the death sentences were excluded from public proclamation after 1610. In 1589, Aragon raised the minimum age for sodomy executions to 25, and by 1633 executions for sodomy had generally come to an end.

The Roman Catholic Church has regarded Freemasonry as heretical since about 1738; the suspicion of Freemasonry was potentially a capital offence. Spanish Inquisition records reveal two prosecutions in Spain and only a few more throughout the Spanish Empire. In 1815, Francisco Javier de Mier y Campillo, the Inquisitor General of the Spanish Inquisition and the Bishop of Almería, suppressed Freemasonry and denounced the lodges as "societies which lead to atheism, to sedition and to all errors and crimes." He then instituted a purge during which Spaniards could be arrested on the charge of being "suspected of Freemasonry".

As one manifestation of the Counter-Reformation, the Spanish Inquisition worked actively to impede the diffusion of heretical ideas in Spain by producing "Indexes" of prohibited books. Such lists of prohibited books were common in Europe a decade before the Inquisition published its first. The first Index published in Spain in 1551 was, in reality, a reprinting of the Index published by the University of Leuven in 1550, with an appendix dedicated to Spanish texts. Subsequent Indexes were published in 1559, 1583, 1612, 1632, and 1640.

Included in the Indices, at one point, were some of the great works of Spanish literature, but most of the works were religious in nature and plays. A number of religious writers who are today considered saints by the Catholic Church saw their works appear in the Indexes. At first, this might seem counter-intuitive or even nonsensical-how were these Spanish authors published in the first place if their texts were then prohibited by the Inquisition and placed in the Index? The answer lies in the process of publication and censorship in Early Modern Spain. Books in Early Modern Spain faced prepublication licensing and approval (which could include modification) by both secular and religious authorities. Once approved and published, the circulating text also faced the possibility of post-hoc censorship by being denounced to the Inquisition-sometimes decades later. Likewise, as Catholic theology evolved, once-prohibited texts might be removed from the Index.

At first, inclusion in the Index meant total prohibition of a text. This proved not only impractical and unworkable but also contrary to the goals of having a literate and well-educated clergy. In time, a compromise solution was adopted in which trusted Inquisition officials blotted out words, lines or whole passages of otherwise acceptable texts, thus allowing these expurgated editions to circulate. Although in theory, the Indexes imposed enormous restrictions on the diffusion of culture in Spain, some historians argue that such strict control was impossible in practice and that there was much more liberty in this respect than is often believed. And Irving Leonard has conclusively demonstrated that, despite repeated royal prohibitions, romances of chivalry, such as Amadis of Gaul, found their way to the New World with the blessing of the Inquisition. Moreover, with the coming of the Age of Enlightenment in the 18th century, increasing numbers of licenses to possess and read prohibited texts were granted.

Despite the repeated publication of the Indexes and a large bureaucracy of censors, the activities of the Inquisition did not impede the development of Spanish literature's "Siglo de Oro", although almost all of its major authors crossed paths with the Holy Office at one point or another. Among the Spanish authors included in the Index are Bartolomé Torres Naharro, Juan del Enzina, Jorge de Montemayor, Juan de Valdés and Lope de Vega, as well as the anonymous Lazarillo de Tormes and the Cancionero General by Hernando del Castillo. La Celestina, which was not included in the Indexes of the 16th century, was expurgated in 1632 and prohibited in its entirety in 1790. Among the non-Spanish authors prohibited were Ovid, Dante, Rabelais, Ariosto, Machiavelli, Erasmus, Jean Bodin, Valentine Naibod and Thomas More (known in Spain as Tomás Moro). One of the most outstanding and best-known cases in which the Inquisition directly confronted literary activity is that of Fray Luis de León, noted humanist and religious writer of converso origin, who was imprisoned for four years (from 1572 to 1576) for having translated the Song of Songs directly from Hebrew.

Some scholars state that one of the main effects of the inquisition was to end free thought and scientific thought in Spain. As one contemporary Spaniard in exile put it: "Our country is a land of pride and envy ... barbarism; down there one cannot produce any culture without being suspected of heresy, error and Judaism. Thus silence was imposed on the learned." For the next few centuries, while the rest of Europe was slowly awakened by the influence of the Enlightenment, Spain stagnated. This conclusion is contested.

The censorship of books was actually very ineffective, and prohibited books circulated in Spain without significant problems. The Spanish Inquisition never persecuted scientists, and relatively few scientific books were placed on the Index. On the other hand, Spain was a state with more political freedom than in other absolute monarchies in the 16th to 18th centuries. The apparent paradox gets explained by both the hermeticist religious ideas of the Spanish church and monarchy, and the budding seed of what would become Enlightened absolutism taking shape in Spain. The list of banned books was not, as interpreted sometimes, a list of evil books but a list of books that lay people were very likely to misinterpret. The presence of highly symbolical and high-quality literature on the list was so explained. These metaphorical or parable sounding books were listed as not meant for free circulation, but there might be no objections to the book itself and the circulation among scholars was mostly free. Most of these books were carefully collected by the elite. The practical totality of the prohibited books can be found now as then in the library of the monasterio del Escorial, carefully collected by Philip II and Philip III. The collection was "public" after Philip II's death and members of universities, intellectuals, courtesans, clergy, and certain branches of the nobility didn't have too many problems to access them and commission authorised copies. The Inquisition has not been known to make any serious attempt to stop this for all the books, but there are some records of them "suggesting" the King of Spain to stop collecting grimoires or magic-related ones.

The Inquisition also pursued offenses against morals and general social order, at times in open conflict with the jurisdictions of civil tribunals. In particular, there were trials for bigamy, a relatively frequent offence in a society that only permitted divorce under the most extreme circumstances. In the case of men, the penalty was two hundred lashes and five to ten years of "service to the Crown". Said service could be whatever the court deemed most beneficial for the nation but it usually was either five years as an oarsman in a royal galley for those without any qualification (possibly a death sentence), or ten years working maintained but without salary in a public Hospital or charitable institution of the sort for those with some special skill, such as doctors, surgeons, or lawyers. The penalty was five to seven years as an oarsman in the case of Portugal.

Under the category of "unnatural marriage" fell any marriage or attempted marriage between two individuals who could not procreate. The Catholic Church in general, and in particular a nation constantly at war like Spain, emphasised the reproductive goal of marriage.

The Spanish Inquisition's policy in this regard was restrictive but applied in a very egalitarian way. It considered unnatural any non-reproductive marriage, and natural any reproductive one, regardless of gender or sex involved. The two forms of obvious male sterility were either due to damage to the genitals through castration, or accidental wounding at war (capón), or to some genetic condition that might keep the man from completing puberty (lampiño). Female sterility was also a reason to declare a marriage unnatural but was harder to prove. One case that dealt with marriage, sex, and gender was the trial of Eleno de Céspedes.

Despite popular belief, the role of the Inquisition as a mainly religious institution, or religious in nature at all, is contested at best. Its main function was that of private police for the Crown with jurisdiction to enforce the law in those crimes that took place in the private sphere of life. The notion of religion and civil law being separate is a modern construction and made no sense in the 15th century, so there was no difference between breaking a law regarding religion and breaking a law regarding tax collection. The difference between them is a modern projection the institution itself did not have. As such, the Inquisition was the prosecutor (in some cases the only prosecutor) of any crimes that could be perpetrated without the public taking notice (mainly domestic crimes, crimes against the weakest members of society, administrative crimes and forgeries, organized crime, and crimes against the Crown).

Examples include crimes associated with sexual or family relations such as rape and sexual violence (the Inquisition was the first and only body who punished it across the nation), bestiality, pedophilia (often overlapping with sodomy), incest, child abuse or neglect and (as discussed) bigamy. Non-religious crimes also included procurement (not prostitution), human trafficking, smuggling, forgery or falsification of currency, documents or signatures, tax fraud (many religious crimes were considered subdivisions of this one), illegal weapons, swindles, disrespect to the Crown or its institutions (the Inquisition included, but also the church, the guard, and the kings themselves), espionage for a foreign power, conspiracy, treason.

The non-religious crimes processed by the Inquisition accounted for a considerable percentage of its total investigations and are often hard to separate in the statistics, even when documentation is available. The line between religious and non-religious crimes did not exist in 15th century Spain as legal concept. Many of the crimes listed here and some of the religious crimes listed in previous sections were contemplated under the same article. For example, "sodomy" included paedophilia as a subtype. Often part of the data given for prosecution of male homosexuality corresponds to convictions for paedophilia, not adult homosexuality. In other cases, religious and non-religious crimes were seen as distinct but equivalent. The treatment of public blasphemy and street swindlers was similar (since both involved "misleading the public in a harmful way"). Making counterfeit currency and heretic proselytism were also treated similarly; both of them were punished by death and subdivided in similar ways since both were "spreading falsifications". In general heresy and falsifications of material documents were treated similarly by the Spanish Inquisition, indicating that they may have been thought of as equivalent actions.

Trials were often further complicated by the attempts of witnesses or victims to add further charges, especially witchcraft. Like in the case of Eleno de Céspedes, charges for witchcraft done in this way, or in general, were quickly dismissed but they often show in the statistics as investigations made.

Beyond its role in religious affairs, the Inquisition was also an institution at the service of the monarchy. The Inquisitor General, in charge of the Holy Office, was designated by the crown. The Inquisitor General was the only public office whose authority stretched to all the kingdoms of Spain (including the American viceroyalties), except for a brief period (1507-1518) during which there were two Inquisitors General, one in the kingdom of Castile, and the other in Aragon.

The Inquisitor General presided over the Council of the Supreme and General Inquisition (generally abbreviated as "Council of the Suprema"), created in 1483, which was made up of six members named directly by the crown (the number of members of the Suprema varied over the course of the Inquisition's history, but it was never more than 10). Over time, the authority of the Suprema grew at the expense of the power of the Inquisitor General.

The Suprema met every morning, except for holidays, and for two hours in the afternoon on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays. The morning sessions were devoted to questions of faith, while the afternoons were reserved for "minor heresies" cases of perceived unacceptable sexual behavior, bigamy, witchcraft, etc.

Below the Suprema were the various tribunals of the Inquisition, which were originally itinerant, installing themselves where they were necessary to combat heresy, but later being established in fixed locations. During the first phase, numerous tribunals were established, but the period after 1495 saw a marked tendency towards centralization.

In the kingdom of Castile, the following permanent tribunals of the Inquisition were established:

There were only four tribunals in the kingdom of Aragon: Zaragoza and Valencia (1482), Barcelona (1484), and Majorca (1488). Ferdinand the Catholic also established the Spanish Inquisition in Sicily (1513), housed in Palermo, and Sardinia, in the town of Sassari. In the Americas, tribunals were established in Lima and in Mexico City (1569) and, in 1610, in Cartagena de Indias (present day Colombia).

Structure of the Spanish Inquisition

Initially, each of the tribunals included two inquisitors, calificadors (qualifiers), an alguacil (bailiff), and a fiscal (prosecutor); new positions were added as the institution matured. The inquisitors were preferably jurists more than theologians; in 1608 Philip III even stipulated that all inquisitors needed to have a background in law. The inquisitors did not typically remain in the position for a long time: for the Court of Valencia, for example, the average tenure in the position was about two years. Most of the inquisitors belonged to the secular clergy (priests who were not members of religious orders) and had a university education.

The fiscal was in charge of presenting the accusation, investigating the denunciations and interrogating the witnesses by the use of physical and mental torture. The calificadores were generally theologians; it fell to them to determine whether the defendant's conduct added up to a crime against the faith. Consultants were expert jurists who advised the court in questions of procedure. The court had, in addition, three secretaries: the notario de secuestros (Notary of Property), who registered the goods of the accused at the moment of his detention; the notario del secreto (Notary of the Secret), who recorded the testimony of the defendant and the witnesses; and the escribano general (General Notary), secretary of the court. The alguacil was the executive arm of the court, responsible for detaining, jailing, and physically torturing the defendant. Other civil employees were the nuncio, ordered to spread official notices of the court, and the alcaide, the jailer in charge of feeding the prisoners.

In addition to the members of the court, two auxiliary figures existed that collaborated with the Holy Office: the familiares and the comissarios (commissioners). Familiares were lay collaborators of the Inquisition, who had to be permanently at the service of the Holy Office. To become a familiar was considered an honor, since it was a public recognition of limpieza de sangre-Old Christian status-and brought with it certain additional privileges. Although many nobles held the position, most of the familiares came from the ranks of commoners. The commissioners, on the other hand, were members of the religious orders who collaborated occasionally with the Holy Office.

One of the most striking aspects of the organization of the Inquisition was its form of financing: devoid of its own budget, the Inquisition depended exclusively on the confiscation of the goods of the denounced. It is not surprising, therefore, that many of those prosecuted were rich men. That the situation was open to abuse is evident, as stands out in the memorandum that a converso from Toledo directed to Charles I:

Your Majesty must provide, before all else, that the expenses of the Holy Office do not come from the properties of the condemned, because if that is the case if they do not burn they do not eat.

When the Inquisition arrived in a city, the first step was the Edict of Grace. Following the Sunday Mass, the Inquisitor would proceed to read the edict; it explained possible heresies and encouraged all the congregation to come to the tribunals of the Inquisition to "relieve their consciences". They were called Edicts of Grace because all of the self-incriminated who presented themselves within a period of grace (usually ranging from thirty to forty days) were offered the possibility of reconciliation with the Church without severe punishment. The promise of benevolence was effective, and many voluntarily presented themselves to the Inquisition and were often encouraged to denounce others who had also committed offences, informants being the Inquisition's primary source of information. After about 1500, the Edicts of Grace were replaced by the Edicts of Faith, which left out the grace period and instead encouraged the denunciation of those guilty.

The denunciations were anonymous, and the defendants had no way of knowing the identities of their accusers. This was one of the points most criticized by those who opposed the Inquisition (for example, the Cortes of Castile, in 1518). In practice, false denunciations were frequent. Denunciations were made for a variety of reasons, from genuine concern to rivalries and personal jealousies.

After a denunciation, the case was examined by the calificadores, who had to determine whether there was heresy involved, followed by the detention of the accused. In practice many were detained in preventive custody, and many cases of lengthy incarcerations occurred, lasting up to two years before the calificadores examined the case.

Detention of the accused entailed the preventive sequestration of their property by the Inquisition. The property of the prisoner was used to pay for procedural expenses and the accused's own maintenance and costs. Often the relatives of the defendant found themselves in outright misery. This situation was remedied only following instructions written in 1561.

Some authors, such as Thomas William Walsh, stated that the entire process was undertaken with the utmost secrecy, as much for the public as for the accused, who were not informed about the accusations that were levied against them. Months or even years could pass without the accused being informed about why they were imprisoned. The prisoners remained isolated, and, during this time, the prisoners were not allowed to attend Mass nor receive the sacraments. The jails of the Inquisition were no worse than those of secular authorities, and there are even certain testimonies that occasionally they were much better. There are few records of the time of the accused in prison, but the transcription of the trials repeatedly shows the accused being informed of every charge during the trial. They also show the accused's answers, in which they address each accusation specifically. Given that they would be informed anyway, it makes little sense that the accused would be kept in the dark prior to the trial, unless the investigation was still open.

The inquisitorial process consisted of a series of hearings, in which both the denouncers and the defendant gave testimony. A defense counsel was assigned to the defendant, a member of the tribunal itself, whose role was simply to advise the defendant and to encourage them to speak the truth. The prosecution was directed by the fiscal. Interrogation of the defendant was done in the presence of the Notary of the Secreto, who meticulously wrote down the words of the accused. The archives of the Inquisition, in comparison to those of other judicial systems of the era, are striking in the completeness of their documentation.

To defend themselves, the accused had two choices: abonos (to find favourable witnesses, akin to "substantive" evidence/testimony in Anglo-American law) or tachas (to demonstrate that the witnesses of accusers were not trustworthy, akin to Anglo-American "impeachment" evidence/testimony).

Regarding the fairness of the trials, the structure of them was similar to modern trials and extremely advanced for the time. The Inquisition was dependent on the political power of the King. The lack of separation of powers allows assuming questionable fairness for certain scenarios. The fairness of the Inquisitorial tribunals seemed to be among the best in early modern Europe when it came to the trial of laymen. There are also testimonies by former prisoners that, if believed, suggest that said fairness was less than ideal when national or political interests were involved.

To obtain a confession or information relevant to an investigation, the Inquisition used torture, but not in a systematic way. It could only be applied when all other options, witnesses and experts had been used, the accused was found guilty or most likely guilty, and relevant information regarding accomplices or specific details were missing. It was applied mainly against those suspected of Judaizing and Protestantism beginning in the 16th century, in other words, "enemies of the state", since said crimes were usually thought to be associated with a larger organized network of either espionage or conspiracy with foreign powers. For example, Lea estimates that between 1575 and 1610 the court of Toledo tortured approximately a third of those processed for Protestant heresy. The recently opened Vatican Archives suggest even lower numbers. In other periods, the proportions varied remarkably. Torture was always a means to obtain the confession of the accused, not a punishment itself.

Inquisition torture chamber. Mémoires Historiques (1716)

Torture was employed in all civil and religious trials in Europe. The Spanish Inquisition used it more restrictively than was common at the time. Its main differentiation characteristic was that, as opposed to both civil trials and other inquisitions, it had very strict regulations regarding when, what, to whom, how many times, for how long and under what supervision it could be applied. The Spanish inquisition engaged in it far less often and with greater care than other courts. In the civil court, both Spanish and otherwise, there was no restriction regarding duration or any other point.

When: Torture was allowed only: "when sufficient proofs to confirm the culpability of the accused have been gathered by other means, and every other method of negotiation have been tried and exhausted". It was stated by the inquisitorial rule that information obtained through torment was not reliable, and confession should only be extracted this way when all needed information was already known and proven. Confessions obtained through torture could not be used to convict or sentence anyone.

What: The Spanish Inquisition was prohibited to "maim, mutilate, draw blood or cause any sort of permanent damage" to the prisoner.[citation needed ] Ecclesiastical tribunals were prohibited by church law from shedding blood. There was a closed list of the allowed torture methods. These were all tried and used in the civil courts all through Europe, and therefore known to be "safe" in this regard. Any other method, regardless of whether it was legal in the country or practiced in civil courts, was not allowed.

How many times: Each accusation allowed for a different number of torment sessions on the same person (once the "when" condition of the culpability being supported by the strong external evidence was fulfilled). The number was dependent on how "harmful to society" the crime was. Counterfeit currency allowed for a maximum of two. The most serious offences allowed for a maximum of eight.

For how long: "Torment" could be applied for a maximum of 15 minutes. The Roman Inquisition allowed for 30 minutes.

Supervision: A Physician was usually available in case of emergency. It was also required for a doctor to certify that the prisoner was healthy enough to go through the torment without suffering harm.

Per contrast, European civil trials from England to Italy and from Spain to Russia could use, and did use, torture without justification and for as long as they considered. So much so that there were serious tensions between the Inquisition and Philip III, since the Inquisitors complained that "those people sent to the prisons of the King blasphemed and accused themselves of heresy just to be sent under the Inquisitorial jurisdiction instead of the King's" and that was collapsing the Inquisition's tribunals. During the reign of Philip IV there were registered complaints of the Inquisitors about people who "Blasphemated, mostly in winter, just to be detained and fed inside the prison".

Despite some popular accounts, modern historians state that torture was only ever used to confirm information or a confession, not for punitive reasons.

The inside of a jail of the Spanish Inquisition, with a priest supervising his scribe while men and women are suspended from pulleys, tortured on the rack or burnt with torches. Etching.

Rafael Sabatinni states that among the methods of torture allowed, and common in other secular and ecclesiastical tribunals, were garrucha, toca and the potro, even though those claims contradict both the Inquisitorial law and the claims made by Kamen. The application of the garrucha, also known as the strappado, consisted of suspending the victim from the ceiling by the wrists, which are tied behind the back. Sometimes weights were tied to the ankles, with a series of lifts and drops, during which the arms and legs suffered violent pulls and were sometimes dislocated.

The use of the toca (cloth), also called interrogatorio mejorado del agua (enhanced water interrogation), is better documented. It consisted of forcing the victim to ingest water poured from a jar so that they had the impression of drowning. The potro, the rack, in which the limbs were slowly pulled apart, was thought to be the instrument of torture used most frequently.

The assertion that confessionem esse veram, non factam vi tormentorum (literally: '[a person's] confession is truth, not made by way of torture') sometimes follows a description of how, after torture had ended, the subject freely confessed to the offences. Thus confessions following torture were deemed to be made of the confessor's free will, and hence valid.

Once the process concluded, the inquisidores met with a representative of the bishop and with the consultores (consultants), experts in theology or Canon Law (but not necessarily clergy themselves), which was called the consulta de fe (faith consultation/religion check). The case was voted and sentence pronounced, which had to be unanimous. In case of discrepancies, the Suprema had to be informed.

The results of the trial could be the following:

1. Although quite rare in actual practice, the defendant could be acquitted. Inquisitors did not wish to terminate the proceedings. If they did, and new evidence turned up later, they would be forced into reopening and re-presenting the old evidence.

2. The trial could be suspended, in which case the defendant, although under suspicion, went free (with the threat that the process could be continued at any time) or was held in long-term imprisonment until a trial commenced. When set free after a suspended trial it was considered a form of acquittal without specifying that the accusation had been erroneous.

3. The defendant could be penanced. Since they were considered guilty, they had to publicly abjure their crimes (de levi if it was a misdemeanor, and de vehementi if the crime were serious), and accept a public punishment. Among these were , exile, fines or even sentencing to service as oarsmen in royal galleys.

4. The defendant could be reconciled. In addition to the public ceremony in which the condemned was reconciled with the Catholic Church, more severe punishments were used, among them long sentences to jail or the galleys, plus the confiscation of all property. Physical punishments, such as whipping, were also used.

5. The most serious punishment was relaxation to the secular arm. The Inquisition had no power to actually kill the convict or determine the way they should die; that was a right of the King. Burning at the stake was a possibility, probably kept from the Papal Inquisition of Aragon, but a very uncommon one. This penalty was frequently applied to impenitent heretics and those who had relapsed. Execution was public. If the condemned repented, they were shown mercy by being garroted before their corpse was burned; if not, they were burned alive.

Frequently, cases were judged in absentia, and when the accused died before the trial finished, the condemned were burned in effigy.

The distribution of the punishments varied considerably over time. It is believed that sentences of death were enforced in the first stages within the long history of the Inquisition. According to García Cárcel, the court of Valencia, one of the most active, employed the death penalty in 40% of the convicts before 1530, but later that percentage dropped to 3%. By the middle of the 16th century, inquisition courts viewed torture as unnecessary and death sentences had become rare.

If the sentence was condemnatory, this implied that the condemned had to participate in the ceremony of an auto de fe (more commonly known in English as an auto-da-fé) that solemnized their return to the Church (in most cases), or punishment as an impenitent heretic. The autos-da-fé could be private ( auto particular) or public ( auto publico or auto general).

Although initially the public autos did not have any special solemnity nor sought a large attendance of spectators, with time they became solemn ceremonies, celebrated with large public crowds, amidst a festive atmosphere. The auto-da-fé eventually became a baroque spectacle, with staging meticulously calculated to cause the greatest effect among the spectators. The autos were conducted in a large public space (frequently in the largest plaza of the city), generally on holidays. The rituals related to the auto began the previous night (the "procession of the Green Cross") and sometimes lasted the whole day. The auto-da-fé frequently was taken to the canvas by painters: one of the better-known examples is the 1683 painting by Francisco Rizi, held by the Prado Museum in Madrid that represents the auto celebrated in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid on 30 June 1680. The last public auto-da-fé took place in 1691.

The auto-da-fé involved a Catholic Mass, prayer, a public procession of those found guilty, and a reading of their sentences. They took place in public squares or esplanades and lasted several hours; ecclesiastical and civil authorities attended. Artistic representations of the auto-da-fé usually depict torture and the burning at the stake. This type of activity never took place during an auto-da-fé, which was in essence a religious act. Torture was not administered after a trial concluded, and executions were always held after and separate from the auto-da-fé, though in the minds and experiences of observers and those undergoing the confession and execution, the separation of the two might be experienced as merely a technicality.

The first recorded auto-da-fé was held in Paris in 1242, during the reign of Louis IX. The first Spanish auto-da-fé did not take place until 1481 in Seville; six of the men and women subjected to this first religious ritual were later executed. The Inquisition had limited power in Portugal, having been established in 1536 and officially lasting until 1821, although its influence was much weakened with the government of the Marquis of Pombal in the second half of the 18th century. Autos-da-fé also took place in Mexico, Brazil and Peru: contemporary historians of the Conquistadors such as Bernal Díaz del Castillo record them. They also took place in the Portuguese colony of Goa, India, following the establishment of Inquisition there in 1562-1563.

Enlightenment era and the Inquisition's transformation

The arrival of the Enlightenment in Spain slowed inquisitorial activity. In the first half of the 18th century, 111 were condemned to be burned in person, and 117 in effigy, most of them for judaizing. In the reign of Philip V, there were 125 autos-da-fé, while in the reigns of Charles III and Charles IV only 44.

During the 18th century, the Inquisition changed: Enlightenment ideas were the closest threat that had to be fought. The main figures of the Spanish Enlightenment were in favour of the abolition of the Inquisition, and many were processed by the Holy Office, among them Olavide, in 1776; Iriarte, in 1779; and Jovellanos, in 1796; Jovellanos sent a report to Charles IV in which he indicated the inefficiency of the Inquisition's courts and the ignorance of those who operated them: "... friars who take [the position] only to obtain gossip and exemption from the choir; who are ignorant of foreign languages, who only know a little scholastic theology."

In its new role, the Inquisition tried to accentuate its function of censoring publications but found that Charles III had secularized censorship procedures, and, on many occasions, the authorization of the Council of Castile hit the more intransigent position of the Inquisition. Since the Inquisition itself was an arm of the state, being within the Council of Castile, civil rather than ecclesiastical censorship usually prevailed. This loss of influence can also be explained because the foreign Enlightenment texts entered the peninsula through prominent members of the nobility or government, influential people with whom it was very difficult to interfere. Thus, for example, Diderot's Encyclopedia entered Spain thanks to special licenses granted by the king.

After the French Revolution the Council of Castile, fearing that revolutionary ideas would penetrate Spain's borders, decided to reactivate the Holy Office that was directly charged with the persecution of French works. An Inquisition edict of December 1789, that received the full approval of Charles IV and Floridablanca, stated that:

having news that several books have been scattered and promoted in these kingdoms... that, without being contented with the simple narration events of a seditious nature... seem to form a theoretical and practical code of independence from the legitimate powers.... destroying in this way the political and social order... the reading of thirty and nine French works is prohibited, under fine...

The fight from within against the Inquisition was almost always clandestine. The first texts that questioned the Inquisition and praised the ideas of Voltaire or Montesquieu appeared in 1759. After the suspension of pre-publication censorship on the part of the Council of Castile in 1785, the newspaper began the publication of protests against the activities of the Holy Office by means of a rationalist critique. Valentin de Foronda published Espíritu de los Mejores Diarios, a plea in favour of freedom of expression that was avidly read in the salons. Also, in the same vein, Manuel de Aguirre wrote On Toleration in El Censor, El Correo de los Ciegos and El Diario de Madrid.

During the reign of Charles IV of Spain (1788-1808), in spite of the fears that the French Revolution provoked, several events accelerated the decline of the Inquisition. The state stopped being a mere social organizer and began to worry about the well-being of the public. As a result, the land-holding power of the Church was reconsidered, in the señoríos and more generally in the accumulated wealth that had prevented social progress. The power of the throne increased, under which Enlightenment thinkers found better protection for their ideas. Manuel Godoy and Antonio Alcalá Galiano were openly hostile to an institution whose only role had been reduced to censorship and was the very embodiment of the Spanish Black Legend, internationally, and was not suitable to the political interests of the moment:

The Inquisition? Its old power no longer exists: the horrible authority that this bloodthirsty court had exerted in other times was reduced... the Holy Office had come to be a species of commission for book censorship, nothing more...

The Inquisition was first abolished during the domination of Napoleon and the reign of Joseph Bonaparte (1808-1812). In 1813, the liberal deputies of the Cortes of Cádiz also obtained its abolition, largely as a result of the Holy Office's condemnation of the popular revolt against French invasion. But the Inquisition was reconstituted when Ferdinand VII recovered the throne on 1 July 1814. Juan Antonio Llorente, who had been the Inquisition's general secretary in 1789, became a Bonapartist and published a critical history in 1817 from his French exile, based on his privileged access to its archives.

Possibly as a result of Llorente's criticisms, the Inquisition was once again temporarily abolished during the three-year Liberal interlude known as the Trienio liberal, but still the old system had not yet had its last gasp. Later, during the period known as the Ominous Decade, the Inquisition was not formally re-established, although, de facto, it returned under the so-called Congregation of the Meetings of Faith, tolerated in the dioceses by King Ferdinand. On 26 July 1826, the "Meetings of Faith" Congregation condemned and executed the school teacher Cayetano Ripoll, who thus became the last person known to be executed by the Inquisition.

On that day, Ripoll was hanged in Valencia, for having taught deist principles. This execution occurred against the backdrop of a European-wide scandal concerning the despotic attitudes still prevailing in Spain. Finally, on 15 July 1834, the Spanish Inquisition was definitively abolished by a Royal Decree signed by regent Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies, Ferdinand VII's liberal widow, during the minority of Isabella II and with the approval of the President of the Cabinet Francisco Martínez de la Rosa.

The Alhambra Decree that had expelled the Jews was formally rescinded on 16 December 1968 by the Spanish dictator, Francisco Franco, after the Second Vatican Council rejected the idea that Jews are deicides.

The prohibitions, persecution and eventual Jewish mass emigration from Spain and Portugal probably had adverse effects on the development of the Spanish and the Portuguese economy. Jews and Non-Catholic Christians reportedly had substantially better numerical skills than the Catholic majority, which might be due to the Jewish religious doctrine, which focused strongly on education. Even when Jews were forced to quit their highly skilled urban occupations, their numeracy advantage persisted. However, during the inquisition, spillover-effects of these skills were rare because of forced separation and Jewish emigration, which was detrimental for economic development.

It is unknown exactly how much wealth was confiscated from converted Jews and others tried by the Inquisition. Wealth confiscated in one year of persecution in the small town of Guadaloupe paid the costs of building a royal residence. There are numerous records of the opinion of ordinary Spaniards of the time that "the Inquisition was devised simply to rob people". "They were burnt only for the money they had", a resident of Cuenca averred. "They burn only the well-off", said another. In 1504 an accused stated, "only the rich were burnt". In 1484 Catalina de Zamora was accused of asserting that "this Inquisition that the fathers are carrying out is as much for taking property from the conversos as for defending the faith. It is the goods that are the heretics." This saying passed into common usage in Spain. In 1524 a treasurer informed Charles V that his predecessor had received ten million ducats from the conversos, but the figure is unverified. In 1592 an inquisitor admitted that most of the fifty women he arrested were rich. In 1676, the Suprema claimed it had confiscated over 700,000 ducats for the royal treasury (which was paid money only after the Inquisition's own budget, amounting in one known case to only 5%). The property on Mallorca alone in 1678 was worth "well over 2,500,000 ducats".

García Cárcel estimates that the total number prosecuted by the Inquisition throughout its history was approximately 150,000; applying the percentages of executions that appeared in the trials of 1560-1700-about 2%-the approximate total would be about 3,000 put to death. Nevertheless, some authors consider that the toll may have been higher, keeping in mind the data provided by Dedieu and García Cárcel for the tribunals of Toledo and Valencia, respectively, and estimate between 3,000 and 5,000 were executed. Other authors disagree and estimate a max death toll between 1% and 5%, (depending on the time span used) combining all the processes the inquisition carried, both religious and non-religious ones. In either case, this is significantly lower than the number of people executed exclusively for witchcraft in other parts of Europe during about the same time span as the Spanish Inquisition (estimated at c. 40,000-60,000).

Modern historians have begun to study the documentary records of the Inquisition. The archives of the Suprema, today held by the National Historical Archive of Spain (Archivo Histórico Nacional), conserves the annual relations of all processes between 1540 and 1700. This material provides information for approximately 44,674 judgments. These 44,674 cases include 826 executions in persona and 778 in effigie (i.e. an effigy was burned). This material is far from being complete-for example, the tribunal of Cuenca is entirely omitted, because no relaciones de causas from this tribunal have been found, and significant gaps concern some other tribunals (e.g., Valladolid). Many more cases not reported to the Suprema are known from the other sources (i.e., no relaciones de causas from Cuenca have been found, but its original records have been preserved), but were not included in Contreras-Henningsen's statistics for the methodological reasons. William Monter estimates 1000 executions between 1530 and 1630 and 250 between 1630 and 1730.

The archives of the Suprema only provide information about processes prior to 1560. To study the processes themselves, it is necessary to examine the archives of the local tribunals, the majority of which have been lost to the devastation of war, the ravages of time or other events. Some archives have survived including those of Toledo, where 12,000 were judged for offences related to heresy, mainly minor "blasphemy", and those of Valencia. These indicate that the Inquisition was most active in the period between 1480 and 1530 and that during this period the percentage condemned to death was much more significant than in the years that followed. Modern estimates show approximately 2,000 executions in persona in the whole of Spain up to 1530.

Statistics for the period 1540-1700

The statistics of Henningsen and Contreras are based entirely on relaciones de causas. The number of years for which cases are documented varies for different tribunals. Data for the Aragonese Secretariat are probably complete, some small lacunae may concern only Valencia and possibly Sardinia and Cartagena, but the numbers for Castilian Secretariat-except Canaries and Galicia-should be considered as minimal due to gaps in the documentation. In some cases it is remarked that the number does not concern the whole period 1540-1700.

Table of sentences pronounced in the public autos da fe in Spain (excluding tribunals in Sicily, Sardinia and Latin America) between 1701 and 1746:

Author Toby Green notes that the great unchecked power given to inquisitors meant that they were "widely seen as above the law" and sometimes had motives for imprisoning and sometimes executing alleged offenders other than for the purpose of punishing religious nonconformity, mainly in Hispanoamerica and Iberoamerica.

Green quotes a complaint by historian Manuel Barrios about one Inquisitor, Diego Rodriguez Lucero, who in Cordoba in 1506 burned to death the husbands of two different women he then kept as mistresses. According to Barrios

the daughter of Diego Celemin was exceptionally beautiful, her parents and her husband did not want to give her to [Lucero], and so Lucero had the three of them burnt and now has a child by her, and he has kept for a long time in the alcazar as a mistress.

Defenders of the Inquisition discrediting with Green are many and seem to be the growing trend in current scholarship. These authors do not necessarily deny the abuses of power but classify them as politically instigated and comparable to those of any other law enforcement body of the period. Criticisms, usually indirect, have gone from the suspiciously sexual overtones or similarities of these accounts with unrelated older antisemitic accounts of kidnap and torture, to the clear proofs of control that the king had over the institution, to the sources used by Green, or just by reaching completely different conclusions.

According to a 2021 study, "municipalities of Spain with a history of a stronger inquisitorial presence show lower economic performance, educational attainment, and trust today."

How historians and commentators have viewed the Spanish Inquisition has changed over time and continues to be a source of controversy. Before and during the 19th-century historical interest focused on who was being persecuted. In the early and mid 20th century, historians examined the specifics of what happened and how it influenced Spanish history. In the later 20th and 21st century, historians have re-examined how severe the Inquisition really was, calling into question some of the assumptions made in earlier periods.

Before the rise of professional historians in the 19th century, the Spanish Inquisition had largely been portrayed by Protestant scholars who saw it as the archetypal symbol of Catholic intolerance and ecclesiastical power. The Spanish Inquisition for them was largely associated with the persecution of Protestants, or inexplicably, of witches. William H. Prescott described the Inquisition as an "eye that never slumbered". Despite the existence of extensive documentation regarding the trials and procedures, and to the Inquisition's deep bureaucratization, none of these sources was studied outside of Spain, and Spanish scholars arguing against the predominant view were automatically dismissed. The 19th-century professional historians, including the Spanish scholar Amador de los Ríos, were the first to successfully challenge this perception in the international sphere and get foreign scholars to take note of their discoveries. Said scholars would obtain international recognition and start a period of revision on the Black Legend of the Spanish Inquisition.

At the start of the 20th century Henry Charles Lea published the groundbreaking History of the Inquisition in Spain. This influential work describes the Spanish Inquisition as "an engine of immense power, constantly applied for the furtherance of obscurantism, the repression of thought, the exclusion of foreign ideas and the obstruction of progress." Lea documented the Inquisition's methods and modes of operation in no uncertain terms, calling it "theocratic absolutism" at its worst. In the context of the polarization between Protestants and Catholics during the second half of the 19th century, some of Lea's contemporaries, as well as most modern scholars thought Lea's work had an anti-Catholic bias.

Starting in the 1920s, Jewish scholars picked up where Lea's work left off. They published Yitzhak Baer's History of the Jews in Christian Spain, Cecil Roth's History of the Marranos and, after World War II, the work of Haim Beinart, who for the first time published trial transcripts of cases involving conversos.

Contemporary historians who subscribe to the idea that the image of the Inquisition in historiography has been systematically deformed by the Black Legend include Edward Peters, Philip Wayne Powell, William S. Maltby, Richard Kagan, Margaret R. Greer, Helen Rawlings, Ronnie Hsia, Lu Ann Homza, Stanley G. Payne, Andrea Donofrio, Irene Silverblatt, Christopher Schmidt-Nowara, Charles Gibson, and Joseph Pérez. Contemporary historians who support the traditional view and deny the existence of a Black Legend include Toby Green. Contemporary historians who partially accept an impact of the Black Legend but deny other aspects of the hypothesis it includes Henry Kamen, David Nirenberg and Karen Armstrong.

The works of Juderias in (1913) and other Spanish scholars prior to him were mostly ignored by international scholarship until 1960.

One of the first books to build on them and internationally challenge the classical view was The Spanish Inquisition (1965) by Henry Kamen. Kamen argued that the Inquisition was not nearly as cruel or as powerful as commonly believed. The book was very influential and largely responsible for subsequent studies in the 1970s to try to quantify (from archival records) the Inquisition's activities from 1480 to 1834. Those studies showed there was an initial burst of activity against conversos suspected of relapsing into Judaism, and a mid-16th century pursuit of Protestants, but the Inquisition served principally as a forum Spaniards occasionally used to humiliate and punish people they did not like: blasphemers, bigamists, foreigners and, in Aragon, homosexuals, and horse smugglers. Kamen went on to publish two more books in 1985 and 2006 that incorporated new findings, further supporting the view that the Inquisition was not as bad as once described by Lea and others. Along similar lines is Edward Peters's Inquisition (1988).

One of the most important works about the inquisition's relation to the Jewish conversos or New Christians is The Origins of the Inquisition in Fifteenth-Century Spain (1995/2002) by Benzion Netanyahu. It challenges the view that most conversos were actually practicing Judaism in secret and were persecuted for their crypto-Judaism. Rather, according to Netanyahu, the persecution was fundamentally racial, and was a matter of envy of their success in Spanish society. This view has been challenged multiple times, and with some reasonable divergences the majority of historians either align with religious causes or with merely cultural ones, with no significant racial element.

There was no remedy, from Los Caprichos, 1797-98, by Francisco de Goya.

The literature of the 18th century approaches the theme of the Inquisition from a critical point of view. In by Voltaire, the Inquisition appears as the epitome of intolerance and arbitrary justice in Europe.

During the Romantic Period, the Gothic novel, which was primarily a genre developed in Protestant countries, frequently associated Catholicism with terror and repression. This vision of the Spanish Inquisition appears in, among other works, (1796) by Matthew Gregory Lewis (set in Madrid during the Inquisition, but can be seen as commenting on the French Revolution and the Terror); Melmoth the Wanderer (1820) by Charles Robert Maturin and The Manuscript Found in Saragossa by Jan Potocki.

The literature of the 19th century tends to focus on the element of torture employed by the Inquisition. In France, in the early 19th century, the epistolary novel Cornelia Bororquia, or the Victim of the Inquisition, which has been attributed to Spaniard Luiz Gutiérrez, and is based on the case of María de Bohórquez, ferociously criticizes the Inquisition and its representatives. The Inquisition also appears in one of the chapters of the novel The Brothers Karamazov (1880) by Fyodor Dostoevsky, which imagines an encounter between Jesus and the Inquisitor General. One of the best-known stories of Edgar Allan Poe, " The Pit and the Pendulum", explores the use of torture by the Inquisition.

The Inquisition also appears in 20th-century literature. La Gesta del Marrano, by the Argentine author Marcos Aguinis, portrays the length of the Inquisition's arm to reach people in Argentina during the 16th and 17th centuries. The first book in Les Daniels' "Don Sebastian Vampire Chronicles", The Black Castle (1978), is set in 15th-century Spain and includes both descriptions of Inquisitorial questioning and an auto-da-fé, as well as Tomás de Torquemada, who is featured in one chapter. The Marvel Comics series Marvel 1602 shows the Inquisition targeting Mutants for "blasphemy". The character Magneto also appears as the Grand Inquisitor. The Captain Alatriste novels by the Spanish writer Arturo Pérez-Reverte are set in the early 17th century. The second novel, Purity of Blood, has the narrator being tortured by the Inquisition and describes an auto-da-fé. Carme Riera's novella, published in 1994, Dins el Darrer Blau ( In the Last Blue) is set during the repression of the chuetas ( conversos from Majorca) at the end of the 17th century. In 1998, the Spanish writer Miguel Delibes published the historical novel The Heretic, about the Protestants of Valladolid and their repression by the Inquisition. Samuel Shellabarger's Captain from Castile deals directly with the Spanish Inquisition during the first part of the novel.

In the novel La Catedral del Mar by Ildefonso Falcones, published in 2006 and set in the 14th century, there are scenes of inquisition investigations in small towns and a great scene in Barcelona.

The 1947 epic Captain from Castile by Darryl F. Zanuck, starring Tyrone Power, uses the Inquisition as the major plot point of the film. It tells how powerful families used their evils to ruin their rivals. The first part of the film shows this and the reach of the Inquisition reoccurs throughout this movie following Pedro De Vargas (played by Power) even to the 'New World'.

The Spanish Inquisition segment of the 1981 Mel Brooks movie History of the World Part I is a comedic musical performance based on the activities of the first Inquisitor General of Spain, Tomás de Torquemada.

The film The Fountain (2006), by Darren Aronofsky, features the Spanish Inquisition as part of a plot in 1500 when the Grand Inquisitor threatens Queen Isabella's life.

Goya's Ghosts (2006) by Miloš Forman is set in Spain between 1792 and 1809 and focuses realistically on the role of the Inquisition and its end under Napoleon's rule.

The film Assassin's Creed (2016) by Justin Kurzel, starring Michael Fassbender, is set in both modern times and Spain during the Inquisition. The film follows Callum Lynch (played by Fassbender) as he is forced to relive the memories of his ancestor, Aguilar de Nerha (also played by Fassbender), an Assassin during the Spanish Inquisition.

The Pit and the Pendulum (Roger Corman, 1961).

(Pedro Olea, 1984), a film, about the Logroño trial of the Zugarramurdi witches.

Tomás de Torquemada is portrayed in 1492: The Conquest of Paradise (1992)

The Grand Inquisitor of Spain plays a part in (1867), a play by Friedrich Schiller (which was the basis for the opera in five acts by Giuseppe Verdi, in which the Inquisitor is also featured, and the third act is dedicated to an auto-da-fé).

The 1965 musical Man of La Mancha depicts a fictionalized account of the author Miguel de Cervantes' run-in with Spanish authorities. The character of Cervantes produces a play-within-a-play of his unfinished manuscript, Don Quixote, while he awaits sentencing by the Inquisition.

In the Monty Python comedy team's Spanish Inquisition sketches, an inept Inquisitor group repeatedly bursts into scenes after someone utters the words "I didn't expect to find a Spanish Inquisition", screaming "Nobody expects the Spanish Inquisition!" The Inquisition then uses ineffectual forms of torture, including a dish-drying rack, soft cushions and a comfy chair.

The Spanish Inquisition features as a main plotline element of the 2009 video game Assassin's Creed II: Discovery.

The Universe of Warhammer 40,000 borrows several elements and concepts of the Catholic church Imaginarium, including the notion of the Black Legend's ideal of a fanatic Inquisitors, for some of its troops in Warhammer 40,000: Inquisitor - Martyr.

The video game Blasphemous portrays a nightmarish version of the Spanish Inquisition, where the protagonist, named 'The Penitent one' wears a capirote (cone-shaped hat). The Penitent one battles twisted religious iconography and meets many characters attempting to atone for their sins along the way.

1. ^ Data for executions for witchcraft: Levack, Brian P. (199). The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe (2nd ed.). London and New York: Longman. ISBN 978-0582080690. OCLC 30154582. And see Witch trials in Early Modern Europe for more detail.

2. ^ Splendiani, Ana María (1997). Cincuenta años de la inquisición en el Tribunal de Cartagena de Indias. p. 86. the American Inquisition was never involved in the conversion and evangelisation of the Indians, as they were outside its jurisdiction from the very promulgation of the edicts founding the American courts.

3. Hans-Jürgen Prien (2012). Christianity in Latin America: Revised and Expanded Edition. Brill. p. 11. ISBN 978-90-04-22262-5.

4. Letter of Hasdai Crescas, Shevaṭ Yehudah by Solomon ibn Verga (ed. Dr. M. Wiener), Hannover 1855, pp. 128-130 (pp. 138-140 in PDF); Fritz Kobler, Letters of the Jews through the Ages, London 1952, pp. 272-275; Mitre Fernández, Emilio (1994). Secretariado de Publicaciones e Intercambio Editorial (ed.). Los judíos de Castilla en tiempo de Enrique III : el pogrom de 1391 [The Castilian Jews at the time of Henry III: the 1391 pogrom] (in Spanish). Valladolid University. ISBN 978-84-7762-449-3.; Solomon ibn Verga, Shevaṭ Yehudah (The Sceptre of Judah), Lvov 1846, p. 76 in PDF.

5. Letter from ^ Hasdai Crescas to the congregations of Avignon, published as an appendix to Wiener's edition of Shevaṭ Yehudah of Solomon ibn Verga, in which he names the Jewish communities affected by the persecution of 1391. See pp. 138-140 in PDF (Hebrew); Fritz Kobler, Letters of the Jews through the Ages, London 1952, pp. 272-275.

6. ^ Solomon ibn Verga, Shevaṭ Yehudah (The Sceptre of Judah), Lvov 1846, pp. 41 (end) - 42 in PDF); Kamen (1998), p. 17. Kamen cites approximate numbers for Valencia (250) and Barcelona (400), but no solid data about Córdoba.

7. According to Gedaliah Ibn Yechia, these disturbances were caused by a malicious report spread about the Jews. See: ^ Gedaliah Ibn Yechia, Shalshelet Ha-Kabbalah Jerusalem 1962, p. רסח, in PDF p. 277 (top) (Hebrew); Solomon ibn Verga, Shevat Yehudah, Lvov 1846 (p. 76 in PDF) (Hebrew).

8. Notably Bishop ^ Pablo de Santa Maria, author of Scrutinium Scripturarum, Jeronimo de Santa Fe (Hebraomastix) and Pedro de la Caballeria (Zelus Christi contra Judaeos). All three were conversos. (Kamen (1998), p. 39).

9. Notably the ^ Libro verde de Aragon and Tizón de la nobleza de España (cited in Kamen (1998), p. 38).

10. ^ Pérez, Joseph (2005). The Spanish Inquisition: A History. Yale University Press.

11. ^ Elvira, Roca Barea María, and Arcadi Espada. Imperiofobia Y Leyenda Negra: Roma, Rusia, Estados Unidos Y El Imperio Español. Madrid: Siruela, 2017

12. ^ González, Óscar (2009). El Rey Y El Papa: Política Y Diplomacia En Los Albores Del Renacimiento (Castilla En El Siglo XV). Sílex.

13. The Marranos of Spain. From the late XIVth to the early XVIth Century, 1966. Ithaca, 1999

14. ^ The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. "Spanish Inquisition Timeline". Encyclopaedia Britannica.

15. ^ Archbishop Arnold H. Mathew, The Life and Times of Rodrigo Borgia, pp. 52-53. Quote: "Isabella's Confessor, Torquemada, had imbued her with the idea that the suppression of all heresy within her realms was a sacred duty. She had, therefore, in November 1478, obtained a bull from the Pope, Sixtus IV., for the establishment of the Inquisition in Castile. Many modern writers have sought to reduce her share in the introduction of this terrible institution, but it must be remembered that Isabella herself probably considered it a meritorious action to punish with inhuman barbarity those whom she looked upon as the enemies of the Almighty. In 1480, two Dominicans were appointed by her, as Inquisitors, to set up their tribunal at Seville. Before the end of the year 1481, 2,000 victims were burned alive in Andalusia alone. The Pope himself became alarmed and threatened to withdraw the bull, but Ferdinand intimated that he would make the Inquisition altogether an independent tribunal. This it became later for all practical purposes, and its iniquitous proceedings continued unchecked."

16. ^ Murphy, Cullen (2012). God's jury : the Inquisition and the making of the modern world. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 75. ISBN 978-0-618-09156-0.

17. Trevor J. Dadson: ^ The Assimilation of Spain's Moriscos: Fiction or Reality? Archived 12 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine. Journal of Levantine Studies, vol. 1, no. 2, Winter 2011, pp. 11-30

18. ^ Boase, Roger (4 April 2002). "The Muslim Expulsion from Spain". History Today. 52 (4). The majority of those permanently expelled settling in the Maghreb or Barbary Coast, especially in Oran, Tunis, Tlemcen, Tetuán, Rabat and Salé. Many travelled overland to France, but after the assassination of Henry of Navarre by Ravaillac in May 1610, they were forced to emigrate to Italy, Sicily or Constantinople.

19. ^ Adams, Susan M.; Bosch, Elena; Balaresque, Patricia L.; Ballereau, Stéphane J.; Lee, Andrew C.; Arroyo, Eduardo; López-Parra, Ana M.; Aler, Mercedes; Grifo, Marina S. Gisbert; Brion, Maria; Carracedo, Angel; Lavinha, João; Martínez-Jarreta, Begoña; Quintana-Murci, Lluis; Picornell, Antònia; Ramon, Misericordia; Skorecki, Karl; Behar, Doron M.; Calafell, Francesc; Jobling, Mark A. (December 2008). "The Genetic Legacy of Religious Diversity and Intolerance: Paternal Lineages of Christians, Jews, and Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula". The American Journal of Human Genetics. 83 (6): 725-736. doi:10.1016/j.ajhg.2008.11.007. PMC . PMID 19061982.

20. ^ Vínculos Historia: The Moriscos who remained. The permanence of Islamic origin population in Early Modern Spain: Kingdom of Granada, XVII-XVIII centuries (In Spanish)

21. ^ Kamen (1998), p. 99 gives the figure of about 100 executions for heresy of any kind between 1559 and 1566. He compares these figures with those condemned to death in other European countries during the same period, concluding that in similar periods England, under Mary Tudor, executed about twice as many for heresy: in France, three times the number, and ten times as many in the Low Countries.

22. William R. Denslow, Harry S. Truman: 10,000 Famous Freemasons, ISBN 1-4179-7579-2.

23. ^ Bleiberg, Germán; Ihrie, Maureen; Pérez, Janet (1993). Dictionary of the Literature of the Iberian Peninsula. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 374-. ISBN 978-0-313-28731-2.

24. ^ Walkley, Clive (2010). Juan Esquivel: A Master of Sacred Music During the Spanish Golden Age. Boydell & Brewer. pp. 7-. ISBN 978-1-84383-587-5.

25. Statistics are not available for Spanish oarsmen, but the general state of Mediterranean oared galleys circa 1570 was grim; cf. ^ Crowley, Roger (2009). Empires of the sea: The siege of Malta, the battle of Lepanto, and the contest for the center of the world. New York: Random House Trade Paperbacks. pp. 77-78. ISBN 978-0-8129-77646.: "... galley slaves led lives bitter and short. ... One way or another the oared galley consumed men like fuel. Each dying wretch dumped overboard had to be replaced-and there were never enough."

26. ^ Cc̀eres, Fernando (2007). Estudios Sobre Cultura, Guerra Y Polt̕ica En La Corona De Castilla [Studies Over War Culture and Politics in the Kingdom of Castile]. Editorial Csic Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientf̕icas. siglos xiv-xvii.

27. ^ Kaler, Amy (1998). Fertility, Gender and War: The culture of contraception. University of Minnesota Press.

28. Bethencourt, Francisco. La Inquisición En La Época Moderna: España, Portugal E Italia, Siglos xv-xix. Madrid: Akal, 1997.

29. Haliczer, Stephen, Inquisition and society in the kingdom of Valencia, 1478-1834, p. 79, University of California Press, 1990

30. ^ Hassner, Ron E. (2020). "The Cost of Torture: Evidence from the Spanish Inquisition". Security Studies. 29 (3): 457-492. doi:10.1080/09636412.2020.1761441. ISSN 0963-6412. S2CID 219405563.

31. Church properties, in general, and those of the Holy Office in particular, occupied large tracts of today's ^ Castile and León, Extremadura and Andalucia. The properties were given under feudal terms to farmers or to localities who used them as community property with many restrictions, owing a part of the rent, generally in cash, to the church.

32. ^ Juif, Dácil; Baten, Joerg; Pérez-Artés, Mari Carmen (2020). "Numeracy of Religious Minorities in Spain and Portugal During the Inquisition Era". The Revista de Historia Económica - Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History. 38: 147-184. doi:10.1017/S021261091900034X. hdl:10016/36127. S2CID 214199340.

33. For full account see: Gustav Henningsen, ^ The Database of the Spanish Inquisition. The relaciones de causas project revisited, in: Heinz Mohnhaupt, Dieter Simon, Vorträge zur Justizforschung, Vittorio Klostermann, 1992, pp. 43-85.

34. Henningsen, The Database of the Spanish Inquisition, p. 84.

35. Henningsen, The Database of the Spanish Inquisition, p. 58.

36. See H. Ch. Lea, ^ The Inquisition in the Spanish Dependencies, London 1922, pp. 204 ff. and The Catholic Encyclopedia: Mexico.

37. One burned in 1567 (E. Schäffer, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Spanischen Protestantismus, Bd. 2, Gütersloh 1902, pp. 41-42), 13 in the period 1570-1625 (W. Monter, ^ Frontiers of heresy, p. 48), 5 burned in 1627, another 5 burned in 1655 (Kamen (2005), p. 266) and 3 burned alive in 1665 (Miriam Bodian, Dying in the law of Moses: crypto-Jewish martyrdom in the Iberian world, Indiana University Press 2007, p. 219).

38. Four burned between 1553 and 1558 (W. Monter, ^ Frontiers of heresy, pp. 37-38 n. 22), one in 1561 (W. Monter, Frontiers of heresy, p. 233), 19 others in the period 1570-1625 (W. Monter, Frontiers of heresy, p. 48) and 10 burned in 1654 (Heinrich Graetz, History of the Jews, Vol. V, 2009, p. 91).

39. This number includes 7 persons burned ca. 1545 (H. Ch. Lea, ^ History of the Inquisition of Spain, New York 1907, vol. III, p. 189), 9 persons burned in 1550-52 (Flora García Ivars, La represión en el tribunal inquisitorial de Granada, 1550-1819, ed. Akal, 1991, p. 194), 14 persons burned in the 1560s. (W. Monter, p. 44, 233), 24 burned between 1570 and 1625 (W. Monter, p. 48), 12 burned in 1654 (Heinrich Graetz, History of the Jews, Vol. V, 2009, p. 92) and 6 burned in 1672 (A. J. Saraiva, H. P. Salomon, I. S. D. Sassoon: The Marrano Factory: The Portuguese Inquisition and Its New Christians 1536-1765. Leiden, Boston, and Cologne: Brill, 2001, p. 217 n. 62).

40. This number includes 2 executions in the ^ auto-da-fé in 1545 (W.Monter, Frontiers of heresy, p. 38), 114 executions in the autos da fe between 1559 and 1660 (Victoria González de Caldas, Judíos o cristianos?, Universidad de Sevilla, 2000, p. 528) and 12 executions in the autos da fe between 1666 and 1695 (Consuelo Maqueda Abreu, El auto de fe, Madrid 1992, pp. 99-100).

41. 13 burned in the ^ autos da fe between 1555 and 1569 (E. Schäffer, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Spanischen Protestantismus, Bd. 2, Gütersloh 1902, p. 79-91.), 25 burned between 1570 and 1625 (W. Monter, p. 48), 2 burned between 1648 and 1699 (H. Ch. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain, vol. IV, New York 1907, p. 524; cf. Joaquín Pérez Villanueva & Bartolomé Escandell Bonet (ed.), Historia de la Inquisición en España y América, vol. 1, Madrid 1984, p. 1395), and 26 burned in two autos da fe in Madrid w 1632 and 1680 (H. Ch. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain, vol. III, New York 1907, p. 228).

42. This number includes 6 executions given by Henningsen and Contreras for the period 1620-1670 (Henningsen, ^ The Database of the Spanish Inquisition, pp. 58 and 65), 26 burned in two famous autos-da-fé in 1559 (W.Monter, Frontiers of heresy, pp. 41, 44),2 burned in 1561 (W. Monter, pp. 41, 44, 233),15 burned between 1562 and 1567 (E. Schäffer, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Spanischen Protestantismus, Bd. 3, Gütersloh 1902, p. 131) and 5 burned in 1691 (H. Ch. Lea, History of the Inquisition of Spain, New York 1907, vol. III, p. 197).

43. ^ Barrios, Manuel (1991). El Tribunal de la Inquisicion en Andalucia: Seleccion de Textos y Documentos. Seville: J. Rodriguez Castillejo S.A. p. 58.

44. ^ Drelichman, Mauricio; Vidal-Robert, Jordi; Voth, Hans-Joachim (2021). "The long-run effects of religious persecution: Evidence from the Spanish Inquisition". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 118 (33): e2022881118. Bibcode:2021PNAS..11822881D. doi:10.1073/pnas.2022881118. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC . PMID 34389666.

45. ^ "A Kinder, Gentler Inquisition", by Richard Kagan in The New York Times, 19 April 1998.

46. "Henry Charles Lea Papers - Biographical Sketch". Univ. of Penn. -Penn Special Collections. 11 January 2003.

47. ^ Van Hove, Brian (12 November 1996). "A New Industry: The Inquisition". Catholic.net. Archived from the original on 5 April 2007.

48. Vicente Ángel Álvarez Palenzuela. ^ Judíos y conversos en la España medieval. Estado de la cuestión (Jews and converts in medieval Spain. Estate of the matter). Universidad Autónoma de Madrid) eHumanista/Converso 4 (2015):156-191 It can be checked for free here.

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The Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition ( Spanish: Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición), commonly known as the Spanish Inquisition ( Inquisición española), was established in 1478 by the Catholic Monarchs, King Ferdinand II of Aragon and Queen Isabella I of Castile.

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Catharists

The Inquisition has its origins in the early organized persecution of non-Catholic Christian religions in Europe. In 1184 Pope Lucius III sent bishops to southern France to track down heretics called Catharists. These efforts continued into the 14th Century.

During the same period, the church also pursued the Waldensians in Germany and Northern Italy. In 1231, Pope Gregory charged the Dominican and Franciscan Orders to take over the job of tracking down heretics.

The Job of Inquisitors

Inquisitors would arrive in a town and announce their presence, giving citizens a chance to admit to heresy. Those who confessed received a punishment ranging from a pilgrimage to a whipping.

Those accused of heresy were forced to testify. If the heretic did not confess, torture and execution were inescapable. Heretics weren't allowed to face accusers, received no counsel and were often victims of false accusations.

Bernard Gui wrote the influential guidebook for Inquisitors called "Conduct of the Inquisition into Heretical Depravity" in the early 14th Century. Gui himself pronounced over 600 people guilty of heresy and was featured as a character in Umberto Eco's novel The Name of the Rose.

There were countless abuses of power. Count Raymond VII of Toulouse was known for burning heretics at the stake even though they had confessed. His successor, Count Alphonese, confiscated the lands of the accused to increase his riches.

In 1307, Inquisitors were involved in the mass arrest and tortures of 15,000 Knights Templar in France, resulting in dozens of executions. Joan of Arc, burned at the stake in 1431, is the most famous victim of this wing of the Inquisition.

Conversos

In the late 15th Century, King Ferdinand II and Queen Isabella of Spain believed corruption in the Spanish Catholic Church was caused by Jews who, to survive centuries of anti-Semitism, converted to Christianity.

Known as Conversos, they were viewed with suspicion by old powerful Christian families. Conversos were blamed for a plague and accused of poisoning peoples' water and abducting Christian boys.

Ferdinand and Isabella feared that even trusted Conversos were secretly practicing their old religion; the royal couple was also afraid of angering Christian subjects who demanded a harder line against Conversos-Christian support was crucial in an upcoming crusade against Muslims planned in Granada.

Ferdinand felt an Inquisition was the best way to fund that crusade, by seizing the wealth of heretic Conversos.

Torquemada

In 1478, under the influence of clergyman Tomas de Torquemada, the monarchs created the Tribunal of Castile to investigate heresy among Conversos. The effort focused on stronger Catholic education for Conversos, but by 1480, the Inquisition was formed.

That same year, Jews in Castile were forced into ghettos separated from Christians, and the Inquisition expanded to Seville. A mass exodus of Conversos followed.

In 1481, 20,000 Conversos confessed to heresy, hoping to avoid execution. Inquisitors decreed that their penitence required them to name other heretics. By the year's end, hundreds of Conversos were burned at the stake.

Spanish Inquisition

Hearing the complaints of Conversos who had fled to Rome, Pope Sextus proclaimed the Spanish Inquisition was too harsh and was wrongly accusing Conversos. In 1482 Sextus appointed a council to take command of the Inquisition.

Torquemada was named Inquisitor General and established courts across Spain. Torture became systemized and routinely used to elicit confessions.

Sentencing of confessed heretics was done in a public event called the Auto-da-Fe. All heretics wore a sackcloth with a single eyehole over their heads. Heretics who refused to confess were burned at the stake.

Sometimes people fought back against the Inquisition. In 1485, an Inquisitor died after being poisoned, and another Inquisitor was stabbed to death in a church. Torquemada managed to round up the assassins, burning at the stake 42 people in retaliation.

Torquemada's downfall came when he investigated members of the clergy for heresy. Complaints to Pope Alexander VI convinced him that Torquemada needed tempering. Torquemada was forced to share leadership with four other clergymen until he died in 1498.

Inquisitors General

Diego de Deza took over as Inquisitor General, escalating the hunt for heresy within cities and rounding up scores of accused heretics, including members of the nobility and local governments. Some were able to bribe their way out of imprisonment and death, reflecting the level of corruption under de Deza.

After Isabella's death in 1504, Ferdinand promoted Cardinal Gonzalo Ximenes de Cisneros, the head of the Spanish Catholic Church, to Inquisitor General. Ximenes had previously made a mark in Granada persecuting the Islamic Moors.

As Inquisitor General, Ximenes pursued Muslims into North Africa, encouraging Ferdinand to take military action. Upon seizing African towns, the Inquisition became established there. Ximenes was dismissed in 1517 after pleas from prominent Conversos, but the Inquisition was allowed to continue.

Roman Inquisition

Rome renewed its own Inquisition in 1542 when Pope Paul III created the Supreme Sacred Congregation of the Roman and Universal Inquisition to combat Protestant heresy. This Inquisition is best known for putting Galileo on trial in 1633.

In 1545, the Spanish Index was created, a list of European books considered heretical and forbidden in Spain, based on the Roman Inquisition's own Index Librorum Prohibitorum. In other nods to Rome's concerns, the Spanish Inquisition focused on the rising population of Spanish Protestants in the 1550s.

In 1556, Philip II ascended the Spanish throne. He had previously brought the Roman Inquisition to the Netherlands, where Lutherans were hunted down and burned at the stake.

Inquisition in the New World

As Spain expanded into the Americas, so did the Inquisition, established in Mexico in 1570. In 1574, Lutherans were burned at the stake there, and the Inquisition came to Peru, where Protestants were likewise tortured and burned alive.

In 1580 Spain and Portugal ruled jointly by the Spanish crown and began rounding up and slaughtering Jews that had fled Spain. Philip II also renewed hostilities against the Moors, who revolted and found themselves either killed or sold into slavery.

Philip II died in 1598 and his son, Philip III, dealt with the Muslim uprising by banishing them. From 1609 to 1615, 150,000 Muslims who had converted to Catholicism were forced out of Spain.

By the mid-1600s the Inquisition and Catholic dominance had become such an oppressive fact of daily life in Spanish territories that Protestants avoided those places altogether.

End of the Spanish Inquisition

In 1808, Napoleon conquered Spain and ordered the Inquisition there to be abolished.

After Napoleon's defeat in 1814, Ferdinand VII worked to reinstate the Inquisition but was ultimately prevented by the French government, which helped Ferdinand overcome a fierce rebellion. Part of the agreement with France was to dismantle the Inquisition, which was defunct by 1834.

The last person to be executed by the Inquisition was Cayetano Ripoll, a Spanish schoolmaster hanged for heresy in 1826.

The Supreme Sacred Congregation of the Roman and Universal Inquisition still exists, though changed its name a couple of times. It is currently called the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith.

Sources

God's Jury: The Inquisition and the Making of the Modern World. Cullen Murphy.
Inquisito. University of Notre Dame.
The Spanish Inquisition. Cecil Roth.

Fact Check

We strive for accuracy and fairness. But if you see something that doesn't look right, click here to contact us! HISTORY reviews and updates its content regularly to ensure it is complete and accurate.

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The Inquisition has its origins in the early organized persecution of non-Catholic Christian religions in Europe. In 1184 Pope Lucius III sent bishops to southern France to track down heretics called Catharists. These efforts continued into the 14th Century. During the same period, the church also pursued the Waldensians in Germany and Northern Italy.

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Article on racism in Japan from The Japan Times. Content warning: racial slurs.

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Recent events continue to suggest that discussions of racism in Japan typically prove problematic. This is largely because those discussions typically present it as a "uniquely" Western phenomenon, a matter of black and white or white and nonwhite, from which a mythic "uniquely monoracial" Japan has been spared.

Rather, when the issue is broached, as it was recently following controversies provoked by blackface performances, it is dismissed as arising from Japanese racial naivete. And while a conscious antipathy may not motivate some of these acts, a more insidious implicit bias remains.

A recent study of implicit bias by Matsumoto University psychologist Kazuo Mori notes that Japanese have an implicit bias against blacks, concluding that "Japanese participants showed an implicit preference for 'white people' over 'black people.' " Mori suggests that this bias may be the product of the "media in which whites are used 'for delivering a good message.' "

In a letter to The Japan Times last month, a reader complained of racial profiling at Chubu Centrair International Airport's arrival area where, while waiting to greet an older relative with his 4-year-old son, he was approached by airport police, the fourth time out of six trips to the airport. Of 40 people in the area, it was only they, two conspicuous non-Japanese, who were singled out.

Those who have attempted to dismantle the myth of a racism-free Japan have usually faced harsh criticism. U.N. Special Rapporteur Doudou Diene's 2006 report on racism and ethnic discrimination in Japan was largely ignored by the Japanese media and severely criticized by right-wing commentators.

Perhaps, as his critics asserted, nine days was too short a period to accurately assess the problem. Yet, whatever its putative flaws, Diene attempted to accomplish something that the Japanese government had long refused to do.

When 11 years later the Justice Ministry released its first-ever nationwide survey of racial and ethnic discrimination in Japan, it reported that 30 percent of non-Japanese respondents (the majority ethnic Koreans and Chinese residents) reported they had been the target of discriminatory speech. Over 40 percent reported they had been the victims of housing discrimination.

Not all racial/ethnic bias is implicit, however. Indeed, if the Japanese government - or anyone else for that matter - wants to know about explicit racism in Japan, all it need do is surf the internet or turn to the Cabinet Office's own online forum, the now defunct Government Monitoring System (GMS), which until disbanded in 2017 had no problem posting hate-filled comments, many calling for the expulsion of ethnic minorities and foreigners.

Despite a disclaimer that it would not publish user comments deemed "slanderous and discriminatory," it continued to do so on the grounds that it had to "respect the opinions of users," a decision that speaks volumes about the seriousness with which it treated hate speech and the proclivities of its users.

Although Japan has been a signatory to of the United Nations International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination since 1995, it - like the United States, another bastion of venomous racial invective and resentment - does not criminalize hate speech. The Japanese government rationalizes its own inaction on the grounds that racial discrimination in "racially homogeneous" Japan is so minimal that legal action to combat it is unnecessary.

For its part, the Justice Ministry has argued that such statements as " sokoku e kaere " that urge non-Japanese or persons thought not to be sufficiently Japanese (often despite their actual nationality) to return to their "homeland" do not constitute hate speech. Yet the ministry's own home page displays both "Stop! Hate Speech" posters and a YouTube video on the matter that define hate speech as words that "call for the expulsion from Japan or killing of persons from a specific country."

Apparently, the Cabinet Office did not get the memo, though as the Moritomo Gakuen, Kake Gakuen and Ground Self-Defense Force mission logs scandals have proven, Japan's ministries have an uncanny penchant for not keeping track of their documents.

The problem, however, is not confined to the GMS. Social networking services and online forums are also rife with racist and xenophobic vitriol, and any criticism of Japan and the current administration is likely to result in their critics being accused of being "anti-Japan Japanese," foreign agents and terrorists.

Ironically, such discriminatory trolling is often, well, indiscriminate. Hatred for one group coalesces into a putrid miasma of disdain aimed at any and all groups that are non-Japanese, or as the case may be, "insufficiently Japanese." Consider the case of Ariana Miyamoto, a hāfu (biracial) whose selection as Miss Universe Japan in 2015 prompted a tsunami of online nastiness, raising issues of not only Japan's racial complexes but also of its contempt for a wide range of others.

Among the comments: "Ignoring the reality of American racism, she blames everything on Japan - just like a Korean," and, "She should be shot to death by one of America's racist cops. She doesn't deserve to live."

These online missives (and there are hundreds more, many far more extreme) appear to have been motivated, in part, by the fact that Miyamoto dared to call out Japan's racism in interviews. As anyone who follows online forums knows, Japanese (and Miyamato is Japanese) who criticize Japan have their Japanese bona fides questioned and run the risk of being denounced as Japan-hating crypto-ethnic Koreans, as was suggested by many of the attacks on Miyamoto.

Anyone who imagines that the comments on Miyamoto are atypical might take a look at the Japanese online comments posted in response to the marriage of Meghan Markle, another hāfu, to Britain's Prince Harry. A small, comparatively mild sampling: "[Prince Harry] married a nigger whore"; "The end of England."

Japanese "ignorance" of the racism in its midst is not limited to questionable blackface performances, though the Japanese media does little to educate the public on such matters.

How ironic it is that in Japan, which former Prime Minster Yasuhiro Nakasone once boasted was a cutting edge "information society," much of the information it spews forth is spiked with racist acrimony. Not so Cool, Japan. But then again, judging from the current direction of world events, racism does appear to have become the new black. Indeed, there is little solace in the fact that hate-fueled rumors like those spread by mouth following the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923 that resulted in the massacre of ethnic Koreans at the hands of vigilantes, are today spread via the internet, sometimes by the government's own sites and with its tacit approval.
John G. Russell is a professor of cultural anthropology at Gifu University.

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Face the reality of racism in Japan | The Japan Times

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Recent events continue to suggest that discussions of racism in Japan typically prove problematic. This is largely because those discussions typically present it as a "uniquely" Western phenomenon, a matter of black and white or white and nonwhite, from which a mythic "uniquely monoracial" Japan has been spared.

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Mango Languages

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Women- and minority-owned businesses - City Purchasing and Contracting | seattle.gov

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The City's commitment to communities we serve is to include Women- and Minority-owned Businesses (WMBEs) in our contracts. Each City department establishes plans and goals for WMBE inclusion in projects.

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This holiday season, discover and support minority-owned and native-owned restaurants, bars, shops, gyms, and more throughout Seattle!

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Website devoted to cultural diversity and POC-owned businesses in Seattle

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Seattle Chinatown One-Day Shopping & Dining Guide

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SUPPORT BLACK OWNED BUSINESSES & ORGANIZATIONS

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Support Black Owned (SBO) is a free black owned business directory and black blog filled with thousands of Black, Moorish, and African American owned businesses and people spread all over the world.

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Business Insights: Global
Business Plans Handbook

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Diversity in Hollywood

CBS Writers Mentoring Program

Making an Impact: In its eleven years, a total of 81 emerging diverse writers have graduated from the CBS Writers Mentoring Program. 47 careers have been launched. The goal of the program is to positively impact the presence of diverse writers throughout the industry. diversity.cbscorporation.com.

Warner Brother Fresh Ink Writing Program

For over 30 years, the Warner Bros. Television Writers' Workshop has been the premier writing program for new writers looking to start and further their career in the world of television. The list of graduates who have gone on to do great things is long: Terrance Winter (Boardwalk Empire), Marc Cherry (Desperate Housewives), Greg Garcia (My Name Is Earl) and Felicia Henderson (Soul Food) to name a few.

Every year, the Workshop selects up to 10 participants out of almost 2,000 submissions and exposes them to Warner Bros. Television's top writers and executives, all with the ultimate goal of earning them a staff position on a Warner Bros. produced television show. writersworkshop.warnerbros.com.

Sundance Episodic Lab

The Sundance Institute Episodic Story Lab offers 10 writers ("Fellows") an opportunity to develop long-form episodic content in a setting where they can hone their writing skills and learn how to navigate the changing industry. Working with accomplished showrunners ("Creative Advisors"), as well as non-writing creative producers and studio/network executives ("Industry Mentors"), the Fellows participate in one-on-one creative story meetings, pitching sessions, writers' rooms, and group conversations focusing on the key creative and tactical elements that are central to their success in episodic storytelling. sundance.org.

NBC's Writers on the Verge

Writers on the Verge is a 12-week program focused on polishing writers and readying them for a staff writer position on a television series. We are looking for writers who are "almost there" but need that final bit of preparation with their writing and personal presentation skills. We particularly encourage writers of diverse backgrounds to apply. nbcunitips.com.

NBC's Late Night Writers Workshop

Who - Writers with strong comedic sensibility and a diverse prospective. Stand-Up work and improve training is a plus. Application period - Program has only a 2 week application window which generally opens in January. nbcunicareers.com.

Disney/ABC Writing Program

For over 25 years, the Disney | ABC Writing Program has been lauded as one of the most successful writer programs in the entertainment industry. The one-year program is the only program of its kind sanctioned by the Writers Guild of America, West (WGAW). The program has launched the careers of many writers, including: Maria Jacquemetton (Mad Men); Jane Espenson (Once Upon A Time); Saladin K. Patterson (Psych); Bryan Oh (Chicago Fire); George Mastras (Breaking Bad); and
Veena Sud (The Killing). abctalentdevelopment.com.

FOX Writers Intensive

The FOX Writers Intensive (FWI) is an initiative designed to nurture experienced writers with diverse voices, backgrounds and life experiences and creates a solid pipeline of well-rounded talent for potential staffing on FOX television shows, films and other FOX entertainment platforms. fox.com.

NHMC Writers Program

The NHMC Television Writers Program was created in 2003 and is an intensive scriptwriters workshop that prepares Latinos for writing jobs at major television networks. Modeled after the previously successful Hispanic Film Project, the program is a direct response to the lack of diverse writers in primetime network TV. To take NHMC TV Writers Program graduates to the next level, NHMC has also created the NHMC Pitching Lab and theLatino Scene Showcase. nhmc.org.

CAPE New Writers Fellowship

The CNWF is a unique program that discovers and nurtures writers launching their careers in television and film. This 6-week, 11-session Fellowship offers mentorship by top television and film professionals and teaches the business and commercial aspects of the entertainment industry. capeusa.org.

WGA Writers Access Program

The project was launched by the WGAW's Diversity department in early 2009. It is a peer judging program designed to identify excellent, diverse writers with television experience, and to provide a resource for accessing their work to showrunners, industry executives, agents and managers. wga.org.

The Black List

The Black List is where filmmakers find great material to make films and great material finds filmmakers to make them. Over 225 Black List screenplays have been made as feature films. Those films have earned over $19BN in worldwide box office, have been nominated for 171 Academy Awards, and have won 35, including Best Pictures SLUMDOG MILLIONAIRE, THE KING'S SPEECH, and ARGO, and seven of the last twelve screenwriting Oscars. A complete list of Black List films is here. blcklst.com.

NY Women In Film Writers Lab

New York Women in Film & Television supports women calling the shots in film, television and digital media. NYWIFT energizes the careers of women in entertainment by illuminating their achievements, providing training and professional development, and advocating for equality. nywift.org.

Universal Pictures Emerging Writers Fellowship

The Emerging Writers Fellowship is an exciting program at Universal Pictures that is designed to identify and cultivate new and unique voices with a passion for storytelling. We are looking for talented screenwriters who have the potential to thrive, but don't have access to or visibility within the industry. nbcunicareers.com.

Tribeca All Access

Tribeca Film Institute champions storytellers to be catalysts for change in their communities and around the world. Each year, we identify a diverse group of exceptional filmmakers and media artists then empower them with funding and resources to fully realize their stories and connect with audiences. Further, our education programs empower students through hands-on training and exposure to socially relevant films, offering young people the media skills necessary to be creative and productive global citizens. tribecafilminstitute.org.

ABC

ABC Talent Development provides a variety of programs to help aspiring individuals in the fields of acting, writing, directing, and production. For additional information, visit abctalentdevelopment.com.

NBC

The NBC Talent Diversity Initiative was created to promote and sustain on-camera diversity through community involvement and development, showcasing non-traditional casting choices, and creating programs to raise awareness at NBC. For additional information, visit nbcunicareers.com.

CBS

CBS is committed to making diversity a reality through a wide array of workshops, talent showcases and internships designed to bring more minorities into the creative process. For additional information, visit cbsdiversity.com.

FOX

Expanding opportunities for writers, directors, and actors within the creative African American, Latino American, Asian American and Native American communities is an ongoing process within FOX. For additional information, visit fox.com.

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Making an Impact: In its eleven years, a total of 81 emerging diverse writers have graduated from the CBS Writers Mentoring Program. 47 careers have been launched. The goal of the program is to positively impact the presence of diverse writers throughout the industry. diversity.cbscorporation.com. For over 30 years, the Warner Bros.

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Hoopla
Kanopy

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Ethnic Artist Roster - Arts | seattle.gov

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The Ethnic Artist Roster is a diverse list of artists of color who were selected through a panel process for exhibition opportunities in city owned or affiliated galleries.

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Columbia City Gallery is an artists' cooperative that brings together emerging and professional artists working in diverse media. The Gallery provides exhibit space for local artists and a gift shop featuring locally made jewelry and home décor.

Rainier Arts Center is Southeast Seattle's premier performing arts center, featuring music, dance, theater, film, and community events. We promote outstanding performances, encourage cultural dialogue and celebrate the incredible diversity of Southeast Seattle.

KVRU amplifies the diverse voices of Southeast Seattle, providing opportunities to tell our stories, share our experiences, and deepen a sense of community. Local programming began broadcasting on at 105.7 FM in 2017.

Public and Community Arts

We connect professional artists with developers and community groups to design, fabricate, and install artworks in public and private spaces. We also coordinate youth art workshops for both public and private educational institutions and other community organizations.

Email: artsinfo@SeedSeattle.org

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SEEDArts believes in the power of art in building community. We provide: Professional arts opportunities for a wide range of artists, residents, and youth to develop their artistic talents; Exposure to quality arts experiences that highlight our diverse cultural community; Enhancement to open spaces and the urban environment with art in public places; Support for ...

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A diverse space for critical and creative perspectives on the arts and society.

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ArtSource

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View our full list of online resources, databases and journals.

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How I'm fighting bias in algorithms - MIT Media Lab

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Algorithms of Oppression by Safiya Umoja Noble 

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Algorithms of Oppression by Safiya Umoja Noble 

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Content warning: discussion of sexual objectification in search results

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Algorithms of Oppression - The Seattle Public Library

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Algorithms of Oppression How Search Engines Reinforce Racism (eBook) : Noble, Safiya Umoja : A revealing look at how negative biases against women of color are embedded in search engine results and algorithms Run a Google search for "black girls"-what will you find?

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Microsoft Imagine Academy

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Script/Royalty fee

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Plays and Musical dramas, Comedies, One-Acts, Duet-Scenes, Monologues and Other Theatre Resource Material for Elementary, Jr High, High School, Community and Other Amateur and Professional Theatres.

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Consumer Reports
ConsumerLab
Consumer Checkbook

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World Health Organization Health Equity Res

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World Health Organization Health Equity Res

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A characteristic common to groups that experience health inequities-such as poor or marginalized persons, racial and ethnic minorities, and women-is lack of political, social or economic power. Thus, to be effective and sustainable, interventions that aim to redress inequities must typically go beyond remedying a particular health inequality and also help empower the group in question through systemic changes, such as law reform or changes in economic or social relationships.

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Proquest Family Health

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View our full list of online resources, databases and journals.