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Este artículo provide muchos ejemplos de “la jerga de los mensajes de texto”. Algo que aprendí es que “genial” se conviritió en “gnl” y que se puede omitir “es” si una palabra empieza con “es” como “estoy”. Hay otra información como “mucho” → “mxo” y “MDI” significa “me da igual”. Tambien, “PTI” = “FYI” en inglés. Muy interesante.

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hla amig@s

Can't understand what your Spanish friends are saying online?

Learning to read and write in Spanish isn't as easy as it used to be.

In this world of tweets and text messages, you'll need to learn Spanish text slang to follow what's going on.

Contents

Download: This blog post is available as a convenient and portable PDF that you can take anywhere.Click here to get a copy. (Download)

Common Spanish Text Slang

Here's a table of some of the most common Spanish text slang. If this looks a bit intimidating, don't worry: we'll go into the "rules" for writing text slang in Spanish later!

Why You Need to Learn Spanish Text Message Slang

It's not just to keep up with the cool kids.

There are several practical reasons learning Spanish text slang is useful for anyone.

Cutting down on characters will save you money on texts in the long run. Your friends will also be glad to no longer receive your four-message-long essays. If you've ever had several messages "beep" in quick succession on your phone, you know how annoying this can be.

You can simply say less in your messages, or you can use fewer characters to say the same thing. I think you'll agree that the second option is more appealing.

Even if don't regularly write text messages in Spanish, Spanish text slang is used across social media sites like Facebook and Instagram, as well as messaging services like WhatsApp. Using and understanding this slang will make you sound like an authentic member of the Spanish-speaking community.

Which you are, of course. Right?

Deciphering all those signs and symbols can be a fun way to use the Spanish you already know in a new way.

The Characteristics of Spanish Text Message Slang

Omitting letters

Like in English, omitting vowels is one of the easiest way to shrtn wrds. Genial becomes , for example.

Losing consonants works too. Ahora is often written as

But of course, it's not always just a simple case of getting rid of the vocales.

Switching letters

Another Spanish text slang characteristic is switching letters. For example, the letters and both change to , so quiero becomes , aquí becomes and quién becomes .

As you've seen, x is another letter that's used a lot in Spanish text slang. usually symbolizes , so por favor (please) becomes P orque and ¿ por qué? (because and why) become and respectively.

As por and para are similar (though sadly not exactly the same!), para becomes . Para qué? (another version of "why?" or "what for?") becomes

The third and final way you can use the x in Spanish slang is to replace . For example, mucho becomes and chau becomes .

Abbreviations

In English, we have FYI, LOL, ROFL and various other abbreviations. In Spanish, there are plenty of phrases that work in a similar way. Te quiero mucho becomes or for example.

A basic chat message might start like this:

In "normal Spanish," this means:

Have lots of in the middle while you chat about silly things and have fun. To "laugh" in Spanish, you can use , or .

An end to a chat might look something like this, assuming you guys like each other:

The "normal Spanish" translation for this one looks like:

You can also end a text with bst (which means besito or "little kiss" in English) and a scattering of emoticons won't hurt matters either.

It's important to note that some Spanish speakers, especially young people, may use the English phrases instead of the Spanish equivalent. For example, they might use LOL (laugh out loud) or OMG (oh my God) in their English forms, since most people already know what they mean in English.

Numbers Used in Spanish Text Slang

In English, we might end a text with "cul8r." We can also say something is gr8! The same concept of using letters for the way they sound applies to Spanish words.

For example, what do you think means? Salutwo? No, remember, that we're speaking Spanish here so 2 is pronounced dos. So salu2 means saludos!

There you go. You can now send greetings to people in your text messages.

Other phrases using numbers are:

You could end your text message with: Tqm xa 100pre. That would mean, te quiero mucho para siempre or "I love you forever." Or simply end with salu2, to play it a bit cooler.

Symbols Used in Spanish Text Slang

Symbols can also be used in fun ways to make phrases. If you want to say me da igual (I don't mind), for example, you could choose between MDI, me da = and . (Remember that = is pronounced igual in Spanish.)

The phrase más o menos is used a lot in Spanish to mean "so, so," "sort of" or "kind of." Mathematical symbols are used here ( más = plus, menos = minus) so the phrase becomes: " + 0 - " (Yes, you read that right.)

You might have also noticed that some Spanish speakers use the @ sign in words like amig@s or chic@s.

This isn't just to look cool, but rather it's a way of representing that the friends or people could be boys or girls, (where they'd usually be either amigos or amigas) and making Spanish more gender neutral. Got that, + o -?

You'll also notice that, to save space, the upside-down question and exclamation marks aren't used in Spanish text slang.

Practicing Spanish Slang in General

So there you have it! You should be able to impress your Spanish-speaking friends and bombard them with messages, hashtags and threads. And, of course, your text messages will be much shorter now.

Next on your list should be spoken slang. That's basically like audio text messages, right? Okay, maybe that's a stretch. But if you want to sound natural in Spanish, it's always a good idea to learn some common slang actually used by Spanish speakers.

One way to learn useful Spanish slang is on FluentU, where you can hear it used through Spanish videos like movie clips, music videos and vlogs.

Download: This blog post is available as a convenient and portable PDF that you can take anywhere.Click here to get a copy. (Download)

And One More Thing...

If you've made it this far that means you probably enjoy learning Spanish with engaging material and will then love FluentU.

Other sites use scripted content. FluentU uses a natural approach that helps you ease into the Spanish language and culture over time. You'll learn Spanish as it's actually spoken by real people.

FluentU has a wide variety of videos, as you can see here:

FluentU brings native videos within reach with interactive transcripts. You can tap on any word to look it up instantly. Every definition has examples that have been written to help you understand how the word is used. If you see an interesting word you don't know, you can add it to a vocab list.

Review a complete interactive transcript under the Dialogue tab, and find words and phrases listed under Vocab.

Learn all the vocabulary in any video with FluentU's robust learning engine. Swipe left or right to see more examples of the word you're on.

The best part is that FluentU keeps track of the vocabulary that you're learning, and gives you extra practice with difficult words. It'll even remind you when it's time to review what you've learned. Every learner has a truly personalized experience, even if they're learning with the same video.

Start using the FluentU website on your computer or tablet or, better yet, download the FluentU app from the iTunes or Google Play store. Click here to take advantage of our current sale! (Expires at the end of this month.)

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124 Spanish Text Slang Terms for Smooth Messaging (Plus Useful Tips) | FluentU Spanish Blog

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Spanish text slang has its own rules that are pretty similar to those of English. If you have a hard time deciphering those messages your Spanish-speaking friends send you or want to be able to communicate with them via social media, check out this post for a complete list of text slang in Spanish.

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Esto es otro mapa de espanol en los Estados Unidos. Muestra que hay muchos hispanohablantes en Texas, California, y Florida, como mencionamos en clase. Este gráfica demuestra la importancia de aprender el espanol, especialmente en Tejas. La población de hispanohablantes en los EEUU en 2050 se estima en 100 millones personas.

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Este artículo muestra algo obvio, pero algo que muchas veces no se da cuenta en los Estados Unidos: la cantidad de lugares con orígenes españoles. El artículo revisa muchos lugares y unos en Tejas como: “El Paso” (“passage”) o “San Antonio” (“Saint Anthony”). Pienso que esto es relevante porque hay millones de ciudadanos que viven en lugares con nombres del origin español.

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Este gráfico muestra la población de los hispanohablantes en varios países. Pienso que es muy interesante como muestra que México tiene el doble de hispanohablantes que España. Es importante recordar que en muchos de estos países, hay otras lenguas oficiales, como en Bolivia donde el español y otras lenguas indígenas son reconocidos como lenguas oficiales. Muchos de estos paises tambien tienen lenguas cooficiales.

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Los dialectos se define como variedades restringidas regionalmente de un idioma. Un sociolecto se asocia con factores diferentes como el estatus socioeconómico, nivel de educación, la profesión, la edad, la etnia, o el sexo del hablante. Dialectos y sociolectos están relacionados con el origen sociológico de un hablante. El registro se asocia con el uso y el estilo del lenguaje. El registro cambia en diferentes situaciones social, como en situaciones formales o informales. El registro puede referirse a vocabulario también, por ejemplo la jerga.

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Similar to pragmatics, studies language use in real life. In particular, it deals with the effects that social factors have on language use and language structures. Thus, sociolinguistics can be defined as variationist linguistics, i.e. that branch of linguistics which is concerned with the different forms of a language and the factors that determine their structure and use. Variation is possible on all structural levels. The indicvidual varieties of a given language may differ phonetically, phonologically, pragmatically, with regard to the lexicon and their morphology and syntax - and still, they convey the same semantic contents.

We can distinguish three main types of varieties, depending on the extralinguistic factors that motivate their use: dialects, sociolects, and registers. The most widely known of these three types is the dialect, which can be given a narrow and a broad definition. Traditionally in linguistics, dialects are defined as regionally restricted varieties. Under a broad conception, the expression is used in terms of a neutral "variety", as in "standard dialect" or "social dialect". Social dialects, or sociolects, are motivated by the socio-economic status, level of education, profession, age, ethnicity, or sex of the speaker. Both, dialects (in a narrow sense) and sociolects, are intimately linked to the speaker's sociological background. By contrast, register and style refer to varieties which are primarily determined by the relevant communicative situation.

For more detailed information as well as exercises, check Sociolinguistics!

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Similar to pragmatics, studies language use in real life. In particular, it deals with the effects that social factors have on language use and language structures. Thus, sociolinguistics can be defined as variationist linguistics, i.e. that branch of linguistics which is concerned with the different forms of a language and the factors that determine their structure and use.

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La diglosia es la situación de convivencia de dos o más lenguas distintas, las cuales poseen una gama de usos diferentes, en la misma zona geográfica. Uno de esos idiomas ostenta que podríamos llamar estatus de prestigio, porque se trata con la lengua de uso oficial. Este video explica la diglosia y la diferencia entre la variedad baja y alta. También da un ejemplo de la diglosa que se ve en Italia.

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“Le” y “Les” funcionan como objetos indirectos masculinos y femeninas. En leísmo, se usa “le” o “les” como un objeto directo. Un ejemplo: “Vi a Juan. Le vi.” En laísmo “la” y “las” son los objetos directos femininas. Un ejemplo: “Las dije unas palabras.” En loismo, “lo” y “los” son los objetos directos masculinos. Un ejemplo: “Lo di una bofetada.” Este artículo explica las diferencias.

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When you are learning a language, you have to deal with correct grammar and vocabulary, but you also have to bear in mind its common usage. One main problem not only for Spanish learners but also for native speakers is the linguistic phenomenon known as " leísmo", closely related to " loísmo, and laísmo ": they are variations from standard Spanish involving the third person object pronouns.

In order to avoid them, we have to bear in mind the form and function of these pronouns in Spanish; take a look at this chart:
Leísmo
" Le" and " les" function both as masculine and feminine indirect object in a sentence. In " di un regalo." (I gave her a present.), the pronoun can refer either to a man or a woman in Spanish and it is grammatically correct.

But in some cases you can find sentences such as:

- Vi a Juan. Le vi. (I saw Juan. I saw him)

- A esa chica no le he visto nunca. (I have never seen this girl before.)

This is what we call "": when we use " le/les" as a direct object. Although it is grammatically incorrect in all cases, the RAE accepts " le " as direct object if the pronoun is referred only to a male person, but never to female or things. This variation is much extended in the north and the centre of Spain, but not in Latin America.

The courtesy "" is also accepted by the RAE: it is the same exchange between object pronouns, in this case associated to the courtesy second person pronoun " usted/ustedes",especially when speaking to the person le refers to. We will find it both in singular and plural when addressing with respect either male or female: "No había reconocido." (I hadn't recognised you).
Laísmo
" La" and " Las" are the feminine direct object pronouns: " Quiero a María. La quiero." (I love Maria. I love her.) But in some areas they are uses as indirect object pronouns (yes, exactly the opposite linguistic phenomenon of ""). So you can hear a Spanish native speaker saying " dije unas palabras " (I told them some words), which sounds terrible! It is used regionally in the centre of Spain and some parts of Central America.
Loísmo
" Lo/ los" are the masculine direct object pronouns, which can also be found being incorrectly used instead of " le/les". A sentence such as " Lo di una bofetada" (I gave him a slap) is a good example of it. Both laísmo and loísmo are considered as vulgarisms.

Don´t worry if you have problems deciding which pronoun to use, because this is a hard task even for native speakers. There are some problematic verbs you´ll have to ckeck to avoid these linguistic deviations: avisar, ayudar, curar, disparar, escribir, llamar, molestar, obedecer, pegar, saludar... and some more..

How about doing some practice now? Here you have some sentences to fill in with le, les, lo, los, la, las:

____sugirieron algunos cambios a sus jefas.

A Laura __he visto muy contenta.

No __diremos nada a tus compañeras.

A mi hermana no __gusta que _____trates así.

Compró el libro y _____ leyó en solo dos días.

No ____ han hecho ningún regalo.

A mis amigas ____ he dejado en la esquina.

A él no _____ han aceptado en la academia.

El examen _____ entregué enseguida.

A Javier _____ regalé un disco.

Preferí no contar____ toda la verdad.

____ presté un lápiz y no me ____ ha devuelto.

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Problems using la, le, lo (laísmo, leísmo, loísmo)

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When you are learning a language, you have to deal with correct grammar and vocabulary, but you also have to bear in mind its common usage. One main problem not only for Spanish learners but also for native speakers is the linguistic phenomenon known as " leísmo", closely related to " loísmo, and laísmo ": they are variations from standard Spanish involving the third person object pronouns.

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Este experimento famoso realizado por William Labov en 1966 trata con las diferencias en la omisión o la inclusión de la “r” en unas tiendas de departamentos en Nueva York. Labov estudia tres tiendas de estatus diverso (alto, medio, bajo). Encontró que en la tienda de estatus social bajo, los empleados no pronunciaban la “r” en “Fourth Floor”, pero en la tienda de estatus social alto, los empleados usualmente pronunciaban la “r”.

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The "Fourth Floor" is a reference to a very well-known study in the field of linguistics, one of the earliest to study language "in the wild" and its differences with regard to social class. The 1966 study was conducted by William Labov, a researcher at the University of Pennsylvania, who went to New York to study how people say the letter "r." He found that many people of the working class frequently deleted the letter "r" in words like "car" and "birth." He wanted to see if speakers from different classes - working, middle and upper - changed their pronunciation of "r" (whether it was there or it wasn't) in similar ways. Researchers went to three different department stores of varying expense - S. Klein for the working class, Macy's for the middle class, and Saks for the upper class - and asked salespeople about a product they knew was on the fourth floor. What they found was that salespeople in S. Klein tended to delete both of their "r"s ("fou'th floo'"), whereas salespeople at Saks consistently pronounced both sounds. The salespeople at Macy's, however, varied in their pronunciation, and many of them only pronounced one "r".

This blog pays homage to that study by continuing to discuss real-world differences and similarities in language based on race, class, gender, region, sexual orientation, political ideology, and many more categories.

This blog's name is also personal. The Linguistics Department at the University of Michigan, my alma mater, is on the Fourth Floor of its building.

The focus of my blog is to highlight exciting research being done on everyday speech, and to make it accessible to the layperson. I would also love to be able to answer any nagging questions you, my reader, may have on the subject of language. This blog will also be used to address any language-related "trends" that might interest you, from the point of view of someone trained in linguistics, rather than a journalist.
About the Author
My name is Amy Hemmeter. I am currently a second-year Masters student in Linguistics at North Carolina State University. My focus is on phonetics and phonology (subjects pertaining to the specific sounds of a language) and sociolinguistics (language as it pertains to culture and society). I do research on gender and the intersection of phonetics and sociolinguistics (sociophonetics).

As a tutor in undergrad and as a TA in my Masters program, I have spent a lot of time explaining linguistics to introductory students. After four years of tutoring students in the most basic Linguistics class, I feel confident in my ability to make linguistic concepts easy to understand. I was consistently fascinated by the work done by the researchers in my field, and I thought that non-linguists may want to learn about the work as well. Because I have a passion for explaining linguistics to non-linguists, I decided to start this blog. I hope you enjoy it.

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The "Fourth Floor" is a reference to a very well-known study in the field of linguistics, one of the earliest to study language "in the wild" and its differences with regard to social class. The 1966 study was conducted by William Labov, a researcher at the University of Pennsylvania, who went to New York to ...

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Este video revisa los roles semánticos de que hablamos en clase. Me gusta la inclusión del hecho que no hay siempre límites claros entre estos roles, y, según el video, en la oración “The ball broke the window”, “the ball” podría ser el instrumento y también el agente. Sin embargo, no incluye el rol semántico “causa” que es un una entidad que causa un acción sin conciencia.

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Este artículo (en ingles) da mucha información concisa sobre las máximas. Me encanta la explicación de la cuarta máxima, la maxima de manera. Me ayuda la explicación que para violar esta maxima una persona no debe organizar lo que dice, antes del hablar. La manera o método que se usa para comunicar debe ser bastante comprensible. En general, era un artículo util para reforzar estos conceptos.

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Not all of the connected text that people have to process occurs in written form. We can think of ordinary conversations as examples of spoken connected text. Conversations are interesting to study because they occur so frequently and because (unlike written texts) they normally involve the production of a great deal of language with little time for planning and revision.

We've already seen a number of examples of linguistic rules that people follow in producing or comprehending language. Some of these have to do with ways of combining sounds to produce words, combining words to produce sentences, or even combining ideas to produce meanings. Many researchers believe, however, that yet another set of rules is necessary for people to use language appropriately or effectively, especially in conversations: pragmatic rules.

Here we will examine some pragmatic rules specific to conversations called the Gricean maxims of cooperative conversation (Grice, 1975).

Grice believed that for people to converse, each must do more than produce utterances that are phonologically, syntactically, and semantically appropriate. Consider the following "conversation":

SPEAKER A: I just heard that Joe got promoted today. Isn't that great?SPEAKER B: Salt Lake City is located in Utah.SPEAKER C: No, Charles Darwin is the father of modern evolutionary theory.SPEAKER A: What's the square root of 34?

SPEAKER B: Chocolate ice cream is sweet.

What is wrong with this conversation? Notice that all of the sentences that the speakers have produced are "legal," and at several levels. Each obeys the phonological rules of English. Each is syntactically well formed. Each is meaningful. Yet all together, they don't add up to a conversation. In part, what is going on is a lack of connection between anything one speaker says and anything else another speaker says. Normally in conversation, each of a person's contributions or utterances bears some relationship to what others have already said or to what the speaker plans to say later. In this sense, speakers could be said to be providing a context for one another's contributions.

Grice (1975) argued that for a conversation to take place, all the speakers have to cooperate with one another. Although speakers in a conversation have many choices to make concerning what they will say, as well as when and how they will say it, there are still constraints, or general rules, that they must obey (Miller & Glucksberg, 1988). Grice described speakers in a conversation as all following a general "cooperative principle."

Speakers do this, Grice believed, by following four specific conversational maxims or rules (Grice, 1975):

1. Maxims of quantity. Make your contribution as informative as required. Do not make your contribution more informative than is required.

2. Maxims of quality. Try to make your contribution one that is true. Do not say what you believe to be false. Do not say that for which you have no evidence.

3. Maxim of relation. Be relevant.

4. Maxims of manner. Be clear. Avoid obscurity of expression. Avoid ambiguity. Be brief. Be orderly.

Violations of the maxims produce conversations that are noticeably odd. For instance, if someone asks, "Do you have a watch?" and you respond, "Yes, I do," you are violating the first maxim of quantity: You are being less informative than is required. Your conversation partner is not, in all likelihood, taking a census for Timex or Rolex; he or she probably wants to know the time. As a member of the language community that you live in, you are expected to know that the question asked is really a request for the time and to respond appropriately.

It is also possible to violate the first maxim by being too informative. For example, some of my students occasionally invite me to eat with them in the campus dining halls. When we arrange a luncheon date, they often ask something like "Where should we meet?" My response ought to be something on the order of "How about if you come to my office?" rather than something much more detailed like "Please come to my office door, and I will be standing 27 centimeters inside of it." The latter is bizarre, presumably by virtue of being overly specific.

The second maxim has to do with truthfulness. Generally, conversation partners assume that the other is telling the truth, or at least what the speaker believes to be the truth. On some occasions, it is permissible to violate this maxim-for example, to be ironic. Imagine that a friend who's missed a lecture in a class in which you are both enrolled asks, "How was class today?" You can respond, "Utterly fascinating!" even if it really was dry as toast, if you somehow signal that your answer isn't to be taken literally. Rolled eyes, exaggerated intonation, winks, and the like help to communicate that your violation of the maxim of quality is itself meant to communicate something-in this case, ironic humor. If you simply utter an untruthful response without letting your listener know that you aren't being candid, then your conversation will not be successful, and your conversation partner could legitimately complain about your conversation skills.

Someone who consistently violates the maxims of quantity or quality may well be perceived as uncooperative or obnoxious and, after a while, may find it difficult to attract conversation partners. Someone who consistently violates the third maxim of relation by responding with irrelevant utterances will have a bigger problem: He or she will simply be regarded as, at best, very bizarre. To illustrate, imagine a conversation between Tom and Joe, two college roommates:

TOM (looking around): Hey, Joe, have you seen my sweater?
JOE (looking at Tom, and smiling): Lo, a flaming squirrel!

If Joe persists in violating the maxim of relation, he will likely find himself at a complete loss for conversation partners, if not roommates and friends.

The fourth maxim, the maxim of manner, generally governs the way you choose to construct your conversation contributions. The general idea is that you should speak as clearly as possible, using language appropriate to your listener and the context. Among other things, this maxim forbids you to answer your professors in pig Latin or your younger siblings in "academese." It also prevents you from holding a filibuster (unless you are a congressperson) and requires that you at least try to organize what you say before you begin speaking.

Gricean maxims are not always obeyed, but the assumption is that people try to obey them most of the time. When the maxims are violated, the speaker apparently wishes to end the conversation, wishes to avoid the conversation, or expects the listener to understand that the violation is occurring and why (Miller & Glucksberg, 1988). Again, though, it is doubtful that the average person is consciously aware of the rules. As with most linguistic rules, maxims are implicitly understood even if they can't be precisely stated.

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Not all of the connected text that people have to process occurs in written form. We can think of ordinary conversations as examples of spoken connected text. Conversations are interesting to study because they occur so frequently and because (unlike written texts) they normally involve the production of a great deal of language with little time for planning and revision.

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La homonimia ocurre cuando palabras se pronuncie de la misma manera, pero tienen significados diferentes. La polisemia ocurre cuando una sola palabra tienen significados o sentidos relatados. Este video explica muy bien la diferencia con ejemplos como “bank” (dos significados diferentes - la homonimia), y “magazine”(dos significados relatados - la polisemia). A las 8:00 hay un buen resumen de los diferencias de los dos términos.

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Dr. Nimer Abusalim (The University of Jordan)

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SEMANTICS-16: Sense Relations (Homonymy vs Polysemy)

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La Polisemia de Palabras y Los Niños:

Esta investigación analiza cómo la polisemia de palabras afecta el aprendizaje del vocabulario en los niños. Leí sobre unos métodos que se usan en la investigación. Su investigación usa los transcriptos de muchos conversaciones de diez minutos entre los adultos y los niños. Se usa muchos metodos como un “lemmatizer” de las palabras para identificar las categorías gramaticales de las palabras en los transcriptos. Los resultados son interesantes, y un descubrimiento indica que la polisemia de los niños aumenta en dos fases, entre muchos otros resultados!

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The polysemy of the words that children learn over time | John Benjamins

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Abstract Here we study polysemy as a potential learning bias in vocabulary learning in children. Words of low polysemy could be preferred as they reduce the disambiguation effort for the listener. However, such preference could be a side-effect of another bias: the preference of children for nouns in combination with the lower polysemy of nouns with respect to other part-of-speech categories.

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Este artículo da mucha información sobre los cambios del lenguaje. Incluye unas razones para explicar por qué cambia una lengua: el aprendizaje del lenguaje, el contacto del lenguaje (la migración), la diferenciación social (las normas del lenguaje en sociedad), y procesos naturales cuando se usa una lengua (asimilación, etc.). También, más adelante en el articulo, explica otra vez los procesos de los cambios de sonidos.

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Some small examples of change

English a thousand years ago -- Text with reading:

Your browser does not support the audio element.

HWÆT: WE GAR-DENA IN GEARDAGUM
þeodcyninga þrym gefrunon.
Hu ða æþelingas ellen fremedon!
Translation:
Lo! the Spear-Danes' glory through splendid achievements
The folk-kings' former fame we have heard of,
How princes displayed then their prowess-in-battle.

English 600 years ago -- Text; reading.

Your browser does not support the audio element.

Whan that Aprill with his shoures soote
The droghte of March hath perced to the roote,
And bathed every veyne in swich licour
Of which vertu engendred is the flour;
Whan Zephirus eek with his sweete breeth
Inspired hath in every holt and heeth
The tendre croppes, and the yonge sonne
Hath in the Ram his half cours yronne,

Translation:

When April with its sweet-smelling showers
Has pierced the drought of March to the root,
And bathed every vein (of the plants) in such liquid
By which power the flower is created;
When the West Wind also with its sweet breath,
In every wood and field has breathed life into
The tender new leaves, and the young sun
Has run half its course in Aries,

Types of Language Change

Language is always changing. We've seen that language changes across space and across social group. Language also varies across time.

Generation by generation, pronunciations evolve, new words are borrowed or invented, the meaning of old words drifts, morphology develops or decays, and syntactic stuctures and ordering constraints evolve as well. The rate of change varies, but whether the changes are faster or slower, they build up until the "mother tongue" becomes arbitrarily distant and different. After a thousand years, the original and new languages will not be mutually intelligible. After ten thousand years, the relationship will be essentially indistinguishable from chance relationships between historically unrelated languages.

In isolated subpopulations speaking the same language, most changes will not be shared. As a result, such subgroups will drift apart linguistically, and eventually will not be able to understand one another.

In the modern world, language change is often socially problematic. Long before divergent dialects lose mutual intelligibility completely, they begin to show difficulties and inefficiencies in communication, especially under noisy or stressful conditions. Also, as people observe language change, they usually react negatively, feeling that the language has "gone down hill". You never seem to hear older people commenting that the language of their children or grandchildren's generation has improved compared to the language of their own youth.

Here is a puzzle: language change is functionally disadvantageous, in that it hinders communication, and it is also negatively evaluated by socially dominant groups. Nevertheless is is a universal fact of human history.

How and why does language change?

There are many different routes to language change. Changes can take originate in language learning, or through language contact, social differentiation, and natural processes in usage.

Language learning: Language is transformed as it is transmitted from one generation to the next. Each individual must re-create a grammar and lexicon based on input received from parents, older siblings and other members of the speech community. The experience of each individual is different, and the process of linguistic replication is imperfect, so that the result is variable across individuals. However, a bias in the learning process -- for instance, towards regularization -- will cause systematic drift, generation by generation. In addition, random differences may spread and become 'fixed', especially in small populations.

Language contact: Migration, conquest and trade bring speakers of one language into contact with speakers of another language. Some individuals will become fully bilingual as children, while others learn a second language more or less well as adults. In such contact situations, languages often borrow words, sounds, constructions and so on.

Social differentiation. Social groups adopt distinctive norms of dress, adornment, gesture and so forth; language is part of the package. Linguistic distinctiveness can be achieved through vocabulary (slang or jargon), pronunciation (usually via exaggeration of some variants already available in the environment), morphological processes, syntactic constructions, and so on.

Natural processes in usage. Rapid or casual speech naturally produces processes such as assimilation, dissimilation, syncope and apocope. Through repetition, particular cases may become conventionalized, and therefore produced even in slower or more careful speech. Word meaning change in a similar way, through conventionalization of processes like metaphor and metonymy.

Some linguists distinguish between internal and external sources of language change, with "internal" sources of change being those that occur within a single languistic community, and contact phenomena being the main examples of an external source of change.

The analogy with evolution via natural selection

Darwin himself, in developing the concept of evolution of species via natural selection, made an analogy to the evolution of languages. For the analogy to hold, we need a pool of individuals with variable traits, a process of replication creating new individuals whose traits depend on those of their "parents", and a set of environmental processes that result in differential success in replication for different traits.

We can cast each of the just-listed types of language change in such a framework. For example, in child language acquisition, different grammatical or different lexical patterns may be more or less easily learnable, resulting in better replication for grammatical or lexical variants that are "fitter" in this sense.

There are some key differences between grammars/lexicons and genotypes. For one thing, linguistic traits can be acquired throughout one's life from many different sources, although intitial acquisition and (to a lesser extent) adolescence seem to be crucial stages. Acquired (linguistic) traits can also be passed on to others. One consequence is that linguistic history need not have the form of a tree, with languages splitting but never rejoining, whereas genetic evolution is largely constrained to have a tree-like form (despite the possibility of transfer of genetic material across species boundaries by viral infection and so on). However, as a practical matter, the assumption that linguistic history is a sort of tree structure has been found to be a good working approximation.

In particular, the basic sound structure and morphology of languages usually seems to "descend" via a tree-structured graph of inheritance, with regular, lawful relationships between the patterns of "parent" and "child" languages.

Types of Change

Sound change

All aspects of language change, and a great deal is know about general mechanisms and historical details of changes at all levels of linguistic analysis. However, a special and conspicuous success has been achieved in modeling changes in phonological systems, traditionally called sound change. In the cases where we have access to several historical stages -- for instance, the development of the modern Romance Languages from Latin -- these sound changes are remarkably regular. Techniques developed in such cases permit us to reconstruct the sound system -- and some of the vocabulary -- of unattested parent languages from information about daughter languages.

In some cases, an old sound becomes a new sound across the board. Such a change occurred in Hawai'ian, in that all the " t" sounds in an older form of the language became " k"s: at the time Europeans encountered Hawai'ian, there were no " t"s in it at all, though the closely related languages Tahitian, Samoan, Tongan and Maori all have " t"s.

Another unconditioned sound change that occurred between Middle and Early Modern English (around Shakespeare's time) is known as the Great Vowel Shift. At that time, there was a length distinction in the English vowels, and the Great Vowel Shift altered the position of all the long vowels, in a giant rotation.

The nucleus of the two high vowels (front "long i" /i:/, and the back "long u" /u:/) started to drop, and the high position was retained only in the offglide. Eventually, the original /i:/ became /ai/ - so a "long i" vowel in Modern English is now pronounced /ai/ as in a word like 'bite': /bait/. Similarly, the "long u" found its nucleus dropping all the way to /au/: the earlier 'house' /hu:s/ became /haus/. All the other long vowels rotated, the mid vowels /e:/ and /o:/ rising to fill the spots vacated by the former /i:/ and /u:/ respectively, and so on. That is why the modern pronouns 'he' and 'she' are written with /e/ (reflecting the old pronunciation) but pronounced as /i/. In the following chart, the words are located where their vowel used to be pronounced -- where they are pronounced today is indicated by the arrows.

In other cases, a sound change may be "conditioned" so as to apply in certain kinds of environments and not in others. For example, it's very common for tongue-tip ("coronal") consonants to become palatal when they are followed by high front vowels. The residue of this process can be seen in English pairs like divide/division, fuse/fusion, submit/submission, oppress/oppression.

Processes of sound change.

Another dimension along which we can look at sound change is by classifying changes according to the particular process involved.

Assimilation, or the influence of one sound on an adjacent sound, is perhaps the most pervasive process. Assimilation processes changed Latin /k/ when followed by /i/ or /y/, first to /ky/, then to "ch", then to /s/, so that Latin faciat /fakiat/ 'would make' became fasse /fas/ in Modern French (the subjunctive of the verb faire 'to make').Palatalization is a kind of assimilation.

In contrast to assimilation, dissimilation, metathesis, and haplology tend to occur more sporadically, i.e., to affect individual words. Dissimilation involves a change in one of two 'same' sounds that are adjacent or almost adjacent in a particular word such that they are no longer the same. Thus the first "l" in English colonel is changed to an "r", and the word is pronounced like "kernel". Metathesis involves the change in order of two adjacent sounds. Crystal cites Modern English third from OE thrid , and Modern English bird is a parallel example. But Modern English bright underwent the opposite change, its ancestor being beorht, and not all "vowel + r" words changed the relative order of these segments as happened with bird and third . Already by the time of Old English, there were two forms of the word for "ask": ascian and acsian. We don't know which form was metathesized from the other, but we do know that ascian won out in the standard language. Haplology is similar to dissimilation, because it involves getting rid of similar neighboring sounds, but this time, one sound is simply dropped out rather than being changed to a different sound. An example is the pronunciation of Modern English probably as prob'ly.

Other sound change processes are merger, split, loss, syncope, apocope, prothesis, and epenthesis. Merger and split can be seen as the mirror image of each other. A merger that is currently expanding over much of the United States is the merger between"short o" and "long open o". The following table contains examples of words that you probably pronounce differently if you are from the Philadelphia - New York - New England area, or if you are from the South. If you are from Canada, the American Midwest, or from California, you probably find that the vowels in these pairs sound the same, rather than different. If this is the case, you have a merger here.

Short "o"Long "Open o"

cot
hot
hock
stock caught
haughty
hawk
stalk

Splits are rarer than mergers, and usually arise when a formerly conditioned alternation loses the environment that provided the original conditioning, and the previously conditioned alternation becomes two independent sounds that contrast with each other. This is basically what happened when /f/ and /v/ split in English (/v/ having previously been an alternate of/f/ when /f/ occurred in an intervocalic position).

Loss involves the loss of a sound from a language, as when Hawai'ian lost the/t/ in favor of /k/ (see below).

Syncope and apocope are the loss of medial and final sounds respectively. Middle English 'tame' in the past tense was /temede/. It lost both its medial and final vowels to become Modern English /teymd/. These are usually conditioned changes that do not involve loss of the same sound elsewhere.

Prothesis and epenthesis are the introduction of additional sounds, initially and medially respectively. The addition of the/e/ that made Latin words like scola 'school' into Portuguese escola is the only example of prothesis in foure historical linguistics textbooks I consulted. As for epenthesis, an example other than the one Crystal cites was the/d/ inserted into ME thunrian to give us the Modern English thunder.

How do we know how languages are related?

Linguists rely on systematic sound changes to establish the relationships between languages. The basic idea is that when a change occurs within a speech community, it gets diffused across the entire community of speakers of the language. If, however, the communities have split and are no longer in contact, a change that happens in one community does not get diffused to the other community. Thus a change that happened between early and late Latin would show up in all the 'daughter' languages of Latin, but once the late Latin speakers of the Iberian peninsula were no longer in regular contact with other late Latin speakers, a change that happened there would not spread to the other communities. Languages that share innovations are considered to have shared a common history apart from other languages, and are put on the same branch of the language family tree.

Words in two or more daughter languages that derive from the same word in the ancestral language are known as cognates. Sound changes work to change the actual phonetic form of the word in the different languages, but we can still recognize them as originating from a common source because of the regularities within each language. For example, a change happened in Italian such that in initial consonant clusters, the l that originally followed p and f changed to i. Thus Italian words like fiore 'flower'; fiume 'river'; pioggia 'rain'; and piuma 'feather' are cognates with the French fleur; fleuve; pluie; and plume, respectively, and with Spanish flora, fluvial (adj. 'riverine'); lluvia (by a later change); and pluma respectively.

In the Romance languages below, the word for 'mother' is a cognate in all the six contemporary languages considered, however the word for 'father' is a cognate only in four of the five: in Rumanian, the original word inherited from Latin pater has been replaced by a completely different word, tata.

Spanish and Italian are the only two that retain a phonological reflex of the original Latin medial consonant t, (in both languages, it has been voiced to d, probably a change that occurred in the common ancestor to all the dialects and languages of the Iberian peninsula. All the other Romance languages have dropped it. The original r has also suffered different fates: however, within each language, the same thing happened in both words. Where we find r deleted in final position in the word for 'mother', we also find it deleted in the same position in the word for 'father'.

English Gloss French Italian Spanish Portuguese Rumanian Catalan

mother

mer

madre

madre

mae

mama

mare

father

per

padre

padre

pae

tata

pare

The same principles are applied in languages that do not have a written history. Several cognate sets in five languages of the Polynesian family are listed in the next table.

English
Gloss Tongan Maori Samoan Tahitian Hawai'ian

1. bird

manu

manu

manu

manu

manu

2. fish

ika

ika

i?a

i?a

i?a

3. to eat

kai

kai

?ai

?ai

?ai

4. forbidden

tapu

tapu

tapu

tapu

kapu

5. eye

mata

mata

mata

mata

maka

6. blood

toto

toto

toto

toto

koko

We see that no changes happened in the nasal consonants, nor in the vowels, but we can observe in lines 2 and 3 that wherever Tongan and Maori have /k/, Samoan, Tahitian and Hawai'ian appear to have /?/ (glottal stop). Apparently there has been an unconditioned change from /k/ to /?/ in the Eastern branch, or a change from /k/ to /k/ in the Western branch of this family. We choose the first as more likely, partly because/t/ is a more common phoneme in the world's languages, partly because backing of consonants is more common than fronting, and partly because of what we know about the culture history: Polynesia was peopled from west to east, and if the change had occurred in the Western branch, that would have been at a time when all five languages were still one speech community. Next, we see in lines 4 - 6 that there is a systematic correspondence between/t/ in the first four languages and/k/ in the easternmost, Hawai'ian. This looks like another systematic, unconditioned sound change, this time in only one language. (We can see from this example that when English borrowed the Polynesian word for "forbidden", we borrowed it from one of the languages west of Hawaii -- we say"taboo", not "kaboo"). This is what a family tree of the five Polynesian languages would look like, based on the small data set above (the picture is somewhat more complex when we look at other cognate sets -- Maori in particular is probably not correctly placed in this diagram, which has been designed as an illustration of the method):

Historical Reconstruction vs. Lexicostatistics

In the examples just discussed, the central enterprise has been to establish a systematic pattern of change, most often sound change: every original Malayo-polynesian /t/ becomes /k/ in Hawaiian, and we can cite many correspondences of cognate pairs to prove it. This level of understanding is useful for several reasons.

First, a systematic pattern of phonological correspondence across many words is unlikely to have arisen by chance, whereas completely unrelated languages often develop surprising similarities in particular words, entirely by chance.

Second, given systematic patterns of this type, we can start to apply the comparative method to reconstruct the parent language. This in turn allows us to examine relationships among reconstructed languages at a greater time depth, even if the process of change entirely obscures the relationships among the vocabulary items in the child languages.

However, establishing patterns of this type is difficult. It requires a large vocabulary in all the languages being compared, in order to find enough cognates; and it also requires a deep knowledge of the grammar of each of the languages, in order to see cognate relationships that might be obscured by morphology and contextual phonological change -- and not to be fooled into seeing false cognates where morphology or phonology have created chance similarities.

Another approach, pioneered by the American Structuralist linguist Morris Swadesh, is called lexicostatistics. For a set of languages of interest, we get a small vocabulary list of common, basic words (typically 100-200 items). For each pair of languages, we determine the percentage of words on this list that appear to be cognate. Determination of cognation is dependent on the subjective judgment of the linguist, and we expect some errors, especially if the scholar does not know the languages very well, but we hope that the error rate will be small enough not to affect the results.

We can then arrange these cognate percentages in a table, from which we draw some conclusions about the degree of relationship among the languages involved.

Here is a relatively recent example, drawn from Central Yambasa Survey Report, by Boone et al., discussing languages of the Centre Province of Cameroon:

Gunu [two lists]

82

Elip

85

90

Mmala [two lists]

78

90

89

Yangben[two lists]

77

81

81

88

Baca [two lists]

66

72

72

77

78

Mbule [two lists]

58

63

64

66

70

69

Bati

42

41

42

42

42

46

45

Hijuk [two lists]

39

38

41

38

37

40

41

88

Basaa

Table 5 New lexical similarity percentages for Central Yambasa
and selected neighbouring tongues

From this table, we can conclude that Elip, Mmala and Yangben are "closely related speech varieties"; that they are somewhat more distant from Gunu, Baca and Mbule; that they are even more distant from Bati; and that they are further yet from Hijuk and Basaa. Based on this sort of consideration, we can construct a sort of family tree, just as we might based on patterns of sound change.

There has been a great deal of controversy about whether family trees based on lexicostatistics are reliable. Those who doubt it point to the possibility that cognate percentages might be strongly affected by vocabulary borrowing, either in a negative or positive direction. For instance, Japanese borrowed many words from Chinese without becoming a Sino-Tibetan language; it has recently borrowed many words from English without becoming an Indo-European language. Those who favor lexicostatistics argue that this sort of borrowing is less common in the basic-vocabulary wordlists that they use.

There are two distinct controversies about the use of lexicostatistical methods. One issue is whether the family trees produced for languages with fairly high cognate percentages (say 60% and higher) are a reliable indication of the detailed structure of "genetic" relationships among languages. Everyone accepts that two languages with 85% cognates are certainly related; the only question is whether they are (necessarily) "more closely related" in a historical sense than either is to a language whose cognate percentages with both are (say) 80%.

For example, we might have a situation in which proto-language A splits into B and C. C in turn splits into D and E. E then undergoes a period of close contact with a completely unrelated language, Z, as a result of of which it borrows a lot of new vocabulary. Now E has a lower cognate percentage with D than D has with B; but the historical fact is that E is more closely related to D than D is to B.

The second controversy is what to make of relationships involving very low cognate percentages, say below 10%. Depending on the nature of the languages and the methods used to determine cognation, these percentages are getting into the range that could (it is argued) arise by chance, or by superficial or indirect recent contact.

Glottochronology

Swadesh and others took this type of analysis further, based on the idea that the average rate of loss of cognates could be regarded as constant over historical time, just like the rate of radioactive decay. Swadesh looked at some languages where historical stages are well documented, and concluded that basic vocabulary decays by 14 percent every millenium. According to the entry on Swadesh in the Encyclopedia of Linguistics:

Thus, if the basic vocabularies of two related languages are found to match by 70 percent, they can be assumed to have developed from a single language that existed approximately 12 centuries before.The assumption that basic vocabulary decay is generally uniform has been largely rejected. If one allows that languages, just like societies, may develop at different rates at different times, the assumption of steady vocabulary decay in particular, and the glottochronological method in general, is seriously undermined.

Everyone recognizes that linguistic decay is not completely uniform. Some people still believe that it is sometimes uniform enough for glottochronological methods to be a useful approximate guide to linguistic (and thus ethnic) history.

What are the results of language change?

When accompanied by splits of populations, language change results first in dialect divergence (the kinds of differences we see between British and American English; between the French of France and of Quebec; between New World and Old World Spanish and Portuguese). Over longer time periods, we see the emergence of separate languages as in the contemporary Romance languages, separated by about 2000 years, and the Germanic languages, whose divergence began perhaps 500 years earlier. Both of these families are part of Indo-European , for which the Ethnologue web page lists 448 languages! Though political considerations often intervene in whether a particular speech variety is considered to be a language or a dialect, the basic idea behind linguistic classifications is that dialects are mutually intelligible, whereas languages are not.

Of course, the question of intelligibility is always relative. The following phrases taken from the spontaneous speech of Chicagoans recorded in the early 1990s were difficult for many non-Chicagoans to understand correctly. In "gating" experiments designed to test cross-dialectal comprehension in American English, subjects first heard a word, then a slightly longer segment, then a whole phrase or sentence that may have disambiguated the original mishearing. These experiments were part of the research project on Cross-Dialectal Comprehension done at the Linguistics Lab here at Penn (for more information on the Northern Cities Shift, see "The Organization of Dialect Diversity" on the home page of the Phonological Atlas of North America .)

Original segment Many people misheard as First expansion Second expansion

drop

??? (nonsense word containing vowel in "that")

massive drop

the plane was steady for a while and then it took a massive drop

socks

sacks

y'hadda wear socks

y'hadda wear socks, no sandals

block

black

one block

old senior citizens living on one block

met

mutt

they met

my parents went to Cuba and that's where they met

steady

study

steady for a while

the plane was steady for a while and then it took a massive drop

head

had

shook 'er head

this woman in while, who just smiled at her and shook 'er head

These misunderstandings are based on the fact that the Chicago speakers (along with 40 - 50 million other people in the "Inland North" dialect including Rochester, Buffalo, Detroit, Syracuse, and other cities of that region) have a rotation of their short vowels such that the low unrounded vowel of the "short o" words like drop, socks, block, and hot is being fronted to the position where other American dialects have words like that, hat, black, rap, and sacks, , and where "short e" words like met, steady and head can sound like mutt, study and thud or mat, static and had.

The Ethnologue data base includes more than 7100 languages spoken in 228 countries. They state that their "criterion for listing speech varieties separately is low intelligibility, as far as that can be ascertained."

How far back can we go?

Most linguists agree that our methods for reconstruction will take as only as far back as about 5000 - 7000 years; after that, the number of cognate sets available for reconstruction becomes just too low to give results that can be reliably distinguished from chance relationships. Although it would be very satisfying to be able to link up some of the existing families at a higher level, the evidence seems too weak to allow us to do so. A minority of scholars, however, argue that this is possible, and one particularly well-known group of such scholars goes by the name of Nostraticists, derived from their views that there exists a super-family of language they have called the "Nostratic", which would include not only Indo-European languages but also Uralic languages such as Finnish and Hungarian, Altaic languages such as Mongolian and Turkish (itself a contested grouping), and Afro-Asiatic languages such as Arabic, Hebrew, Hausa and Somali. A New York Times article from 1995 presents a well-balanced view of the Nostraticist position. Dr. Donald Ringe of the Penn Linguistics Department, himself an expert on the ancient Indo-European language Tocharian, is one of the chief critics of the Nostraticist position.

The current Ethnologue listing of "language families" includes 153 members, from Abkhaz-Adyghe to Zaparoan. This does not mean that human language was developed independently 153 times -- it only means that generally-accepted methods can't establish any further relationships among these groupings.
Other (optional) links on debated historical reconstructions
Founding fathers of the Amerind debate
Gall in the family
Splitters and lumpers -- then and now
Eska and Ringe on Forster and Toth
Dating Indo-European
More on Gray and Aktinson
Ticks and tocks of glottoclocks
Gray and Atkinson -- use of binary characters
The place and time of Proto-Indo-European: Another round>a>
Ancestry-constrained phylogenetic analysis supports the Indo-European steppe hypothesis
New Perspectives on Indo-European Phylogeny and Chronology

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Linguistics 001 -- Language Change and Historical Reconstruction

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English a thousand years ago -- Text with reading: Your browser does not support the audio element. HWÆT: WE GAR-DENA IN GEARDAGUM þeodcyninga þrym gefrunon. Hu ða æþelingas ellen fremedon! Translation: Lo! the Spear-Danes' glory through splendid achievements The folk-kings' former fame we have heard of, How princes displayed then their prowess-in-battle.

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Este video corto explica que en el AD temprano, el latin fue hablado por 25 por ciento de la población del mundo. El latin se convirtió en las lenguas romances como el español, el italiano, el francés, etc. Pero, por qué ocurrió esto? El latin es muy complejo y casi todas las palabras pueden cambiar basada en el género, aspecto, tenso, y persona. Después de la caída del imperio romano, el latin vulgar (una forma de latin mas sencillo y común)  se desarrolló, y siguió cambiando.

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Este gráfico muestra que todos los lenguas romances que existen hoy en dia se origina del Latin. Pienso que es muy interesante como las lenguas se desarrollaron muy diferente en cada región, pero aún se guardan muchos rasgos similares.

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Este video que se encuentra en padlet es extremadamente importante para entender unos aspectos fundamentales de cómo se estudia la historia del lenguaje. Algo importante que menciona es el hecho que palabras similares no afirman un relación entre dos lenguas, pero la gramática, el sintaxis, y los pronombres son más útiles en determinar si dos lenguas  son relacionadas.

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Este video explica la concepta muy interesante del orden de palabras en español, y cuando se usa “VSO” o “SVO”. La decisión del orden de palabras: la parte del oración que tiene más foco en el discurso viene más adelante en la oración. Si el evento es más importante, se usa SVO. Si la persona es más importante, se usa VSO.  El contexto es muy importante para decidir cuál orden se debe usar.  (2:25)

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Language and Linguistic Science, University of York

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Hidden meanings in language learning: word order in Spanish

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This short video sheds light on a potentially puzzling aspect of Spanish word order. It was created by the Meaning in Language Learning Network (http://millnetwork.org/) and launched at the Hidden Meanings in Language Learning event in the York Festival of Ideas, 10 June 2015.

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Hay dos tablas aquí que muestran los componentes de oraciones simples y compuestas. Es importante recordar que una oración simple solo tiene UN predicado, y oraciones compuestas tienen DOS o MÁS predicados. La tabla para las oraciones simples no incluye los tipos de oraciones “preposicional” o “psicología” como repasamos en clase. También, la tabla para las oraciones compuestas muestra “Yuxtapuestas” en su propia categoría, no en la categoría “Coordinadas”.

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Hice este quizlet para repasar todos los (diez) usos de “se”. Me ayudó un poco en entender la diferencia entre “se de la voz pasiva” y “se impersonal”. “Se impersonal” solamente aparece cuando hay “se + verbo singular”. También, el quizlet no incluye usos de “se” como una forma del verbo “saber”, o como una forma imperativo del verbo “ser”.

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Start studying Ejemplos del uso de "se". Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools.

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Cual de las siguientes oraciones traducza correctamente la oración: “The long-time friend is a big man.”

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Cual de las siguientes oraciones traducza correctamente la oración: “The long-time friend is a big man.”

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a) El viejo amigo es un gran hombre.
b) El amigo viejo es un gran hombre.
c) El viejo amigo es un hombre grande.
d) El amigo viejo es un hombre grande.

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Los Adjetivos: ¿Después o Antes del Sustantivo?

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Los Adjetivos: ¿Después o Antes del Sustantivo?

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Usualmente, los adjetivos en español vienen después del sustantivo. Sin embargo, hay unas excepciones a esta regla. Adjetivos descriptivos que enfatizan las características de un sustantivo pueden aparecer antes del sustantivo. (“el dulce miel” o  “las verdes hojas”). También, adjetivos posesivos (mi, su, nuestra, etc.) y adjetivos limitantes (alguno, poco, varios, ocho, etc.) siempre aparecen antes del sustantivo. La última excepción es adjetivos que cambian el significado. Cuando vienen antes del sustantivo, expresan un sentimiento más figurativo o metafórico, y cuando aparecen después del sustantivo, expresan un sentimiento más literal o real. Aquí está una lista de adjetivos que cambian el significado.

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En el video un hablante nativo de español explica cómo usar la “F” y la “Chu” en español. La “F” se forma por dividir cada sílaba y entonces incluir la letra “F” y la vocal de la sílaba. La “Chu” se forma por dividir cada sílaba y entonces incluir la sílaba “Chu”. (¡En la sección de los comentarios hay muchas personas hablando en la “F” y la “Chu”!)

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Hablando en código: Hablar con la "F" y la "Chu" / Speaking Spanish in code

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Este video explica la diferencia entre los sufijos aumentativos (-ote) y diminutivos (-ito). Un sufijo aumentativo indica un gran tamaño o alta intensidad, y un sufijo diminutivo indica lo contrario. También, explica cómo usar estos sufijos, y nota que cuando una palabra termina en un consonante, se añade un “s” para un sufijo aumentativo y un “c” para un sufijo diminutivo.

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Spanish Augmentative and Diminutive suffixes

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Tutorial about Augmentative in Diminutive suffixes for spanish language, a very common source in spanish daily speaking. For any doubt about this topic don't heistate to ask. Adobe After Effects CS5

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Este sitio web da mucha información y ejemplos sobre lo que hemos discutido en clase con relación a los característicos morfologías de verbos en espanol. También provide unos ejemplos y frases de cuando se usa el subjuntivo, indicativo, e imperativo y explica muy básicamente las desinencias. Es un buen repaso resumido.

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Los afijos se anteponen, se posponen, o se insertan en una palabra (o lexema) para cambiar su significado gramaticalmente (afijo flexivo) o semánticamente (afijo derivativo). Estos son unos ejemplos de prefijos que se usa en espanol. Es interesante que los prefijos en ingles y espanol son muy similares.

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Este quizlet da muchos definiciones de términos importantes fonéticas. Explica que es un par mínimo, la sonorización, y todos los lugares y maneras de articulación. También, provide unos definiciones de fonemas, diptongos, el IPA, y unos sistemas (laríngeo, respiratorio, y circulatorio) que se usa en la producción del habla.

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Chapter 3: Phonetics and Phonetic Transcription Vocabulary Flashcards | Quizlet

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Start studying Chapter 3: Phonetics and Phonetic Transcription Vocabulary. Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools.

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Esto es mi video favorito de la fonética. Hemos discutido en clase los sonidos, y hemos transcribido muchas oraciones, pero este video provide una vista (por MRI) de la boca durante la producción del habla. Es increíble lo rápido que podemos mover todos nuestros articuladores de la boca. ¡De hecho, el hablante promedio de ingles habla aproximadamente 150 palabras cada minuto! (1:06 - 1:13 la producción de unas vocales)

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Pienso que Spanishdict.com tiene el mejor lista, pronunciación, y ejemplos de los diptongos del español. Los diptongos más difíciles para mi son “ei” como en “aceite” y “eu” como en “Europa”. Esta lista me ayuda mucho en practicar y escuchar todos los diptongos.

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La tabla muestra la diferencia entre los diptongos y hiatos, y da unos ejemplos. Un diptongo es dos vocales en la MISMA sílaba, y un hiato es dos vocales en sílabas DISTINTAS. También, muestra que si hay una secuencia de dos vocales, pero uno de los vocales tiene un acento, es hiato.

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Este video explica los características del lenguaje humano, como el arbitrariedad, el desplazamiento, la articulación dual y la productividad. No menciona la prevaricación (la capacidad de mentir), la reflexividad (la capacidad de hablar de una lengua), o la creatividad (la imprevisibilidad del lenguaje). A pesar de eso, el video explica muy bien las otras características.

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El video explica la diferencia entre las reglas prescriptivas y descriptivas e incluye dos ejemplos. La gramática prescriptiva es como se debe usar el lenguaje (autorizado por las academias de lenguas, como el RAE), y es la que se enseña en las escuelas. La gramática descriptiva es como se utiliza el lenguaje en realidad.

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Esta tabla provee las definiciones para las principales ramas de la lingüística. También explica la diferencia entre la lingüística teórica, y la lingüística aplicada. Contiene otras ramas que no hemos mencionado en clase, como la biolingüística, la geolingüística, y la etnolingüística. La geolingüística es el estudio de la distribución geográfica de las lenguas y las características linguísticas.

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La Neurolingüística: el estudio de los mecanismos neuronales en el cerebro humano que controlan la producción, comprensión y adquisición del lenguaje.

Esta publicación explica los resultados de dos experimentos con adolescentes bilingües y monolingües. Se utilizaron los electrodos para evaluar la actividad cerebral durante los experimentos. Los resultados mostraron que bilingues funcionaron mejor en las tareas de atención selectiva y demostraron un aumento de la actividad cerebral mientras escuchar sonidos complejos.

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A new study found certain brain functions that are enhanced in teens who are fluent in more than one language. The finding gives new insight into how our senses help shape our brains.

About 1 in 5 children nationwide speak a language other than English at home. Children who grow up learning to speak 2 languages tend to learn English words and grammar more slowly than those who speak only English. But studies have found that bilingual children tend to be better than monolingual children at multitasking. They are also better at focusing their attention-for example, homing in on a voice in a noisy school cafeteria.

Dr. Nina Kraus and her colleagues at Northwestern University have been using scalp electrodes to analyze activity in the brain circuits that process complex sounds (called the auditory brainstem response). They noted that musicians show attention and memory advantages similar to those seen in bilinguals. In past work, the researchers found that musicians have enhanced auditory brainstem responses to the timing and harmonics in sound. The scientists decided to test whether bilingual teens, whose brains are still developing, would also show an enhanced response to complex sounds.

The researchers studied 48 incoming first year high school students, 23 of whom were proficient in both Spanish and English. The rest were proficient only in English. The study was funded by NIH's Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD). Results appeared in the April 30, 2012, advance online edition of the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

The researchers played the speech syllable "da" to the teens, using electrodes to record the intensity of their auditory brainstem response. Bilinguals showed a larger response than monolinguals. When the sound was played with a background of babble, monolingual teens had a less intense response than when it was played alone. In contrast, bilinguals showed virtually identical responses with and without the background babble.

In another experiment, the teens were given a selective attention test in which they were asked to click a mouse when a 1, but not a 2, was seen or heard. The test involved 500 trials of 1or 2 seconds each over a period of 20 minutes. The bilingual teens outperformed the monolingual teens on this test.

The researchers then compared the results of the 2 sets of experiments. Among bilingual teens, the intensity of the auditory brainstem response during the babble test correlated with attention test scores. In contrast, there was no correlation among the monolingual teens. These findings suggest that the bilingual experience may help improve selective attention by enhancing the auditory brainstem response.

"Bilingualism serves as enrichment for the brain and has real consequences when it comes to executive function, specifically attention and working memory," Kraus says. The team next plans to explore whether learning a language later in life can bring similar benefits.

"The bilingual juggles linguistic input and, it appears, automatically pays greater attention to relevant versus irrelevant sounds," says team member Dr. Viorica Marian. "Rather than promoting linguistic confusion, bilingualism promotes improved 'inhibitory control,' or the ability to pick out relevant speech sounds and ignore others."

-by Harrison Wein, Ph.D.

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proceedings of the national academy of sciences

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A new study found certain brain functions that are enhanced in teens who are fluent in more than one language. The finding gives new insight into how our senses help shape our brains. About 1 in 5 children nationwide speak a language other than English at home.

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La siguiente oracion es un ejemplo de que?
"Lo di una bofetada."
A. Leísmo
B. Loísmo
C. Laísmo
D. Dialecto