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Image from Rappler

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In a nation, we consider the media as the fourth pillar of democracy. Alongside the three branches of the government, the media must serve the nation’s constituents by disseminating information and being watchdogs of the the masses. Alternatively, a democratic state acknowledges the importance of press freedom, as it is also this freedom that maintains checks and balances needed within a democracy.

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Image from Rappler

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The Philippines is no stranger to the threat of losing their freedom, with our rich history of fighting for our rights to free expression. During these instances, the media has repeatedly been silenced, vilified, and attacked, in an attempt to revise historical narratives leading to the truth. Unfortunately, these attacks still continue today. As we face the possibility of electing the son of the tyrannical dictator we once ousted, we compare the role of the media during one of the bloodiest eras in the Philippines and its role in maintaining destructive forces of power.

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Erasing historical narratives of Martial Law victims

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Erasing historical narratives of Martial Law victims

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Shutting Down the Truth and Silencing the Press

The day the late President and dictator Ferdinand Marcos put the country under Martial Law was also the same day he started to crack down on journalists (Astorga-Garcia, 2021). He issued a letter of instruction which would authorize the military to take over all major media outlets nationwide and to seize the different forms of media, whether it be print or digital media (Elemia, 2020).

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What was left of this mass crackdown on the press helped warp the citizens’ perception of Martial Law and the lived realities other people had experienced during such turbulent times. Only one newspaper, one television station, and a government-owned station was allowed to resume operations (Rosenberg, 1974). Even then, they were still heavily guarded and only showed good things about the government, and was never allowed to go so far as to question the administration.

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Media Censorship, Criminalizing Dissent, and Creating a New Society

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Media Censorship, Criminalizing Dissent, and Creating a New Society

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Media censorship only further worsened when Marcos deliberately criminalized dissent, which he described as subversive and politically motivated. He asserted that any subversive material would be considered as part of a greater scheme: to poison the minds of individuals and persuade them to overthrow the government. Marcos continued to use his power to rid them of their right to a clean and fair trial, and oftentimes also accused these ‘subversive’ members of the press to be in kahoots with the New People’s Army or the NPA, who was also Marcos’s greatest threat (Astorga-Garcia, 2021).

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This is the front cover of Marcos's published book, Five Years of the New Society.

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Alongside Marcos’s plans of media censorship, he forwarded the idea of a new society for the Philippines, which could only be achieved through replacing old systems with new beliefs and ideologies (McCallus, 1989). Marcos himself even wrote about the new society he dreamed about and published it as a book, entitled “New Society.”

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Image from Rappler. One of the front covers of a national newspaper. 

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It was only until the EDSA Revolution of 1986 when media was given the opportunity to rebuild itself, to pick itself back up after the deaths, the harassment, and the violence.

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Now, another Marcos is back in the Malacañang, and he refuses to talk about the atrocities of his family’s past. Instead of addressing and answering questions by credible news outlets, he relies on vloggers, tabloids, and social media influencers to answer for him and to create narratives devoid of truth (Reuters, 2022). It is also more alarming as he, alongside his Vice Presidential candidate Sara Duterte, is set to win the presidential race. There is no telling as to what they could do to revise history.

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During the Martial Law, it is evident that the media was suppressed, media and press outlets were silenced or controlled by the reigning dictator. His power over information and subsequently, the truth, quelled the masses. However, there are those who see through the deception and try desperately to help their fellow Filipinos see the truth as they have, and so rose materials that showed dissent and opposed the dictator’s rule and government. Using fear, the dictator quickly silenced these media, branding them as rebels, scheming to overthrow the government.

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This active denial of Martial Law by the family that perpetrated the gruesome era contributed to the nationwide disillusionment and the belief of some that Martial Law was the Golden Age of the Philippines. Many of the family’s supporters now either dismiss these historical facts as biased and prejudiced or argue that people should move on, justifying the killings with infrastructure.

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In a public report by Jonathan Ong and Jason Cabañes (2018), they exposed the roots of disinformation in the Philippines as a tightly-woven stringent of hierarchies created to disillusion and fool the normal, everyday Filipino citizens. This hierarchy begins with the chief architects, the elite who map and plan out the political campaigns to be done by those under them. Their plans are given to digital influencers, who create viral posts and milk their engagement to spread their core campaign messages. Both Marcos and Duterte are suspected to have utilized troll farms to boost their campaign, heighten their popularity, and sustain engagement.

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Following the dictator’s fall from power, the media broke free from its shackles and built itself from the pieces left behind. In the present, though freedom of speech and the media returned, it is now up against another threat– disinformation. The prevalence of disinformation was unearthed during President Duterte’s administration. For instance, the current President’s administration is being criticized by journalists for human rights violations, however, in social media, they are made out by their supporters and hired cyber trolls to be spot free and sometimes even justify why these violations had to be done. As a result, the masses are tricked into believing these lies, little do they know, they are praising a false idol.

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Proliferation of Fake News and Troll Farms 

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Proliferation of Fake News and Troll Farms 

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President Duterte’s administration has not been as spot-free as some may claim it, as it has also been the subject of many criticisms and condemnations due to its many human rights violations. However, supporters of the administration in social media sing a different tune.

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Online, Duterte is painted as a perfect president, free from flaws and mistakes. This is asserted by the thousands of commentators that flock to different Facebook posts to show support, admiration, and appreciation for the President, who they call “Tatay Digs (Palatino, 2017).” In a study conducted by Oxford University, the study included the Philippines as one of the countries whose government utilized cyber troops and trolls to manipulate facts (Bradshaw & Howard, 2017b). While Duterte has also openly admitted to using a team of commentators, his party denied this as the reason for his fragrant online reputation (Palatino, 2017).

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"Just because you're a journalist, you are not exempted from assassination, if you're a son of a bitch," Duterte said. "Freedom of expression cannot help you if you have done something wrong."

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There is no difference between the media of the past and the media of today. The leaders of both generations possess the same characteristics: they are manipulators, tyrants, and fascists. It is deemed biased to close down a media organization for just reporting the facts and pointing out abnormalities. One example is the ABS-CBN, a well-known national and international news organization that remains silent. Histories are becoming skewed and are being altered. People show up to be misled. Freedom of expression is completely prohibited. In reality, this will be the beginning point for problems that will arise in our country that will be difficult to solve.

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While social media often showers President Duterte with praise, journalists are fearless in criticizing his shortcomings. Rappler, one of the largest news outlets in the Philippines, has not faltered in calling out President Duterte and his government when such shortcomings occur. Last 2018, however, Duterte himself ordered to ban Rappler and reporter Pia Ranada from entering the Palace, in which Rappler calls an ‘instance of power attempting to intimidate independent journalists (Rappler to Malacañang: Don’t Use Power to Obstruct, 2018).’ Roque accused the news outlet and the reporter, Ms. Pia Ranada herself, of editorializing what are supposed to be objective news articles, which Rappler strongly denies (Rappler to Malacañang: Don’t Use Power to Obstruct, 2018). This is not the worst thing the Duterte administration has done to members of the press. Maria Ressa, CEO of Rappler, faced libel charges in 2020, the same year President Duterte flamed Rappler once again because of alleged tax evasion complaints and foreign ownership. Maria Ressa and her colleague were convicted but were granted bail upon appeal, but it is apparent that these shots were an attempt to silence dissenters of the government (“Maria Ressa, Crusading Journalist, Is Convicted in Philippines Libel Case (Published 2020),” 2022).

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On December 8, 2021, Jesus “Jess” Malabanan was shot in the head by two armed assailants while watching television inside his store in Calbayog, Samar (Regencia, 2021). Another casualty added to the long list of lives lost, Jess Malabanan was a journalist who assisted in the Pulitzer Prize-winning Reuters news agency investigation that tackled the drug war of President Duterte. Malabanan had received threats before as an independent journalist, which is why he moved to Samar. However, even as he moved, he was not safe. Until now, his killers remain on the loose. This makes Duterte’s previous statement, that journalists are not exempt from assassination, more threatening to the watchdogs of the government.

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Astorga-Garcia, M. (2021). Surviving media repression before and during Martial Law in the Philippines. Media Asia, 48(2), 1–6. https://doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2021.1881874

Baldwin, C. & Mogato, M. (April 18, 2017) Special Report: Police describe kill rewards, staged crime scenes in Duterte's drug war. Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-philippines-duterte-police-specialrep-idUSKBN17K1F4

Bradshaw, S., & Howard, P. (2017a). Troops, Trolls and Troublemakers: A Global Inventory of Organized Social Media Manipulation. https://demtech.oii.ox.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/sites/89/2017/07/Troops-Trolls-and-Troublemakers.pdf

Cole, B. (December 9, 2021) 22 Journalists Killed in Philippines Since Rodrigo Duterte Became President. Newsweek. https://www.newsweek.com/rodrigo-duterte-philippines-journalist-killed-jesus-malabanan-1657778

Elemia, C. (September 19, 2020) FAST FACTS: How Marcos silenced, controlled the media during Martial Law. Rappler. https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/how-marcos-silenced-media-press-freedom-martial-law/

Galvez, D. (February 08, 2021) Duterte says he won‘t let ABS-CBN run even with franchise – unless Lopezes pay taxes. Inquirer. https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1393658/duterte-says-he-will-not-allow-lopez-owned-abs-cbn-to-operate-even-with-franchise

Hunt, L. (September 24, 2018) Duterte’s Media War in the Philippines. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2018/09/dutertes-media-war-in-the-philippines/

J100SRU (May 28, 2015) Timeline of Media-Related Events During The Martial Law. Philippine Press History. https://philippinepresshistory.wordpress.com/2015/05/28/timeline-of-media-related-events-during-the-martial-law/

Lalu, G. (July 28, 2021) Drug war death toll now at 6,165; arrested suspects at 298,348 — PDEA. Inquirer. https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1466072/drug-war-death-toll-now-at-6165-arrested-suspects-at-298348-pdea

Maria Ressa, Crusading Journalist, Is Convicted in Philippines Libel Case (Published 2020). (2022). The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/14/business/maria-ressa-verdict-philippines-rappler.html

McCallus, J. P. (1989). THE MYTHS OF THE NEW FILIPINO: PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF MARTIAL LAW. Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society, 17(2), 129–148. http://www.jstor.org/stable/29791974

Olea, R. (September 23, 2020) How the mosquito press fought the disinformation under Marcos. Bulatlat. https://www.bulatlat.com/2020/09/23/how-the-mosquito-press-fought-the-disinformation-under-marcos/

Olea, R. (September 28, 2012) Underground Press During Martial Law: Piercing The Veil Of Darkness Imposed By The Dictatorship. Bulatlat. https://www.bulatlat.com/2012/09/28/underground-press-during-martial-law-piercing-the-veil-of-darkness-imposed-by-the-dictatorship/

Ong, J., & Cabañes, J. V. A. (2018). Architects of Networked Disinformation: Behind the Scenes of Troll Accounts and Fake News Production in the Philippines.

Palatino, M. (2017, November 18). Beware Duterte’s Troll Army in the Philippines. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2017/11/beware-dutertes-troll-army-in-the-philippines/

Rappler to Malacañang: Don’t use power to obstruct. (2018, February 20). RAPPLER. https://www.rappler.com/nation/196470-statement-pia-ranada-ban-malacanang-palace/

Regencia, T. (2021, December 9). Filipino journalist who helped probe Duterte’s drug war shot dead. Aljazeera; Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/12/9/filipino-journalist-who-investigated-duterte-drug-war-killed

Reuters. (2022, January 25). Philippines’ presidential bet Marcos shuns talk of past atrocities. Reuters; Reuters. https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/philippines-presidential-bet-marcos-shuns-talk-past-atrocities-2022-01-25/

Rosenberg, D. A. (1974). Civil Liberties and the Mass Media under Martial Law in the Philippines. Pacific Affairs, 47(4), 472. https://doi.org/10.2307/2755948

Sawatzky, R. (2016, June). Who is Rodrigo Duterte? CNN. https://edition.cnn.com/2016/05/31/asia/philippines-duterte-journalists/index.html

Tordesillas, E. (March 4, 2015) The potent bite of the 'Mosquito Press'. ABS-CBN News. https://news.abs-cbn.com/blogs/opinions/03/03/15/potent-bite-mosquito-press

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Cultural hegemony is the moral, philosophical, and political leadership of a social group attained not through force, but through the voluntary permission of other social groups, and obtained via control of culture and ideology. Since then, this has been the case. During the colonization of other nations and the Marcos regime's reign. People are also unable to practice their preferred freedom of expression.

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The media is one of the cultural hegemonies most affected. It is thought to function in a variety of ways in news reporting. Newscasters and other journalists must be persuaded by the dictatorship's prevailing ideology. As a result, it is difficult to be independent of the culture shaped by the ruling class. Though journalists profess to be independent of the state and commercial forces, and to always be on the side of the public as a social tool, economic ideology and control saturate the assumptions, orientations, and methods of reporters who are the primary makers of news stories.

Furthermore, reporters are more likely to select and report on problems that support the dominant ideology and the status. To a considerable measure, public opinion is formed based on information disseminated by the status-oriented news media.

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On September 21, 1972, when the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos ordered Martial Law, media and press freedom were the first affected by the proclamation.

Marcos knew the crucial role that the media plays in society, including being an observer of the government and news bearer to the citizen. For that, he stifled their power and controlled the pieces of information that were accessible to the public.

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Timeline of Media-related Events during Martial Law

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Timeline of Media-related Events during Martial Law

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1972

On the 22nd of September, Marcos ordered the military to take over major media outlets nationwide. Some are Manila Times, Philippine Daily Express, Philippine Herald, and the Nation. However, Manila Bulletin was exempted from being closed and was renamed Bulletin Today. Also, the Daily Express was allowed to resume, but they already ceased publication after Martial Law.

Television and Radio stations like DZBB-TV Channel 7 (now GMA 7)  were also controlled by the Government. Almost 10,000 people lost their jobs because of these media outlets' forced shutdowns. Thousands of journalists, editors, media reporters and television personnels were arrested and jailed without due process.

1973

On January 6 punishing rumor-mongering was passed into law and The Kapisanan ng mga Brodkaster sa Pilipinas (KBP), was also established on the same day.

Another media regulation body was created, The Mass Media Council was abolished and the Media Advisory Council was formed.

GMA was sold to Stewart’s lawyer, Felipe Gozon because foreigners can't own a business in the country.

ABS-CBN was also seized and their president was imprisoned. Marcos linked several news agencies to the communist party, claiming that they are organizing a conspiracy to overthrow the government.

1976

On February 3, creation of “subversive” organizations were forbidden and punishable including anything relating to those organizations, even making and publishing documents about it. Multiple

1980

Alternative press emerged. Underground presses like Balita ng Malayang Pilipinas (BMP) surfaced. Later on, these publications ran news stories and analyzed issues of the Marcos Administration.

1981

Presidential Election takes place where Ferdinand Marcos won. Still, any commentaries and editorials from the media are still prohibited.

1983

One of former President Ferdinand Marcos’ critics, Benigno ‘Ninoy’ Aquino was assassinated.

1984

The Philippine Daily Inquirer was created.

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Rise of Independent and Alternative Media

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Rise of Independent and Alternative Media

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Later on, the international community and the church pressured Marcos to allow publications that are critical of his administration. Eventually several alternative presses arose and were belittled by Marcos dismissing and calling them ‘mosquitoes’. Thus, the birth of the name “Mosquito press”. This refers to the group of small independent newspapers led by We Forum, who are also behind the exposure of fake war medals by Marcos. The Mosquito press published wrongdoings and abuses of the administration.

At this time, students and youth activists are actively fighting disinformation and oppression of the administration. One of them was Liliosa Hilao, associate editor of Ang Hasik the student publication of Pamantasan Lungsod ng Maynila wrote an essay entitled “Democracy is Dead in the Philippines under Martial Law” causing her to be arrested, tortured, sexually abused and killled by the soldiers.

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Another incident of students abused under Martial Law is the case of Abraham “Ditto” Sarmiento Jr., editor in chief of Philippine Collegian, the school publication of the University of the Philippines who published a statement analyzing by then three years of Martial Law signed by 500 opposition leaders. He was interrogated by Juan Ponce Enrile, jailed and miserably died in prison at the age of 27.

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On the other hand, the Media Advisory Council (MAC) was created and was led by Primitivo Mijares, Marcos’  top media man who was also in charge of silencing the media and fabricating stories in benefit of the Marcos Administration. He later on confessed everything he knew in a book, causing him and his son’s lives.

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The Philippines is one of the most dangerous countries for a journalist to operate in. This nation had witnessed multiple killings of journalists since the reign of the Marcoses under Martial Law up to this day of internet and information.

President Rodrigo Duterte had set a poor example to the people resulting in a division of the citizens. Some are defending the democracy and freedom of expression and others, unfortunately, are laughing at the presidents’ rape jokes, nepotism and degregation of other people. All the decency standards that the people had been upholding from the previous years of official elections had gone out of the window and soon, the president had earned a bad reputation not just in the country but also in international communities.

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Duterte’s war on drugs has been the subject of several discussions in and outside of the country in terms of human rights. Over 6,000 died in the course of this anti-drug program and over 200,000 arrested, both of which did not undergo judicial process. With the president granting a special cash amount in every narcotic suspect executed, several intelligence reports claimed that some policemen and authority personnels resorted to staged crime scenes just to receive the additional hefty amount of money.

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The case of Kian delos Santos, a 17-year-old innocent boy suspected and brutally killed by the policemen in Caloocan. He is just few of the many cases of innocent murder under war on drugs campaign by the current administration. Despite the multiple irregularities and shortcomings of the said anti-drug program, the president still believes in the effectiveness of it. Thus, he wished it to be continued and continually boost the confidence of the authority personnels to kill suspects, ordering them to “shoot to kill”.

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This phenomena had led to the notorious abuse of power by law enforcement people, specifically, the police. Several news articles continued to come out involving the exploitation of power committed by the authorities, that ironically, should have been the protector of the people.

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Image from the International Federation of Journalists

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As the news came out, critics from the people and the media came out as well. However, they are also not exempted from the ferocity of the administration. Alto Broadcasting System and Chronicle Broadcasting Network or most commonly known as (ABS-CBN) is one of the victims of Duterte’s hatred towards critics. Even though the station had its own problems as a company, they are also frequently attacked by the president with verbal threats of not letting their station operate even if it will have a new franchise in the future. Since Rodrigo Duterte came to power, over 20 journalists have been killed and very few are punished for these incidents.

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Image from the Committee to Protect Journalists 

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Although Martial Law ended 36 years ago, the horrors of the past still continue to ghost as in the present. With the son of the dictator back in power, for press freedom and democracy, nothing is sure. And for the people, who continue to fight for the marginalized and speak the truth, no amount of threat will ever stop their burning desire to improve the current situation of the society we are living in.