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Black Women Are Besieged On Social Media, And White Apathy Damns Us All

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Attacks on prominent black women flow continuously on Twitter and Facebook, and from white male leaders, with devastating effects to our country, economy, and common goals.

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#BlackGirlMagic: Impact of the social media movement on Black women's self esteem

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Survey responses. One hundred thirty-four Black women were recruited through Instagram advertisements, targeting an audience of Instagram users in the United States up to age 35 years. The audience was targeted by Instagram analytics through user interactions with culturally relevant content on the application.

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Whether you love it, loathe it or simply accept it, social media is part of life, especially for teens.

Social media issues are often complex and there are typically no 'right answers' to drawn on. Having said that, there is a growing body of research from which can be gleaned some principles for wise usage.

While social media is sometimes touted to combat loneliness, a significant body of research suggests it may have the opposite effect. By triggering comparison with others, it can raise doubts about self-worth, potentially leading to mental health issues such as anxiety and depression. In this article, I will explore some of these troubling issues through a balanced lens.

Does social media impact how you feel?

Researchers haven't yet been able to prove a direct causative relationship between social media and mental health. However, it seems more than a coincidence that rates of anxiety and depression in young people have risen concurrently with those of social media usage.

While social media may help to cultivate friendships and reduce loneliness, evidence suggests that excessive use negatively impacts self-esteem and life satisfaction. It's also linked to an increase in mental health problems and suicidality (though not yet conclusively).

Rising rates of depression have coincided with the rise in smartphone use. A study published in 2017 in the journal Clinical Psychological Science looked at social media/smartphone usage, depression and suicide death rates in more than 500,000 US students in years 8 to 12. Between 2010 and 2015, they found a 33 percent increase in the number of adolescents with high levels of depressive symptoms and 31 percent more died by suicide. The increase was driven almost exclusively by females.

The study's lead author noted that the increase in depressive symptoms correlated with smartphone adoption over that period. There was also a corresponding jump in reports of students seeking assistance at counselling centres, mainly for depression and anxiety.

Conversely, those spending more time on non-screen activities (such as in-person social interaction, sporting activities, and attending religious services) were less likely to report mental health issues.

Another study, just released in JAMA Psychiatry, looked at social media usage in 6,595 adolescents. They found that adolescents spending more than three hours per day using social media may be at increased risk for mental health problems, especially internalising problems (suffering on the inside, including symptoms like anxiety, depression, suicidal thoughts, negative self-image, and loneliness).

Furthermore, social media overload may lead to problems with self-esteem, particularly in teenage girls. "Many girls are bombarded with their friends posting the most perfect pictures of themselves, or they're following celebrities and influencers who do a lot of Photoshopping and have makeup and hair teams," Dr Alexandra Hamlet, a clinical psychologist at the Child Mind Institute, says in an article for Childmind.org "If that's their model for what is normal, it can be very hard on their self-confidence."

Another reason why depression is associated with social media might be what psychologists call displacement - which means what teenagers are not doing during time that's displaced by social media. This includes mental health-boosting activities such as exercise, sleep and developing talents.

"If you're spending a lot of time on your phone, you have less time for activities that can build confidence, a sense of achievement and connectedness," Dr. Hamlet explains. "Yes, you get a little dopamine burst whenever you get a notification, or a like on a picture, or a follow request. But those things are addicting without being satisfying."

Sleep and low self-esteem

One crucial thing that social media can displace is sleep. A recent study by paediatric researchers Scott, Biello and Woods involving almost 12,000 adolescents found that overall, heavier social media use was associated with poorer sleep patterns. Very high social media users, for example, were more likely than average users to report late sleep onset and wake times and trouble getting back to sleep after night-time waking.

The Child Mind Institute point out that lack of sleep can negatively affect teens' mood, and ability to regulate emotions and get along with adults. Sleep and depression can become a vicious spiral, as lack of sleep leads to depression and vice versa.

Other research shows that 60 percent of adolescents check their phones in the hour before going to bed. On average, they got an hour less sleep than peers not using their phones pre-bedtime. The blue light from electronic screens is known to interfere with sleep and checking social media doesn't coax the mind to relax.

Toxic social media breeds bad behaviour

Furthermore, social media can be a breeding ground for toxic behaviours. Some of these include:

Narcissism - social media may encourage self-obsession. You've no doubt seen people fixated on getting the perfect 'selfie' for their social accounts. Facebook, in particular, has reportedly caused what researchers call a context collapse, where users become locked into a single persona and "self-edit" what they share on social media to comply with this persona. However, self-absorption contrasts starkly with the attitude Christ calls us to - a selfless desire to place God first and love and serve others (Mark 12: 30-31).

The anonymity and distance afforded by the online environment can also embolden behaviours that people may not consider in face-to-face interactions. For example:

Lies - in their endeavours to portray a certain persona, people blatantly lie about their lives, or distort the truth. Others pretend to be someone else, sometimes by stealing identities.

Bullying - more than a third of young people are bullied online, according to a 2018 survey of 1,000 young people by mental health organisation ReachOut Australia. They also found that reported cyberbullying had doubled in 12 months among 14 to 16-year-olds.

Spying - social media is an easy platform for prying eyes. Maintaining privacy is an increasing concern. According to children's digital safety organisation GuardChild, 39 percent of tweens and teens think their online activity is private from everyone. Twenty-four percent of social media users reported they were not at all confident using privacy settings.

Stalking - cyberstalking is harassing behaviour using an online platform. It may include threats, cryptic messages and sexual innuendo, usually with a goal of creating fear or intimidation. For example, adult predators may create fake profiles, pretending to be a young person to befriend and gain the trust of young people online. An Australian Government Committee on Cybersafety found that young Australians appear unsure of what cyber-stalking involves.

'Likes' do not make you feel happier

While getting 'likes' on social media posts might give a short-lived high, studies have indicated they don't make people happier.

A 2017 study by the British Psychological Society found that receiving likes didn't make people feel any better about themselves or lift mood when they were down. Study author Dr Martin Graff said: "Although this is just a relatively small-scale study, the results indicate that the ways we interact with social media can affect how we feel and not always positively."

Evaluate everything you share on social media

While much of what gets shared on social media seems harmless, it's worth remembering that not everyone has good intentions. Social posts can make great fodder for internet trolls, cyber-bullies and, worse still, paedophiles. Much care should be taken.

It's conceivable that your young person's posts could get into the hands of the wrong people. A rash decision to post a revealing picture, for example, could lead to long-term regret when it turns up in a search by an employer.

In an attempt to keep our students safe online, ACC secondary students are educated on the responsible use of social media and technology. It is important that parents model responsible use in their homes too.

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Positive habits to increase happiness and combat low self-esteem

Social media is unlikely to help your child develop self-worth. But there are proven things you can do for combatting low self-esteem and reducing the risk of anxiety and depression.

Do what you love

The Australian and New Zealand Mental Health Association note that doing enjoyable activities, like hobbies or sports, is associated with reduced stress and better psychological function. They explain that creative or engaging hobbies can have similar effects to exercise on the brain and mental health.

Helping others in your community

An overwhelming amount of evidence shows that contributing to the lives of others has many benefits. For example, volunteering can give you a sense of purpose, increase self-esteem, reduce stress, relieve symptoms of depression and combat loneliness. As Jesus pointed out, it's more blessed to give than to receive (Acts 20:35).

Seek healthy friendships

Good friendships help to prevent loneliness and provide a sense of belonging and purpose. They are associated with higher levels of happiness and self-worth, and reduced stress and risk of depression. Youth Central have great advice about making friends.

###Having a sense of meaning

Knowing that our lives have significance is crucial for self-worth. This is unsurprising given that God created us for a purpose (Eph 2:10). This truth has been corroborated by research. For example, this 2015 study found that people who sensed they were part of something larger than themselves tended to behave more benevolently and generously towards others.

Exercise boosts happiness

The link between regular exercise and better mental health is well-established. Regular exercisers have greater emotional wellbeing and lower rates of mental illness. Exercise boosts mood, helps with sleep and aids learning, as well as improving physical health.

Watch what you eat

Numerous studies have shown that what you eat affects how you feel. It shouldn't be surprising, given that feel-good chemicals are made by nerve cells. Healthy choices are like premium fuel for growing brains.

For further tips, PositivePsychology.com have a great list of self-esteem boosting worksheets, and this WikiHow post provides strategies for dealing with unhelpful beliefs and thoughts that may be contributing to poor self-worth.

In summary, I certainly don't mean to portray social media as evil. However, I want to highlight the importance of moderation and raise awareness of risks. With youth depression and anxiety such a serious problem, a focus on positive ways to build healthy self-esteem is vital.

By ensuring your child uses social media in balance - as part of a lifestyle that includes activities like exercise, sleep, spending time with friends and serving others - your child has the best chance of becoming the godly young man or woman they were designed to be.

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Whether you love it, loathe it or simply accept it, social media is part of life, especially for teens. Social media issues are often complex and there are typically no 'right answers' to drawn on. Having said that, there is a growing body of research from which can be gleaned some principles for wise usage.

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find 5 more sources
figure out how i am going to address my problem and solutions(long term and short term)
problems globally and in my community

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Girls have much lower self-esteem in their teenage years and this can be partially attributed to ... [+]
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For many people, social media is just a part of their everyday life. You might rely on it for work opportunities or self-promotion. In lockdown, it's been a great way to keep up-to-date with what's going on in the lives of your loved ones or in the news. However, as your home, workplace and school all merged into one it's hard to get away from screens and switch off. A new study has found that girls have much lower self-esteem in their teenage years and this can be partially attributed to social media. While the research found that young people's mental health tended to worsen as they went through their teenage years, the wellbeing of girls was more severely impacted.

The Prince's Trust and the Education Policy Institute used data from the Millennium Cohort Study. Over a two-year period, they looked at the wellbeing of an estimated 5,000 young people who were born around 2000. Researchers spoke to the young people about their overall wellness and mental health when they were 11, 14, and 17.

They found that there was a distinct drop in girl's self-esteem and sense of self between the ages of 11 and 14. At 11, 15% said they felt unhappy about their appearance. However, by the time they were 14, 29% said they weren't happy.

Further research has linked much higher rates of depression in girls to longer time spent on social media and online bullying. A team from University College London used the same data set as the Prince's Trust and the Education Policy Institute and found that three-quarters of girls, aged 14, who suffer from low moods and depression also are unhappy with how they look and get less than seven hours sleep per night. Almost 40% of girls who spend more than five hours a day on social media show symptoms of depression.

Girl's and boy's mental wellness was pretty similar through primary school and it wasn't until 14 that there started to be marked differences. The pandemic had also had a big impact on the mental health and wellness of young people.

According to the mental health charity, Mind 68% of young people have said their mental health got worse during lockdown. "The transition from childhood to adolescence can be turbulent, and the findings of this report underline why addressing and supporting young people's mental health will only become more crucial as the impact of the pandemic unfolds," said Jonathan Townsend, chief executive of The Prince's Trust, "Young people are among the hardest hit by the pandemic, so it is more important than ever that they can access support with their mental health during this critical time in their lives."

The Prince's Trust and the Education Policy Institute concluded that while the transition from childhood to adolescence has a massive impact on your mental health and wellness, it is a particularly stark turning point for girls. Prevention is better than cure and the research suggested that more needs to be done to support young people, especially during the pandemic.

Their recommendations included building on existing mental health content in the Health Education and Relationships and Sex Education curriculum to discuss how conventional beauty standards spread online and address how some young people may be stigmatized for having different body types or gender expression. While it's crucial that young people know where they can get support, the organizations said that ensuring that young people have the language to verbalize how they feel to their friends is also so important.

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Girls Have Much Lower Self-Esteem During Their Teen Years, According To New Study

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For many people, social media is just a part of their everyday life. You might rely on it for work opportunities or self-promotion. In lockdown, it's been a great way to keep up-to-date with what's going on in the lives of your loved ones or in the news.

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Amid the fanfare surrounding the release of Beyoncé and Jay-Z's surprise joint album and their video for APES**T, one group were paying particularly close attention: the professional gif creators employed by companies such as GIPHY, Tenor and Imgur. Because, as Beyoncé's "Beychella" performance proved, you can never have too many gifs of a sassy, confident Beyoncé, right?

The online popularity of images of black people - particularly women and femme gay men - is a fact of internet life and, in recent months, an increasingly controversial one. Racist caricature and impersonation are widely accepted tools of white supremacy, but it's when minstrelsy's 19th-century traditional tools of boot polish and a wig are replaced with 21st-century equivalents that the confusion begins. Are gifs being used to disseminate racist stereotypes in cyberspace? Was the "black marching band dances to Fleetwood Mac" meme an example of "digital blackface", as suggested in a recent high-traffic Twitter thread? Is there something problematic about white people using brown-skinned emojis? And what about the Black Lives Matter Facebook fundraising page that was revealed to be run by two unaffiliated white men in Australia? Was this the latest iteration of digital blackface in action? Or just a run-of-the-mill money-making scam?

Actually, black women have been calling out certain online behaviours as digital-age blackface for some time now. Shafiqah Hudson, a Philadelphia-based writer and academic, first noticed the phenomenon back in the mid-00s in a comment thread on an article about police brutality. Her attention was caught by "some anonymous user claiming to be a black woman in NYC posting some extremely anti-black sentiments and fighting with some of the other posters, for days". Eventually, this anonymous user accidentally posted from his actual account, alerting the rest of the thread to his real identity - a "white guy in flyover country" (between the east and west coast of the US), says Hudson. When Twitter arrived on the scene, accounts impersonating black women also quickly adapted to the new platform. "I joined in 2009 and I saw them all the time. They were racist and gross, but they weren't harmful beyond being obnoxious. They didn't fool anyone who wasn't already awash in their own misogynoir."

Unfortunately, misogynoir - the specific misogyny directed towards black women - flowed freely online during this period, at least judging by the popularity of one Wanda LaQuanda. Between 2007 and 2012, her Twitter account @bigoletitties built up a 30,000-strong following (and accompanying merchandise line) by combining a profile picture of a thickset black women in lingerie with all-caps tweets, in which Wanda boasted about her sexual prowess in a crude approximation of African-American Vernacular English (AAVE).

In 2013, a truth that was already obvious to anyone who'd ever met a real-life black women was "sensationally" revealed: Wanda LaQuanda was actually Alex Munkacsy, a bearded, 32-year-old white man working in the tech industry. Before apparently disappearing from the internet altogether, Munkacsy gave an interview promoting his e-book, Wanda Exposed, to Kernel, the online magazine founded by a pre-Breitbart Milo Yiannopoulos. The article never uses the word blackface, nor does it question Munkacsy on his use of racist and sexist stereotypes, but it does offer some useful insight into the methods and motivations behind instances of digital blackface.

Munkacsy admitted getting started by stealing a real woman's picture from an "erotic services" listing on Craigslist and claimed that the hoax was his act of tribute. "When I created Wanda," he said, "I was living in north-east Washington DC, AKA 'Chocolate City'. I was surrounded by black culture at the time. I loved it and I miss it ... There is such a thing as black culture. It exists. And it's great because it's honest and loud and proud and it's got character and funkiness and weirdness and backbone."

It's significant that digital blackface's first boom period, around the turn of the decade, coincided with the Obamas moving into the White House. "They'll deny it now," says Hudson, "but seeing accomplished, attractive, stylish, and intelligent Michelle Obama on the global stage shook a lot of folks who didn't consider themselves racist to their cores. There was this desperate scramble to squeeze her into some semi-relevant stereotype of a black woman."

That's where the memes came in, disseminating old racist stereotypes with a contemporary pop-cultural twist. There's the "hilarious" Auto-Tuned neighbour meme, which plays into the stereotype of black people as natural-born, always-on performers and/or "welfare queens" (the fact that many of these clips - Charles Ramsey in Cleveland, Ohio, or Antoine "Hide yo' kids, hide yo' wife" Dodson - originated as local news interviews with witnesses to horrifying incidents, seems to get lost somewhere in the process of meme-ification). Or there's the still-popular Viola Davis handbag gif, which riffs on various iterations of "Angry Black Woman", and the meme featuring actor Kayode Ewumi pointing to his head, often used to illustrate some example of cheerful stupidity, like an update on the slavery-era "happy Sambo".

Yet since memes, almost by definition, take images from their original context and place them in another funnier or more immediate one, it's no surprise that these subtleties of meaning can often pass us by. It also seems fair to assume that most people who've used the phrase "Yasss kween!" online since 2015 are not fully conversant with 1980s ball culture; they just saw it online somewhere - maybe from a Drag Race gif or a clip from Broad City - enjoyed it and decided to drop it in their next WhatsApp group chat. Similarly, the contextless nature of most internet communication is both the digital minstrel's real crime and his most sympathetic line of defence. Blackness has long had a certain cachet for non-black people, yet the anonymity of the internet makes slipping in and out of alternative identities all the more of a temptation.

"It's superfun to 'play black' when you know that you can instantly step back into being non-black, avoiding the stigma, danger and burdens of reduced social capital that real black people often endure," says Hudson. "So while it may not be the stated intention of the folks who participate in digital blackface, it is anti-black racism that makes it possible for them."

Relying on Real Housewives of Atlanta gifs for your online expression can seem like the frivolous, fun end of the spectrum, especially when compared with those "alt-right" trolls using digital blackface as a tool to sow dissent and derail democracy - and indeed it often is. The point, however, is that all these instances of digital blackface exist within the same cultural context: a racist one. "Everything we do online plays into, and often plays up, pre-existent notions of race, gender, class, sexuality," says Lauren Michele Jackson, the Chicago-based cultural critic whose 2017 Teen Vogue article first brought the notion of digital blackface into the mainstream. And, yes, that would include deliberately using the wrong colour emoji.

There certainly isn't much hope of Twitter or Facebook assuming any responsibility for the spread of digital blackface. Their attempts at confronting even overt racial harassment on their platforms have been laughable at best, yet leading gif database GIPHY says it, at least, is already taking the phenomenon seriously. "We're very conscious of the type of content that's on our site, and how we're putting it out into the world," a spokesperson told me. They also describe "ensuring that users aren't just seeing one aspect of a person or identity" as a "company goal".

The average internet user, on the other hand, seems far more prone to react defensively to any discussion of digital blackface. Typical responses include scornful scepticism regarding the very concept, accusing those who raise the issue of trivialising "real" racism, and railing against the injustice of "meme segregation" - this, despite the fact that Jackson and others have repeatedly said they're proposing nothing of the sort.

Of all the responses, though, there is one that Jackson finds particularly bemusing: "White people who have now sworn off gifs for ever more and [are] telling me all about it, when I never asked for that. It seems like people with that response are more interested in brownie points for being a Good White Person than doing the more rigorous ongoing work of checking their behaviour online."

* Beychella "Think about it" gif*
Topics

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Why are memes of black people reacting so popular online?

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Amid the fanfare surrounding the release of Beyoncé and Jay-Z's surprise joint album and their video for APES**T, one group were paying particularly close attention: the professional gif creators employed by companies such as GIPHY, Tenor and Imgur. Because, as Beyoncé's "Beychella" performance proved, you can never have too many gifs of a sassy, confident Beyoncé, right?

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When it comes to the story of women's suffrage and the 19th Amendment, two competing myths dominate. The first is that when the amendment became law in 1920, all American women won the vote. The second is that no Black American women gained the vote that year. Marking the amendment's centennial, it's time to replace both falsehoods with history.

Voting rights in America have always been borne of struggle. And the battles women fought 100 years ago-for a constitutional right and against segregationist and discriminatory Jim Crow laws in the South-echo in 2020 as American women continue to work against voter suppression and for full access to the polls.

On August 26, 1920, the U.S. Secretary of State certified that the 19th Amendment to the Constitution had been ratified by the required 36 states. It became the law of the land: "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex."

The 19th Amendment did not, however, guarantee any woman the vote. Instead, laws reserving the ballot for men became unconstitutional. Women would still have to navigate a maze of state laws-based upon age, citizenship, residency, mental competence, and more-that might keep them from the polls.

The women who showed up to register to vote in the fall of 1920 confronted many hurdles. Racism was the most significant one. The 15th Amendment expressly forbade states from denying the vote because of race. But by 1920, legislatures in the South and West had set in place laws that had the net effect of disenfranchising Black Americans. Poll taxes, literacy tests, and grandfather clauses kept many Black men from casting their ballots. Unchecked intimidation and the threat of lynching sealed the deal. With the passage of the 19th Amendment, African-American women in many states remained as disenfranchised as their fathers and husbands.

Nevertheless, in fall 1920, many Black women showed up at the polls. In Kent County, Delaware, their numbers were "unusually large," according to Wilmington's News Journal, but officials turned away Black women who "failed to comply with the constitutional tests." In Huntsville, Alabama, "only a half dozen Black women" were among the 1,445 people of all races and genders who were registered, recounted Birmingham's Voice of the People, an African-American newspaper. The explanation was clear: Officials applied "practically the same rules of qualification to [women] as are applied to colored men."

In Savannah, Georgia, officials imposed the letter of the law: "Many negro women have registered here since the suffrage amendment became effective," reported Ohio's Hamilton Evening Journal, but "the election judges ruled that they were not entitled to vote because of a state law which requires registration six months before an election." This ruling meant that no woman in the state of Georgia could vote-too little time had passed between the ratification of the 19th Amendment and Election Day in 1920. This was a reading of the law meant to suppress Black women's votes because "no white women presented themselves at the polls," the paper noted.

Many Black women did manage to vote in 1920, though. Some had been exercising that right for several years in states like California, Illinois, and New York where women's suffrage became law before the 19th amendment was ratified. Even more registered and cast ballots after its passage.

The political contest of 1920 got underway for Black women months before the November election. If they hoped to vote, they'd have to get their names on the rolls. When registrars opened their books to women that fall, many Black women gathered their courage and their savvy and insisted on the right that the 19th Amendment promised. (Black men and women were fundamental to the suffrage movement, arguing, "We are all bound up together.")

In St. Louis, Missouri, Fannie Williams, a teacher-turned-organizer, set up a "suffrage school" at the city's Black YWCA-the Phillis Wheatley Branch, named for the 18th-century enslaved poet. There, Black women prepared for their chance to register, teaching one another how to pay poll taxes and pass literacy tests administered by begrudging officials. Newspapers reported that nearly every woman in the city, Black or white, registered that season.

Florida educator and women's club leader Mary McLeod Bethune traveled her state in 1920 to encourage other Black women to register, only to be confronted by brutal opposition at each step along the way. Black women managed to join voters' rolls, but the intimidation continued. On Election Day eve, white-robed Ku Klux Klansmen marched onto the grounds of Bethune's girls' school in Daytona, aiming to scare Black women away from the polls. When the women turned out to vote anyway, they took their courage from leaders like Bethune and each other.

Today the 19th Amendment continues to prohibit states from denying the vote based upon sex, just as the 15th Amendment forbids states from using race when determining voting rights. Yet many American women do not have the unqualified right to vote. As was true in 1920, a woman's access to the polls is determined by where she lives-and that, because of the United States' long history of housing segregation, often correlates with her race. A resurgence of voter ID laws, the shuttering of certain polling places, and the purge of voter rolls in some states following a 2013 Supreme Court ruling that rolled back provisions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 have deprived both men and women of color of the right to vote.

Especially during a pandemic, the policies of voting officials-some of whom have suggested restricting polling stations or limiting vote-by-mail-may mean that fewer American women will cast ballots in fall 2020. The history of the 19th Amendment is more than myth; it is a cautionary tale for our own time.

(Related: How the 1918 Spanish flu nearly derailed the women's suffrage movement.)

Martha S. Jones is the author of Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All. She teaches history at Johns Hopkins University where she is the Society of Black Alumni Presidential Professor. Follow her on Twitter at @marthasjones_.

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For Black women, the 19th Amendment didn't end their fight to vote

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When it comes to the story of women's suffrage and the 19th Amendment, two competing myths dominate. The first is that when the amendment became law in 1920, all American women won the vote. The second is that no Black American women gained the vote that year.

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This article talks about the harm social media does to black women. It talks about how people mistreat and discredit black women for their ideas. It also talks about how people use black women as joke for their punch line. All of this can cause a black women to feel unimportant and cause her lose self confidence. However, at the end it does give some tips on how to block those things out of life and ignore all of the hate and mistreatment.
-Research consistently shows the impact of intersectional oppression on the overall health of Black women. As a result of the competing forces of racism and sexism, Black women are more likely than their white and nonblack counterparts to experience major depressive and general anxiety disorders.
-the assumption here was Meghan’s Black family is not sophisticated enough for royalty. Many found it hilarious how well Leslie Jones played into the tropes of a stereotypical Black woman who needs to be taught by white people how to behave. In a world where images of Black trauma are plentiful, it was amazing how many were amused by abusing a Black woman and no one—including the Black woman in the skit—thought to say otherwise.
-Recently, comedian Michael Blackson posted an Instagram video of him caressing a bikini clad white woman with Black women’s curves. His caption read: “My village might get mad but this is what Dr. Martin Luther King fought for.”
-Black women don’t care that Black men date white women. We care that Black men use their affection toward white women to demean us. Blackson and any other Black man can parade every white woman they see in our faces; they just look dumb doing it.
-Nothing can get us riled up more than people declaring that single mothers are using child support to glow up, sex positive Black women are 🤬 and Black feminism is the downfall of our community.
-We are always giving social media spaces our free labor and energy when those same spaces rarely pour back into us.
-The “funny” skits and Instagram posts poking at us aren’t going to stop but we don’t have to laugh at them. Fake deep and “woke” folk are always going to share their perspectives about Black women that are going to enrage us but we don’t always have to respond.
- This means I mute, unfollow and block ignorant and harmful accounts and hashtags. It means I don’t always engage in every trending topic I see. It also means I understand when it’s important to log off for the day and reset my spirit. This doesn’t mean I always get it right but it does mean that I recognize that I must take seriously how I engage in the digital space if I want to always be my best self.

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"The 'funny' skits and Instagram posts poking at us aren't going to stop but we don't have to laugh at them."

As May is Mental Health Awareness Month, it remains important to keep conversations about Black women's wellness at the forefront in every way possible. Research consistently shows the impact of intersectional oppression on the overall health of Black women. As a result of the competing forces of racism and sexism, Black women are more likely than their white and nonblack counterparts to experience major depressive and general anxiety disorders. There has been a consistent push for us to value healthy eating, exercise and other forms of self-care as necessary paths to maintaining wellness. Yet, as we affirm the importance of those measures and see their benefits, we can't ignore how difficult mental health moments can be triggered for us on social media.

Social media has connected us like never before. We have benefited from that connection. Some have found love; others found the necessary launchpad for their careers. When it is at its best, the digital space can be a beautiful thing. And then, there are times when it is dark and ugly. As a writer, I've learned the importance of not reading the comments left on my public pieces. In the age of public opinion and Twitter fingers, people can be mean. Ignoring and blocking petty comments has become the best way to refuse the internalization of it all. Still, even as I take those steps, I've found myself weighed down as I scroll my timelines and consume some of what is considered entertaining and informative.

A recent SNL skit, featuring comedian Leslie Jones as Meghan Markle's third cousin from Compton, was shared so many times across my timeline I assumed it was hilarious. Instead, I watched as Jones portrayed Markle's classless cousin participating in etiquette classes in preparation for the royal baby shower. Each time she was in error, her white etiquette instructor slapped and punched her. Nevermind that, in real life, it's Meghan's white family members who seem to lack couth and decorum; the assumption here was Meghan's Black family is not sophisticated enough for royalty. Many found it hilarious how well Leslie Jones played into the tropes of a stereotypical Black woman who needs to be taught by white people how to behave. In a world where images of Black trauma are plentiful, it was amazing how many were amused by abusing a Black woman and no one-including the Black woman in the skit-thought to say otherwise.

Recently, comedian Michael Blackson posted an Instagram video of him caressing a bikini clad white woman with Black women's curves. His caption read: "My village might get mad but this is what Dr. Martin Luther King fought for." While that kind of crass humor is on brand for Blackson, his video of his "Nubian queen" reflects the trend that seems to believe trolling Black women is funny. Be clear: Black women don't care that Black men date white women. We care that Black men use their affection toward white women to demean us. Blackson and any other Black man can parade every white woman they see in our faces; they just look dumb doing it.

Still, it is exhausting to wade through that kind of foolishness when all I want to do is gas my girls up under their selfies, retweet insightful quotes and post my deep thoughts and rants. And when we are not ignoring that, we are suffering fools concerning their views about Black feminism and what it really means to care for Black women. Nothing can get us riled up more than people declaring that single mothers are using child support to glow up, sex positive Black women are hoes and Black feminism is the downfall of our community. We will do a good quote tweet, start a thread and set it off for the culture for at least 30 minutes to an hour! And while setting folks straight, subtweeting passive aggressive folk and chiming in on a trending topic in support of maligned Black women is important, it is always done to our detriment. We are always giving social media spaces our free labor and energy when those same spaces rarely pour back into us.

So how do we remain well? The "funny" skits and Instagram posts poking at us aren't going to stop but we don't have to laugh at them. Fake deep and "woke" folk are always going to share their perspectives about Black women that are going to enrage us but we don't always have to respond. As someone who is learning to guard my mental health with a precious fierceness, I understand the importance of curating a digital space that is conducive to wellness. This means I mute, unfollow and block ignorant and harmful accounts and hashtags. It means I don't always engage in every trending topic I see. It also means I understand when it's important to log off for the day and reset my spirit. This doesn't mean I always get it right but it does mean that I recognize that I must take seriously how I engage in the digital space if I want to always be my best self.

Social media is an important tool. We will never know a world without some form of it in the digital space and, for many, it is an essential part of our work. That is as powerful as it is dangerous. As we continue developing the tools to care best for ourselves, that must include understanding that this space full of potential will not always treat us well and we have do what's best for us as we navigate it anyway.

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How Social Media Can Be Triggering For Black Women Trying To Practice Self-Care

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"The 'funny' skits and Instagram posts poking at us aren't going to stop but we don't have to laugh at them." As May is Mental Health Awareness Month, it remains important to keep conversations about Black women's wellness at the forefront in every way possible.

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This article talks about how black women, girls and femmes are way to often overlooked, and how not many people outside of them care for what happens to them. This relates to my topic because it shows how this mistreatment of black women, girls and femmes can lead to this feeling of unworthiness and this can then lead to insecurity and a low self confidence.
-There is, after all, ample evidence that much of the world does not have much concern for the well-being of Black women, girls and femmes
-Black women, girls and femmes have always looked out for each other.
-I said no one cared because I was angry that far too few people beyond other Black women and femmes care about our victimization or the energy we expend struggling against injustice.
-Black women and femmes keep developing radical ideas about social transformation, wrestling with the ways anti-Blackness manifests in areas such as the criminal justice system, health care, news media and popular culture, and tirelessly amplifying the experiences of Black women, girls and femmes.
-Our limited visibility as prominent architects of the burgeoning 2020 uprising and as victims of racial injustice feels all too familiar and has left me with disconcerting questions: What will it take for folks to not use our ideas and strategies without crediting us or centering injustices against us? Should Black women, girls and femmes give up on expecting anyone other than us to care? Is solidarity even a meaningful goal if folks continuously fail to cite our labor and center our marginalization?
-Black women in the late 19th century laid the groundwork for future generations of anti-🤬 activists.
-the origins of anti-🤬 activism in the U.S., although largely attributed to feminist activists in the 1970s, date back more than 150 years. In 1866, a group of African-American women testified before Congress about being gang-raped by white men during the Memphis Riot. Despite compelling testimony, the perpetrators were not punished. After this pioneering moment in anti-🤬 activism, African-American women such as Fannie Barrier Williams and Ida B. Wells founded and participated in campaigns to end sexual violence against Black women and girls
-Many of the trailblazing African-American women who documented, analyzed and fought against sexual violence, however, became mere footnotes in the historical record of the enduring struggle to end sexual violence. This made it easier for folks in 2017 to overlook Tarana Burke, who founded the #MeToo movement in 2006, and to not identify Aishah Shahidah Simmons’ NO! The 🤬 Documentary as a germinal film about contemporary sexual violence. It was also unsurprising that the stories of primarily famous white women took centerstage in national debates. Black women’s work anchors anti-🤬 activism, and yet sexual violence against Black women, girls and femmes remains under-addressed within the mainstream anti-🤬 movement.
-History appears to be repeating itself as calls to #DefundThePolice intensify. This part of the current racial justice movement owes a tremendous debt to the grassroots organizing and scholarship of Black feminists and other feminists of color over the past few decades.
- Systems of policing currently allow people, from police officers to intimate partners, to harm Black women, girls and femmes with no accountability.
-I don’t know how to convince people to care about the lives of Black women, femmes and girls like Taylor and Stone, but I do know that they’re not “no one” and neither are the Black women and femmes fighting for them.

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Why Are Black Women So Often Relegated to the Margins?

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Black women and femmes keep developing radical ideas about social transformation. But even as their ideas are coopted, their victimization remains on the margins.

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This article highlights some specific struggles that black women face when being on social media and talks about how damaging social media can be towards black women. Not only does social media create this unrealistic image that black women struggle to achieve but it also creates this disrespect towards them that no one will defend. This relates to my topic because it describes specific issues that black women face when it comes to social media and how these issues affect black women and their confidence.
-"As the new era emerged, the constant exposure, online cliques, and “clout chasing” made some Black girls unhappy with their own lives and work, even if only momentarily."
-“It made me very self conscious and had me questioning my worth as an artist and overall person"
-"Mental and emotional health erosion aren’t the only pitfalls of social media and its rules, though; our bodies—and how we view them—are under attack, too."
-Entrepreneur Rita Bunatal shared her experiences with online abuse that stemmed from how she looked. “I was the weird, fat, black girl that liked punk music"
-“I used to be so afraid to post full body shots, and now I could care less about negative comments.”
-In addition to cyberbullying because of our bodies, we also have to deal with white and racially ambiguous women who present themselves as Black online as if it were a removable aesthetic. Before bed, they take off their lashes, their gold hoops, and their Black.
- Wanna Thompson and Deja created a viral thread after they discovered that influencers were pretending to be Black to bolster their brand—and Black girls unapologetically explained how they felt about the blatant disrespect. Why? Because we don’t peel off our Blackness at night. We only alter our accent and slang to code switch for jobs that don’t deserve us, not for digital acclaim.
-“Everyone steals from us and won’t give credit where it’s due, then when we say something, we are deemed as sensitive or extra,” Deja said. This behavior teeters on gas lighting.
-This curated existence-experience sharing can breed natural feelings of jealousy and insecurity.

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The constant exposure to other people's thoughts, online cliques, and "clout chasing" has made some Black Gen Z-ers unhappy with their own lives and work, even if only momentarily.

Social media found its footing somewhere between the eras of Hit Clips and Apple Music. Subsequently, the phenomenon erased the line between the consumer and the consumed. We're able to watch people become increasingly more well known in stages-the casual photos with established celebrities, better quality weaves, a blue check mark. Sometimes it's a mysterious, rapid transition brought on by a viral moment navigated wisely. Other times, it's a more slow burn after years of calculated selfies and digital labor.

As the new era emerged, the constant exposure, online cliques, and "clout chasing" made some Black girls unhappy with their own lives and work, even if only momentarily.

You know how it goes. Your post gets 20 likes, but it gets 200 if you repost the same content with a major co-sign. It has to do with people's desire to be in proximity of success. In this case, that thumbs up from a star is success.

"[O]nce I started actively putting out and promoting my music on social media, I started to see how people would only support me...once they saw that someone else who was more well known...supported me," said rap artist Lovey The Don. "It made me very self conscious and had me questioning my worth as an artist and overall person...I'm finally getting to the place now where it doesn't bother me as much."

Mental and emotional health erosion aren't the only pitfalls of social media and its rules, though; our bodies-and how we view them-are under attack, too.

Entrepreneur Rita Bunatal shared her experiences with online abuse that stemmed from how she looked. "I was the weird, fat, black girl that liked punk music... [I] was able to [carve out] that space for myself via my social media," she wrote. "But of course, there were incidents where people would make fun of me online and bring it to real life...While it broke the hell out of me, [years later], I feel as though I ended up using my pain to...start not giving AF." Bunatal shared that she is now more confident than ever. "I used to be so afraid to post full body shots, and now I could care less about negative comments."

In addition to cyberbullying because of our bodies, we also have to deal with white and racially ambiguous women who present themselves as Black online as if it were a removable aesthetic. Before bed, they take off their lashes, their gold hoops, and their Black.

Earlier this year, Wanna Thompson and Deja created a viral thread after they discovered that influencers were pretending to be Black to bolster their brand-and Black girls unapologetically explained how they felt about the blatant disrespect. Why? Because we don't peel off our Blackness at night. We only alter our accent and slang to code switch for jobs that don't deserve us, not for digital acclaim.

"Everyone steals from us and won't give credit where it's due, then when we say something, we are deemed as sensitive or extra," Deja said. This behavior teeters on gas lighting.

Social media is performance art. Not the intentional kind, though. It's a more slick simulation because some don't realize that it's a game. (Well, a game that can lead to serious cash.) "What you see is what you get" simply doesn't apply to social media. A profile is usually a highlight reel; struggles are barely mentioned, if at all. Accomplishments, cross country moves, selfies, and censored ruminations are typically the most we're allowed to see.

This curated existence-experience sharing can breed natural feelings of jealousy and insecurity. If we try, we can be the dose of of realism the web is missing.
Image via Getty.

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How Social Media Affects Black Women's Confidence

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The constant exposure to other people's thoughts, online cliques, and "clout chasing" has made some Black Gen Z-ers unhappy with their own lives and work, even if only momentarily. Social media found its footing somewhere between the eras of Hit Clips and Apple Music. Subsequently, the phenomenon erased the line between the consumer and the consumed.

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This article shows how expensive it is to have curly hair. This website has a hair care line for curly hair from a well known actress, Tracee Ellis Ross who is stars in Blackish. Her character on Blackish and in real life goes through a lot of different hairstyles but her hair curly hair is gorgeous and really stands out because not many actresses are comfortable or are allowed to have their natural hair while on set. However, her website highlights the struggle of having curly hair and the amount of money it takes to maintain curly hair. This relates to my topic because on social media the only black girls who get recognized are the ones who look super put together with this beautiful hair that people would die for, however this creates this need for black women to have this perfect hair that, in reality, is really hard to maintain is you do not have the time or money.

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Curly and Natural Hair Care Products | PATTERN Beauty

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Hair care products for natural hair designed for curly, coily & tight-textured hair patterns created by award-winning actress & activist Tracee Ellis Ross.

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This podcast discussed how black women are continuously a source of hate and talked about a few women's specific stories whether they were in the spotlight or not they still managed to get attacked.
-An Amnesty International study in 2018 found that Black women are the most harassed group on Twitter. A recent report in The Washington Post showed that even though Facebook knew its algorithms were disproportionately harming black and minority users, the social media giant chose to do nothing.
-There are coordinated hate attacks on Meghan Markle who is one of the most prominent women of color in the world, and a lot of the people attacking her are middle ages white women and they coordinating these attacks directly to her.
-The person who conducted the study on harassment then also got harassed just for conducting the study.
-A lady on the school board was a source of this social media hate. She spoke up about her Childs school mascot being wrong because it depicted a native American which then led to her getting hate.

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An Amnesty International study in 2018 found that Black women are the most harassed group on Twitter. A recent report in The Washington Post showed that even though Facebook knew its algorithms were disproportionately harming black and minority users, the social media giant chose to do nothing.

Analysis from a disinformation tracking site that examines Twitter accounts that violate service terms shows a pattern of hate messages directed at Meghan Markle. The Duchess of Sussex is one of the most prominent women of color in the world. The analysis by Bot Sentinel suggests attacks on Markle came primarily from robots, not from random user accounts, which is common. In the case of the Markle message, however, the accounts were not recently created.

"A lot of these people are middle aged white women. I mean, it is, but that's, you know, that's what they are. And they have been coordinating this for roughly three years," Bot Sentinel founder Christopher Bouzy told And Another Thing.

"We were seeing repeated now how some of the same tropes and stereotypes are simply ones from offline, so to speak, and they're all online now, particularly within social media," UMass Assistant Professor of Communication Demetria Shabazz told And Another Thing.

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Why Black women are frequent targets on social media

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An Amnesty International study in 2018 found that Black women are the most harassed group on Twitter. A recent report in The Washington Post showed that even though Facebook knew its algorithms were disproportionately harming black and minority users, the social media giant chose to do nothing.

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This article is about how Madam C.J. walker invented her hair care products and the journey she personally went through with her hair. This article relates to my topic because it talks about the struggles women of color used to and still have to go through with the treatment of their hair. It talks about how much work goes into the treatment of black women's hair.
-she was far from the only Black woman to experience hair loss at the time.
-many of the products used by Black women, such as a preparation made with ox marrow, likely damaged hair and scalps.
-they weren't experts on women's hair and scalp diseases, so she also tried out home remedies.
- though at the time few items were tailored to the curls and texture of Black women's hair.

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Madam C. J. Walker was born Sarah Breedlove in 1867 to parents who had been enslaved. She spent years as a struggling washerwoman but later achieved fame and fortune by creating a hair care line for Black women. Walker was a talented promoter who often varied the story of how she came up with her products, but we know she was inspired by her own hair loss and a desire to serve the needs of other African American women.

Walker's own hair loss prompted Walker to seek a cure

In the 1890s, Walker began to lose her hair. Her work as a laundress likely contributed to this problem, as it exposed her to harsh lye soap, dirt and hot steam. Yet she was far from the only Black woman to experience hair loss at the time. Many families lived without indoor plumbing, so regular shampooing wasn't possible and problems like lice and pollutants went untreated. Inadequate nutrition also made it difficult to maintain healthy hair.

In addition, many of the products used by Black women, such as a preparation made with ox marrow, likely damaged hair and scalps. Some women wore head wraps to hide their bald patches, but Walker didn't want to follow that path. For one thing, such attire would mark her lower social status at a time when she sought to elevate herself. Plus, it was natural to desire a full head of healthy hair. So she instead embarked upon a search for a cure for her hair loss.
READ MORE: Madam C.J. Walker and 9 Black Inventors Who Changed Your Life
A product made by another Black woman proved helpful

Walker was living in Saint Louis when she began trying to solve her hair loss issues. Her brothers worked as barbers in the city, which meant she could turn to them for some hair care know-how. However, they weren't experts on women's hair and scalp diseases, so she also tried out home remedies. In addition, she drew on her experience as a washerwoman and what she had learned about the properties of cleaners like lye soap.

Products she could buy were another resource for Walker, though at the time few items were tailored to the curls and texture of Black women's hair. But Annie Turnbo's Poro line of hair care was different. Turnbo was a Black woman who'd arrived in Saint Louis ahead of the 1904 World's Fair, where she would promote her hair care products and methods. Around 1903, Walker began to use Turnbo's products like the Great Wonderful Hair Grower. Walker's hair problems apparently benefited from this care and she ended up becoming a Poro sales agent.

Photo: Collection of the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture, Gift from Dawn Simon Spears and Alvin Spears, Sr.

Walker eventually came up with her own line of products

In 1905, Walker headed to Denver to sell Poro products and continued to pursue her own hair care solutions. She became a cook for pharmacist Edmund L. Scholtz, who may have helped her understand the chemistry of such products.

In 1906, she married Charles Joseph Walker and began to call herself Madam C. J. Walker, a name she held onto after the marriage had ended. By this time, she had developed her own formula to heal scalps and spur hair growth. Walker stopped working for Turnbo and the Madam C. J. Walker Manufacturing Company started selling Madam C. J. Walker's Wonderful Hair Grower in 1906. Ingredients included precipitated sulfur, copper sulfate, beeswax, petrolatum (like petroleum jelly), coconut oil and a violet extract perfume to cover the sulfurous smell.

Walker once explained the formula of her hair grower came to her in a dream: "God answered my prayer, for one night I had a dream, and in that dream a big Black man appeared to me and told me what to mix up for my hair. Some of the remedy was grown in Africa, but I sent for it, mixed it, put it on my scalp, and in a few weeks my hair was coming in faster than it had ever fallen out. I tried it on my friends; it helped them. I made up my mind I would begin to sell it."

Yet Walker may have simply adapted her former employer's formula. Her creation was called Madam Walker's Wonderful Hair Grower, close the name of Turnbo's Wonderful Hair Grower, and both products contained sulfur, used to treat dandruff and other scalp conditions. Turnbo was aggrieved enough to advertise that customers should "beware of imitations," but otherwise there was little she could do. As A'Lelia Bundles, Walker's great-great-granddaughter and biographer, noted: "If you look at medical journals, this mixture of petrolatum and sulfur had been around for a hundred years.... neither of these women really created this recipe."

Photo: Courtesy Everett Collection

She wanted her products to benefit Black women, not change them

Along with her hair grower, Walker's early products included Glossine (a pressing oil) and a vegetable shampoo. She urged clients to shampoo more often and to follow her "Walker System," using the hair grower, oil and hot combs, to produce healthier hair. However, though she popularized hot combs that straightened hair, Walker's goal wasn't to alter the appearance of Black women's hair.

"Let me correct the erroneous impression held by some that I claim to straighten hair," Walker once stated. "I deplore such an impression because I have always held myself out as a hair culturist. I grow hair." The Walker product line grew to include creams and soaps, but Walker always stayed focused on the health of her clients' hair and helping women take pride in themselves and their appearance.

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How Madam C.J. Walker Invented Her Hair Care Products

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Madam C. J. Walker was born Sarah Breedlove in 1867 to parents who had been enslaved. She spent years as a struggling washerwoman but later achieved fame and fortune by creating a hair care line for Black women.

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This article talks about how the products women of color use are a lot more toxic and contain a lot more chemicals then the products white women use. It also talks about how harmful the exposure to all of these products are to women of color. This relates to my topic because a lot of women of color use these products to help them look there best to people in society that have been their biggest criticizers.

-Studies suggest that the average white American woman exposes herself to 168 personal care chemicals a day, seven days a week. If that sounds like a lot, researchers in a commentary released today in the journal American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology suggest that the cumulative toxic burden for American women of color is even higher.
-As bad as exposure risks are for white Americans, Zota found that exposure for women of color is even worse—likely because of pressures to conform to beauty standards based on more European characteristics.
-lighter skin and straighter, less coiled hair—are much more dangerous to achieve. To do so, women of color must expose themselves to an additional battery of chemicals that white women do not. The end result is that women of color have higher levels of beauty-related environmental chemicals in their body, irrespective of socio-economic status
-The pressure for black women in particular to straighten their hair is immense. The “Good Hair Study” conducted earlier this year by the Perception Institute found that black women’s natural hair was rated as “less attractive” and “less professional” than when it was straightened.
-The alternative are chemical relaxers, which include compounds that affect reproductive pathways. In the quest for straight hair, children as young as four years old are exposed to chemical relaxers that studies have shown lead to early puberty, uterine fibroids, and an increased risk of pre-menopausal breast cancer.

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Beauty standards are literally toxic for women of color

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The products we use to put our best foot forward might make us sick-especially if you're a woman of color.

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This article shows pictures and has descriptions of the beauty standards throughout the years. This source is more just for pictures and descriptions of beauty standards throughout the years, so there is no important quotes for this source. This source relates to my topic because the beauty standard very much stems from social media, therefore the beauty standards depicted in this article rarely being features women of color mainly have can have a lot of impact on their self esteem and confidence.

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Perceptions surrounding beauty and body types not only vary by culture, but have evolved significantly throughout history.

In a visually dynamic attempt to recreate this evolution, BuzzFeed Video showcased a diverse cast of models to depict more than 3,000 years of women's ideal body types by each society's standard of beauty.

Here are the ideal types broken down by place in time:

Ancient Egypt (c. 1292 - 1069 B.C.)

In this era, the ideal woman is described as:

In Ancient Egypt, women were encouraged in their independence and beauty. Ancient Egyptian society promoted a sex-positive environment where premarital sex was entirely acceptable and women could divorce their husbands without shame.

Ancient Greece (c. 500 - 300 B.C.)

During this time period, the ideal woman was:

Ancient Greece worshiped the male form, going so far as to proclaim that women's bodies were 'disfigured' versions of men's. In this time period, men faced a much higher standard of beauty and perfection than women.

Han Dynasty (c. 206 B.C. - 220 A.D.)

In this time period, the ideal woman had:

Small feet is one aspect of Chinese beauty that has continued for hundreds of years. During the Han Dynasty, Chinese culture favored slim women with long black hair, white teeth and red lips. Historically, the Chinese people have favored women with ultra-femininity.

Italian Renaissance (c. 1400 - 1700)

In this era, the ideal woman is described as having:

During the Italian Renaissance, it was the wife's duty to reflect her husband's status, both in behavior and outward appearance. A full body, light hair and light skin all were thought of as the superior indications of beauty.

Watch our video below to learn how to be more interesting:

Victorian England (c. 1837 - 1901)

This time period featured beautiful women as:

Ahh, the era of the corset. In this time period, women cinched their waists with tight-fitting undergarments to give the perception of the desirable hourglass figure. This time period lasted through the reign of Queen Victoria, considered by many as one of the most influential figures of the time.

Roaring Twenties (c. 1920s)

In this time period, the ideal woman had:

Beauty in the 1920s featured an androgynous look for women. They wore bras that flattened their chest and wore clothing that gave them a curve-less look. Women even shortened their hair, leaving behind the long-held belief that long hair signified beauty and desirability.

Golden Age Of Hollywood (c. 1930s - 1950s)

In this era, the ideal woman is described as having:

The boyish figure trend didn't last for long. Fast-forward a decade and the hourglass figure is back. The classic example of this ideal woman's body is Marilyn Monroe, the Golden Girl of Hollywood.

Swinging Sixties (c. 1960s)

This time period adored this female look:

Peace, love and thin seemed to be the motto of ideal beauty for women in the 1960s. "Swinging London," a term used to describe the flourishing fashion and cultural scene of London in the 1960s, influenced women's dress and style in America during the same period.

Supermodel Era (c. 1980s)

This era celebrated this body type:

This time period brought about an exercise-crazed phenomenon. Workout videos were all the rage, encouraging women to be thin, but also fit. This era also saw an upswing in anorexia, thought by some experts to be caused by an widespread obsession with exercise.

Heroin Chic (c. 1990s)

The ideal body type of this time period featured:

Homeless chic, anyone? The celebrated body of this time period was a woman who looked thin, frail and neglected. Model Kate Moss was the heroine of this heroin decade-pale, withdrawn and thin.

Postmodern Beauty (c. 2000s - Today)

Our current beauty standards for women include:

Kim Kardashian, as unfortunate as it may be, is the poster woman of ideal beauty standards for the modern woman. Women are expected to be skinny, but not too skinny, with large breasts and a big butt, all while maintaining a flat stomach. Women increasingly are seeking plastic surgery 'fixes' to achieve this look.
*original post and all photos can be found here
Bonus #1: Captivate Anyone, Anywhere

Sure, looks are part of societal standards. But one thing that might be easier to control is how you act. Learn how to captivate anyone, anywhere!

Bonus #2: Women's Makeup Throughout History

So, what do you think? What causes these dramatic shifts in beauty standards? A leading female historical figure or a famous model? The fashion industry or Hollywood?

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Beauty Standards: See How Body Types Change Through History

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Perceptions surrounding body types and beauty standards vary across culture. And they have varied even more significantly throughout history.

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This article is about how the beauty standards impact women in general, and even thought this article is not targeted for/at women of color, these beauty standards still very much impact them.

-They are expected to be hairless all over their body, have to be slim with no tummy but a big 🤬, smell like daisies and roses all the time, not have regular bodily fluids and gases, and be an all-around perfect Barbie.
-Having a normalized yet extraordinary societal implication drilled into you as soon as you are out of the womb is and can be mentally and physically draining.
-Social media, magazines, newspapers, and even televisions tend to push high and barely achievable standards.
-You must look a certain way for society to at least acknowledge your “beauty” even when you have tried to mold yourself to please them. Even then there is always criticism behind it all. Women have to be slim but not too slim, thick but not too thick to where you have a tummy. Women can wear makeup but not too much because it would look like we are trying too hard. We can show skin but not too much because we would get shamed. It is considered weird or impolite for a woman to even have bodily gases.
-Imagine being taught from a young age you need to change as soon as you pop out to fit what other images of you are. That could easily make your self-esteem plummet exponentially. It teaches you to hate normal things on your body like hair, stretch marks, acne, discoloration, and other natural things everyone has. These insane depictions of how you should look could easily cause body dysmorphia and low confidence especially for someone that is never taught to love who they are from the beginning.

The article relates to my topic because I talk about how social medias view on beauty standards affects confidence in WOC, and this article highlights the affects these beauty standards have.

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From a very young age, women are raised to live up to unrealistic beauty standards put upon them by society. They are expected to be hairless all over their body, have to be slim with no tummy but big butt, smell like daisies and roses all the time, not have regular bodily fluids and gases, and be an all-around perfect Barbie. It is hard to live up to something so unobtainable especially starting at an age as low as three. Having a normalized yet extraordinary societal implication drilled into you as soon as you are out of the womb is and can be mentally and physically draining.

Social media, magazines, newspapers, and even televisions tend to push high and barely achievable standards. You must look a certain way for society to at least acknowledge your "beauty" even when you have tried to mold yourself to please them. Even then there is always criticism behind it all. Women have to be slim but not too slim, thick but not too thick to where you have a tummy. Women can wear makeup but not too much because it would look like we are trying too hard. We can show skin but not too much because we would get shamed. It is considered weird or impolite for a woman to even have bodily gases. What can we do but try to love ourselves as is? We can not please everyone. It is even harder to try to love who we are especially when getting judged left and right. Almost anything a woman does, she gets criticized for and negative effects build up rapidly.

Imagine being taught from a young age you need to change as soon as you pop out to fit what other images of you are. That could easily make your self-esteem plummet exponentially. It teaches you to hate normal things on your body like hair, stretch marks, acne, discoloration, and other natural things everyone has. These insane depictions of how you should look could easily cause body dysmorphia and low confidence especially for someone that is never taught to love who they are from the beginning. Why are there images forced onto women? We should love ourselves as we are imperfections in all. Even in today's world, we are slightly getting better at opening our eyes up to what's beautiful but there's still much work to do.

Societal expectations from women are exceedingly high and need to stop being forced upon us. It causes self-hate and confidence problems from a young age. It is mentally and physically draining because we try so hard to find the status quo when the status quo should be made to fit all realistically.

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The beauty standards placed on women are unrealistically unachievable

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From a very young age, women are raised to live up to unrealistic beauty standards put upon them by society. They are expected to be hairless all over their body, have to be slim with no tummy but big butt, smell like daisies and roses all the time, not have regular bodily fluids and gases,...

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This source is a study that shows the beauty and body image concerns found in African American college students. I feel like studying on college students was a good idea because college students can express the issues they have, and those issues developed as they got older and will stay with them as they get older and experience more and more. This source relates to my topic because my topic is how societies view on different skin colors affects women of color and the article talks about a group of women of color and there beauty and body image concerns.

-According to Black feminist theory, the devaluation of US Black women is rooted the institution of American slavery. Black women’s bodies were routinely violated for others profit and pleasure without recourse or protection.
-Black women were viewed as hypersexual Jezebels (or Sapphires) deserving of sexual exploitation or as breeder women lawfully usable for populating owner’s plantations with new slave stock or for the generation revenues.
-In the past and still today, Black women’s bodies and beauty have largely been devalued and rejected by mainstream culture, which overvalues the European aesthetic and undervalues the esthetic of other racial/ethnic group with of exception of exoticizing them
-The U.S. puts a premium on “fair” white skin, blue eyes and straight, long, blond hair and considers these features the epitome of beauty. Features more akin to the African esthetic are deemed ugly, undesirable and less feminine. The notion that Black women are less attractive is a message that is transmitted daily and from multiple external forces or social institutions
-When compared with White women, findings show that African American women reported lower levels of body image dissatisfaction, maintain a more favorable view of larger body sizes, have less concerns about dieting, weight fluctuations, and fear of fatness, and are less likely to internalize sociocultural standards of beauty . Furthermore, Falconer and Neville (2000) found that African American women with bigger body sizes were more likely to be satisfied with specific body areas. Fewer studies report negative body satisfaction among African American women.

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J Black Psychol. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2016 Dec 1.

Published in final edited form as:

Abstract

The current study examined body image concerns among African American women. In recent years, there has been an attempt to include ethnic minority samples in body image studies (e.g., Grabe & Hyde, 2006; Hrabosky & Grilo, 2007; Lovejoy, 2001) but few specifically examine unique issues pertaining to beauty and body image for African American college age women. A total of 31 African American women participated in one of five focus groups on the campus of a large Southwestern University to examine beauty and body image. Data were analyzed using a thematic approach and several themes were identified. The majority of themes pertained to issues related to hair, skin tone, body type, and message sources. Themes included: sacrifice, ignorance/racial microaggressions, and validation and invalidation by others, thick/toned/curvy as optimal, hypersexualization, and being thin is for White women. Findings of the current study suggest a reconceptualization of body image for African American women where relevant characteristics such as hair and skin tone are given more priority over traditional body image concerns often associated with European American women.

Body image and beauty among African American women can only be truly understood within a framework of interlocking systems of "isms" - (e.g., racism, sexism, classism, heterosexism). According to Black feminist theory, the devaluation of US Black women is rooted the institution of American slavery. Black women's bodies were routinely violated for others profit and pleasure without recourse or protection. During the slave era negative, controlling images of Black women emerged ( hooks, 1992; Collins 1990; 2000; Mama, 1995). Black women were viewed as hypersexual Jezebels (or Sapphires) deserving of sexual exploitation or as breeder women lawfully usable for populating owner's plantations with new slave stock or for the generation revenues.

In the past and still today, Black women's bodies and beauty have largely been devalued and rejected by mainstream culture, which overvalues the European aesthetic and undervalues the esthetic of other racial/ethnic group with of exception of exoticizing them ( Banks, 2000). The U.S. puts a premium on "fair" white skin, blue eyes and straight, long, blond hair and considers these features the epitome of beauty. Features more akin to the African esthetic are deemed ugly, undesirable and less feminine. The notion that Black women are less attractive is a message that is transmitted daily and from multiple external forces or social institutions (e.g., church, government, business industries, media, and family/peer groups).

Historically, psychological research on beauty and body image has focused its efforts almost exclusively on women and girls of European descent ( Grabe & Hyde, 2006; Hall, 1995). When compared with White women, findings show that African American women reported lower levels of body image dissatisfaction ( Gordon, Castro, Sitnikov, & Holm-Denoma, 2010; Lokken, Worthy, Ferraro, & Attmann, 2008), maintain a more favorable view of larger body sizes ( Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002; Gordon, Castro, Sitnikov, & Holm-Denoma, 2010), have less concerns about dieting, weight fluctuations, and fear of fatness ( Rucker & Cash, 1992), and are less likely to internalize sociocultural standards of beauty ( Lokken, Worthy, Ferraro, & Attmann, 2008). Furthermore, Falconer and Neville (2000) found that African American women with bigger body sizes were more likely to be satisfied with specific body areas. Fewer studies report negative body satisfaction among African American women (e.g., Flowers, Levesque, & Fischer, 2012; Porter, Stern, Mazzeo, Evans, & Laver, 2013).

Because several scholars have cautioned against using the comparative research framework to examine phenomena with ethnic minorities, there has been a movement away from comparisons between Whites and Blacks to more thoroughly investigating the specific experiences of African American women ( Azibo, 1988; Awad & Cokley, 2010; Cokley & Awad, 2008). Studies have found that Black women are not impervious to dominant culture and are impacted by European standards of beauty ( James, Phelps, & Bross, 2001). For example, Rogers, Wood, and Petrie (2010) found the more African American college women were exposed to social messages about thinness, the greater likelihood that they would internalize these ideas and experience body image concerns.

Although beauty and body image are related, beauty is a broader term because it encompasses body image. Issues related to body image may arise because one is constantly striving towards a beauty ideal. The term "body image" is associated with a variety of definitions ( Grogan, 2008). It is often characterized by evaluation and investment. Evaluation refers to the degree to which one is satisfied with their body and investment is the level of psychological importance associated with appearance ( Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002). A majority of body image research centers on the evaluative aspect of body parts and is often referred to as body image dissatisfaction. For the purposes of this paper, we will discuss issues related to both evaluation and investment. Although most of the literature is dedicated to evaluations related to body shape, there has been less emphasis on other aspects of the body image such as skin and hair that may be more salient for African American women.

Inconsistent findings within both comparative and within group research may be linked to the limited way that body image is defined and the types of measures used to assess body image. The majority of existing measures were normed on middle class, white women in college and clinical settings ( Mulholland & Mintz, 2001). Thus they exclude pertinent factors that are related to Black women and are more likely to tap into body related issues as experienced by White women ( Grabe & Hyde, 2006). There is evidence to support the idea that expression of body image satisfaction and beauty may manifest differently in African American women. Pumariega, Gustavson, Gustavson, Stone Motes and Ayers (1994) found that Black women were more likely to engage in skin bleaching, excessive hair care, and the willingness to endure financial debt related to beauty.

It is possible that issues related to body satisfaction and beauty for Black women are tied to how they feel about their hair. They may have to contend with ideals of beauty that favor European ideals ( Craig, 2002). As a result, African American women spend a significant amount time and finances on their hair. There also may be social costs for women who choose to wear their hair natural. Evidence of discrimination in the work place and by potential dating partners who do not accept natural styles has been documented ( Bryd & Tharps, 2002; Sue Capodilupo, & Holder, 2008). The current study will set out to examine if and to what extent themes related to hair emerge when participants are asked generally about issues related to beauty for African American women.

Skin tone is another facet of beauty and body image that may have significant implications for African American women. Related to racism, colorism is a system where individuals of color with lighter skin are perceived more favorably compared to their darker-skinned counterparts ( Hill, 2002; Hunter, 2002; Wilder & Cain, 2011). Falconer and Neville (2000) identified factors such as African self-consciousness and skin color satisfaction as uniquely related to African American women's body image satisfaction. Skin tone may be an important factor to consider when discussing beauty and body image for African American women. In addition to skin color, other key factors related to the body image of Black women include hair, facial features and body size ( Hall, 1995). If the body image literature is to adequately assess this construct with African American women, our definitions of body image must be expanded to include hair and skin tone.

More research is needed to better understand what factors are relevant to African American women's beauty and body image. Because quantitative measures of body image tend to be normed on middle-class White women and therefore limited in their scope, Lovejoy (2001) called for an increase in qualitative studies as a means to tap into the social and cultural underpinnings of body image. Although Hall (1995) proposed that facial features, skin tone, body size, and hair may all be pertinent to the body image and beauty of African American women, we could not locate a psychological study that comprehensively and systematically documented the content, source, and frequency of messages related to body image and beauty. Thus the purpose of the current study is threefold. First, we set out to examine the unique issues that organically arise pertaining to African American women's conception of beauty and body image. Second, we hoped to identify the frequency of specific beauty and body image themes. Third, we sought to identify the sources of the messages they receive and internalize in regards to their body image. We employed focus group methodology to allow for the maximal flow of ideas among study participants. Specifically, we set out to answer the following research questions:

1. What are the unique issues related to African American women's body image and beauty and which themes are the most frequent?

2. What is the specific content of their perceptions related to beauty and body image?

3. What are the sources of the messages they receive?

4. To what extent do African American women internalize messages about beauty and body image?

Method

Participants

A total of 31 female African-American students enrolled in a large Southwestern university in the United States participated in one of five focus groups to discuss issues pertaining to African American beauty and body image. African American students make up 5% of the student population at this university, while 48% of the student population identifies as White. Participant ages ranged from 19 to 25 years, with a mean of 21.5 ( SD= 1.70). Participants were composed of one first year student, three second year students, nine third year students, eleven fourth year students, and seven graduate students. The seven graduate students participated in a separate group. The majority of participants reported their sexual orientation as straight/heterosexual (n=29), one reported being a lesbian and one reported being bisexual. In terms of socioeconomic status, nine individuals identified as working class, twelve as middle class, nine as upper middle class, and one as upper class. The majority of participants indicated off-campus housing (n=26), four reported living in the residence halls on campus, and one reported that she lived with her parents. In terms of relationship status, the majority of women reported being single (n= 17), three as dating casually, nine reported as dating seriously, and two reported being married or in a committed relationship.

Instruments

The focus group questions were developed with the goal of identifying the content and frequency of themes that naturally arise when asking African American women about beauty. Specifically, we created the focus group questions to help answer our four research questions. Although we conducted a literature review of beauty and body image issues pertaining to African American women, we had no empirical data about the extent to which different aspects of beauty and body image would emerge. Therefore, we wanted to create questions that would initially not be leading them to answer with any particular facet of beauty. Our focus group questions consisted of the following: 1) We want to know some of your thoughts about African American women's beauty. Can you describe a few of your thoughts? 2) How has your family influenced your ideas about beauty? 3) What have you heard from others around you? For example, peers, significant others or more broadly your community. 4) How has society influenced your ideas about beauty? 5) How do you feel your personal experiences differ from that of other groups? 6) How do you feel your personal experiences differ from that of other groups? The questions were vetted by one expert in the field of African American psychology and another expert in the field of beauty and body image.

Procedure

Participants were recruited through snowball sampling and word of mouth. They were told that they would receive dinner for participating. Participants read and signed an informed consent form and completed a demographics questionnaire. Overall, the groups were asked a series of seven focus group questions pertaining to ideas about African American women's beauty, messages they heard from peers, family, and community, media influences, and specific issues related to body size, hair, and skin tone. The reason for the use of focus groups was the goal of reaching saturation in the data. Specifically, we wanted to conduct an ample number of focus groups to ensure that we exhaust the possible themes that may emerge from asking our focus group questions. The audio taped focus groups were transcribed and analyzed following a thematic approach as described by Braun & Clarke (2006). Thematic analysis provides a method for reporting patterns in data with rich detail and interpreting various aspects of the research topic. Braun and Clarke (2006) describe a theme as "something important about the data in relation to the research question and represents some level of patterned response or meaning within the data set" (p.82). Specifically, we engaged in a contextualist thematic analysis which "acknowledge(s) the ways individuals make meaning of their experience, and in turn, the ways the broader social context impinges on those meanings, while retaining focus on the materials and other limits of 'reality.' ( Braun & Clark, 2006, p. 85). Four members of the research team, who had been instructed in thematic analysis, analyzed the transcripts. This analysis entailed a repeated reading of the transcripts and generating initial codes. These initial codes were then collated into potential themes, which were reviewed in relation to one another and the overall data set. The research team described the data in terms of four overarching domains: hair, skin tone/colorism, body type, and message sources.

Results

This study set out to answer the four research questions: 1) What are the unique issues related to African American women's body image and which themes are the most frequent? 2) What is the specific content of their perceptions? 3) What are the sources of the messages they receive? 4) To what extent do African American women internalize messages about beauty and body image? Four main domains (Hair, skin tone/colorism, body type and messages/sources) are presented to answer these aforementioned questions. For each domain, themes along with frequency data are presented in Table 1 . The domains identified present answers to the first three research questions. The fourth research question pertaining to internalization of messages is addressed within the sources domain as well as throughout the subthemes presented in this section.

Table 1

Domain

Theme

Illustrative Quote

n

233

Versatility

"It's just, our hair [has] such variety. And other
cultures, for the most part, their hair is the same..."

18

Personality

"I feel like for some women that go natural, at least
for me, it's one of those things I always hear people
say I have arrived, but it's not really I have arrived,
it's just one of those things where I'm finally at the
point where I can let go of the relaxer and how my
hair is supposed to be and I'm finally embracing
how I want my hair to be."

12

Ignorance/Microaggresions

"I feel like there's this fascination outside the black
community, like if one day your hair is natural, and
the next day you got it relaxed, and then people are
like, 'Oh my God, that's amazing, can I touch it?'
And...it makes me like, think about hair more than I
probably would otherwise."

22

Curvy as optimal

"I understand...the fullness of Black women is just
kind of a part of us, so I never try to be skinny."

33

Striving

"I just wanted to fit in with [black] [women]. I
wanted to fit in. I wanted to be curvy with them, be
big with them. I was kind of nerdy, and was
involved with school and stuff, so I'm like skinny
and the little black kid over there that's not really in
the in crowd and I wanted to be. I kind of thought
that what it meant to be a black female was to be
curvy."

5

Hypersexualization

"I just think that because a lot of Black women are
more curvy that the stereotype against them is that
they want to have sex or that that's what their
thinking about if they go out on a date. The guy is
gonna think, 'Well I'm gonna get it from this girl
because of how her body is shaped...'"

8

Media

"...[Y]ou're also objectified to a certain extent. I see
the girls on TV and they're gorgeous. They look a
certain way, they're gorgeous Black women, but
how they chose to show them in
these scenes or in these clothes is very sexualized. It is not as positive
as it could be, as what you could see a white woman
on TV doing."

35

Context Dependent

"Also I had friends were really thin and they always
wanted to gain weight, of course in the right places,
like a big butt, that sort of thing. But...I think it also
had a lot to do with where you grew up. I had one
friend...from [a] totally random white area, and she,
she had a nice figure, she had nice curves and
everything, but she wanted to lose weight because
she grew up around white people. "

10

Domain 1: Hair

The overall importance of hair to general body-image was highlighted repeatedly in the focus groups as being of great importance to Black women. It emerged as the most frequent and important body image domain for women (n=133). One participant reported that her hair influenced her self-confidence as a whole: "when your hair is right, you just have better confidence in yourself and it's just a big thing for the hair to be straight. And not like straight as in texture but just like right." The subthemes for the main category of hair include: versatility (n=18), personality (n=12), sacrifice (n=19) and ignorance/microaggressions (n=22).

Participants noted a tremendous amount of sacrifice related to their own hair. This theme refers to the sacrifice of money and time that Black women must take to feel good about their hair: "I know girls, not me, but I know Black women, who spend hundreds of dollars on hair and getting their hair done you know and putting that before they'll put that before they eat." The pressure to look a certain way can lead some women to extremes, another respondent shared that, "...one time, well, at the beginning of school, like in August, I had to take out like an emergency loan so I could buy weave...."

The theme of ignorance/ racial microaggressions, within the larger domain of hair, refers to the rhetoric concerning Black women's hair. The respondent quoted below describes her experience when a White secretary at her current job microaggressed against her. The idea that Black women's aesthetics are not considered normative is expressed via the following interaction:

They really don't get it...So when they hired me I had that really short hair, it was curly. A little while later I got my extensions and the secretary said: 'oh your hair looks different. Are you wearing it down?' and I was like: 'Yeah, whatever, I'm wearing it down.'...Eventually I had to explain to her that these were extensions. And I had to explain the process of extensions. So then I had them out for a while and when I had them out she was like: 'Oh my, you cut all your hair off.' And I was like, did I not just explain that I had extensions? And then I got my natural hair straightened and when I got my hair straightened: she was like 'Oh your hair is so different, now did you cut it again?' And I said 'it is longer because I have it straight.' And when I got my extensions again she said 'Does your hair just do that by itself? Does it curl up like that?' I don't understand what they don't get. I think that's part of the problem."

The essence of this theme is that Black women's hair is a topic of conversation with non-Black people. A specific type of microaggression that often occurs is that women of color feel that their hair can express, or can be seen as expressing, their political ideals, particularly in terms of wearing their hair natural or not:

"Now...because my hair is natural all of a sudden I can sing, I do poetry, (laughter) like there are all of these things that are assigned to me because I have natural hair. Like I will be out with friends and people would be like "hey girl I bet you can sing and do poetry and blah blah blah" and I always counter like, 'actually I can't sing and I don't have any high level of social consciousness because my hair is natural...'"

While hair can be an expression of individual style, it can also be used as a way of stereotyping Black women into a few, very limited, roles. The respondent quoted above mentioned that she had not gone natural to express her political ideals, as was assumed by many, but rather so that she could have the money to eat.

While African American women report great sacrifice and racial microagressions, many have developed a level of pride regarding Black hair. The term versatility is used to refer to the joy that Black women find in being able to change their hair and experiment with different types of style. "...I think it's based on the individual, too. Like if you have a creative person, you know, like, you want to experiment do different stuff." Black women see themselves as having significantly more options, and being more capable of changing their hair drastically, than women of other races.

Domain 2: Skin Tone/Colorism

Skin tone was another major domain in the focus groups (n=50), in that what these women thought of their skin color was an important aspect of their overall body image and beauty. The major theme that was identified related to this domain is that of validation or invalidation by others. One participant noted:

People just couldn't see past the skin color my whole life you know even when it came to prom and homecoming queen. We had very pretty dark skinned girls at my school but the light skinned girls always won...it was just because they were pretty or just because they looked more like the White people.

Black women reported that an overwhelming preference for light skin still persists and deeply affects the way that they think about themselves and others:

I have aunts and uncles that referred to me as the little Black one or darkie and stuff like that because I was darker than others...I remember when I was younger I went to school and we played this game where we would get married during play time. You would find a boy you liked and you'd get married and have fun and it was great. None of the boys wanted to marry me because I was too dark and they were already asking me 'you know your children are going to come out really, really dark and that's not good.' But my light skinned friend got married to a different boy every day. But, I didn't because I wasn't light enough, and that really hurt my feelings, and to this day, it still brings me back to the idea that I'm not good enough.

This quote echoes the breadth and depth of the invalidation that and colorism experienced by some Black women and expressed in the focus groups. Most explained that colorism was present in both Black and White contexts and impacted different areas of their lives. Color consciousness within families, mate selection, desire for lighter skinned children, and perceived ability to achieve were all discussed as issues related to skin color preference.

Domain 3: Body Type

The main theme of body type (n=50) refers to women's feelings about the shape of their bodies and is made up of the following subthemes: thick/toned/curvy as optimal (n=33), striving to obtain ideal (n=5), hypersexualization (n=8) and being thin is for White women (n=4). The following quote not only demonstrates a thick/toned/curvy body type as ideal but also the ways in which Black women strive for that ideal and how it differs from the body type desired by White women:

I think it's funny because like when...Black people are growing up in most like Black communities it's really like pushed to be thicker. I mean I don't know what it was like at everybody else's community but I always wanted to have like a big butt and I was like 'man, what can I do?' and I tried to do like squats and stuff and then I heard all of these rumors you know if you eat this, if you play volleyball then you'll get it, I heard that and I was like 'man, I gotta get on that team!' And then, it's funny 'cause I used to visit my cousins and they went to this predominately White high school and when they saw me they were just like "ewww she's she's so disgusting she needs to lose some weight!'

One respondent notes how being in a majority White environment largely influenced her own body dissatisfaction, "... in high school I went to like a predominately White high school and everyone were like really skinny and tall. I used to like always work out and barely eat so I could lose weight..." In this case, it appears that the respondent favored a culturally dominant (White) feminine size aesthetic over a counter-cultural Black feminine one.

Women in the focus groups who expressed a desire to be thin and less curvy often noted that conforming to a White standard of beauty increases an individual's chance of achievement:

When it comes to...conformity, I mean you can be the person to make a stand if you want to, but you're also gonna be the person back at home with your parents making a stand in the living room. All the people who did conform a little bit, even though it's kind of like selling yourself, maybe they made that change to get in and now they can be themselves. And it really sucks because, you know, you shouldn't have to do that. White people don't have to do that. Even like, really, any other culture, because they don't have this kind of hair you know. Or it's not even professional to be like super shapely, like in a suit you know. So it's not professional to be Black. It sucks, but you know we gotta be successful.

The distinction between body types that are desired in a predominantly Black community, as opposed to primarily White context, provide insight into the need for a different operationalization of body image for research with Black women. Unlike a "thin" ideal, one cannot starve oneself into a curvy figure, which makes items about weight less applicable to Black women.

Hypersexualization refers to the ways in which Black women feel that they are sexualized, regardless of their intentions, due to the way others perceive their body. "I just think that because a lot of Black women are more curvy that the stereotype against them is that they want to have sex...the guy is gonna think 'well I'm gonna get it from this girl because of how her body is shaped.'" Awareness of this hypersexualization led the women in our focus groups to think differently about how they dressed at work or school in an attempt to manage others' perceptions of them.

Domain 4: Messages and Sources

Answering research question three, many participants discussed the sources of beauty and body image messages heard. Messages about body image are received from many sources; the respondents in our focus groups particularly highlighted the family (n=44) and media (n=35), while acknowledging that these messages are context dependent (n=10). Messages from family tend to surround the importance of the way others see you.

My mom always said people perceive you a certain way even...before you open your mouth, just by the way you look. So if you don't present yourself in the best like all the time or, if, you know, it don't have to be the best all the time but decent all the time, people aren't gone look at you as, you know, decent they might look at you as not being capable of handling what they need you to do. They might not think you're capable of doing your job or things of that sort because you don't keep yourself up.

As can be seen in the above quote, the discussion of messages about appearance are a part of a conversation about what it means to be Black woman in a racist society. The women in our focus groups reported that their families concern for appearance was directly related to how important appearance is in terms of achievement.

Feelings about messages about the media were generally ambivalent among our respondents. While many of the women were happy that there were more representations of Black women in the media, they did not approve of the limited view of Black women's beauty: "In all of the commercials I can think of seeing, the black woman is never of a dark complexion, she never has her natural hair, natural as in permed, it's usually that the woman is kind of on the lighter side and has naturally curly hair. That's all you see all the time and it drives me nuts." Thus, while there is an increase in Black women in the media, the women in our focus groups do not feel that they represent most Black women. "Video girls," women who are depicted in music videos, are also seen as creating a particular standard of beauty for Black women.

I never identified or even desired to be one of those video girls but what I did get from [them] was that guys like [them]. Because it wasn't so much what the girls were doing, it was how the guys were responding to it. And I was like 'I need to be bigger and be able to dance like that...' And so for a lot of heterosexual black women, I think it's something that you do sort of internalize a little bit in terms of like interpersonal relationships and stuff like that.

Discussion

All women experience their own bodies (the personal) within a political context, and this may be particularly true for Black women, whose bodies are perceived in specific ways due to socially constructed ideas about the intersection of their race and gender. The discussion of these results helps us to understand the experience of Black women within a political and racialized context. For example, when discussing Black women's experience with their skin tone it is inseparable from colorism, a cultural preference for light skin. This section discuss themes related to hair, skin tone/colorism, body shape, and message sources.

Hair

Overall, the most frequent themes to emerge related to the domain of hair. This is one of the first studies to document the frequency that different issues pertaining to beauty and body image emerge organically in a focus group setting with African American women. Prior research examining body image and body satisfaction has overlooked the importance of hair as a reflection of beauty and a pertinent aspect of overall body image. In relation to their own hair, participants consistently spoke about the experience of sacrifice, ignorance/racial microaggressions, and, validation/invalidation by others versatility. Within this domain, most respondents described both the personal and political implications of their own hair. Mercer (1987) explains that for Black people, style and texture of hair is often viewed as indicative of an individual's identity and level of adherence to cultural norms. For some Black women, the personal and political significance of their hair is rooted in system that values some hair types over others. More specifically, the beauty of Black hair is often ranked. Curls that are smaller and kinkier are often less prized. Usually, straighter hair or relaxed curls are more ideal because they are closer to images of whiteness. Craig (2002) explains that Black women's hair standards have long been shaped by gender and racism where by hair that is most feminine and appropriately groomed mirrors White notions of beauty. Within this racially inspired value system, hair can be indicative of one's feminine identity and a "visible stigma of Blackness" which stands out above other features because hair can be manipulated and changed ( Mercer, 1987).

Overall, the financial costs for hair maintenance are extremely high for Black women. For example, in 2008, sales of home relaxers in the United States totaled $45.6 million (excluding Wal-Mart), according to Mintel, a market research firm ( Saint Louis, 2009). The amount of time invested was also central to our participants with many noting a large portion of their schedules devoted to hair care. On a typical salon visit in the U.S., women may spend anywhere from 45 minutes to five hours in a single visit ( Linnan & Ferguson, 2007). The style of hair can influence the amount of time or money required, but this is also a complicated issue. One scholar noted that if a woman does not choose to wear her hair in a natural style, she will make significant sacrifices in terms of money, time, the health of her hair and, at times, physical pain ( Battle-Walters, K., 2004). However, Byrd and Tharps (2002) noted that women who choose to wear their hair naturally fear being stereotyped as "radical," which could lead to a loss in financial or career opportunities. This experience was well described by one participant, "hair determines, in mainstream America, where or how far you get...they tell Black women and Black men to cut your dreads off and stuff because that's not appropriate... they don't want you, you know, I hate to have to conform to that but we do, everybody does, like all African Americans..." Another respondent stated that "...people in power have straight hair ,they're mostly White, it's like you have to emulate them if you want to get to that position and anything that like says that you're Black I guess, and your hair is part of that ,then you want to change it..." Many noted an additional pressure in predominately White contexts to forgo natural hairstyles for permed, straight hair as the latter was considered professional and more closely aligned with White standards. The Black women we interviewed detailed battles between social acceptance and their own hair desires and the resulting sacrifices. From these accounts, we see that the cultural stigmatization of Black hair has important consequences for Black women as they choose between what is good for them personally and what might prevent access to economic and professional realms. Specifically, participants in the current study tended to report feeling that in predominately White work spaces, it is necessary to conform to mainstream culture and wear their hair in a style that would be perceived as more acceptable (e.g., relaxed or permed styles).

The economic implications, real and or perceived for Black women who choose to wear their hair natural are usually a loss in employment or the fear of rejection (if going on a job interview) before a job is secured. Black women have expressed this concern repeatedly and for good reason. As Bryd and Tharps (2002) demonstrates there has been a long history of discrimination against Black women who wear their hair naturally. Scores of lawsuits were initiated by Black women who claim discrimination for wearing their hair in natural or "ethnic" hairstyles like braids, dreadlocks or cornrows ( Bryd and Tharps 2002). As Collins (1990) notes many of these women are often employed in the service industry which reflects how social class plays a powerful role in the oppression of Black women.

Research examining racial microaggressions has found that Black women report that others communicate or imply that their hair texture and style is inferior to that of their White counterparts ( Sue, et al., 2008). This theme of invalidation by others also was evident in the data.  Sue, Capodilupo, and Holder (2008) note that the implicit message is often communicated to African American women that they are abnormal because of the style or texture of their hair. Further, a lack of knowledge about African American hair by non-Black individuals can leave African American women feeling as if they are a "novelty" and, thus, insulted ( Sue, Capodilupo, & Holder, 2008 p. 333). Such findings are significant, in that African Americans often report strong, painful emotional reactions in response to racial microaggressions ( Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Sue, et al., 2008). By framing such experiences and reactions within the framework of body image research, our study contributes to the depth and accuracy of research examining African American women's body image. That is, traditional work on body image in psychology fails to acknowledge the racialized aspects of body image experiences for Black women. The essence of this theme is that Black women's hair is a topic of conversation with non-Black people.

The persistence of individuals in questioning Black women about their hair itself is a microaggression, in that it identifies Black women's hair as something unusual or alien. Particularly for African American women who choose to wear their hair natural, research corroborates the perception that some African American women are viewed as "militant" or "angry," as others ascribe political or personality characteristics to them ( Sue, et al., 2008). Such findings are significant in that they speak to the impact that stereotyping or racism can have on body image perceptions for African American women.

While there is often a negative narrative around African American women's hair, Jacobs-Huey (2004) notes in her anthropological examination of African American hair stylists that some African American women create a counter-narrative that celebrate the versatility and beauty of African American hair. It is clear that the versatility of Black hair has personal significance, as it is a major source of esteem.

Mercer (1987) describes the vast array of Black hairstyles as forms of art that are political in nature and creative responses to racism. The author explains that without access to official institutions, Black people cultivate unique patterns of expression, hairstyles being an example of this. The diversity of Black hair and its historical roots are celebrated by Black women and contribute to greater body satisfaction. Our study contributes to the literature by providing a more in-depth understanding of the various ways hair impacts African American women's daily experiences and self-perceptions.

Skin Tone/Colorism

Systematic racism imbues meaning to skin color. ( Hunter, 2002). This gendered system is mostly centered on women's attractibility and privileges lighter skinned individuals over those with darker skin ( Hill, 2002; Wilder & Cain, 2011). Light skin maintains a higher status because it is linked with Europeans and whiteness while dark skin is degraded based on its association with Africans ( Hunter, 2002). For women of color and Black women in particular lighter skin is synonymous with beauty and thus acts as social capital ( Hunter, 2002). The structure of this hierarchy is indicative of the European standard of beauty many African American women have identified and/or internalized ( Falconer & Neville, 2000).

Research has shown that among African Americans, African American women with lighter skin tones are perceived as more attractive than their darker skinned counterparts ( Hill, 2002). In addition empirical evidence has identified colorism as an aspect of the African American experience that can influence Black women's feelings of attractiveness and self-worth, decreasing their overall body image satisfaction ( Hill, 2002; Falconer & Neville, 2000). These feelings transcend physical appearance, as stereotypes about light and dark skin tone also target intrinsic traits and can be important predictors of Black women's education, income, and spousal status ( Hunter, 1998; Hunter, 2002; Maddox & Gray, 2002). Our findings demonstrate the pervasiveness of colorism across several contexts, including home and school.

Body Size/Shape

Black women in this study reiterated the inescapable nature of skin color stratification as something that is pervasive in White and Black contexts, but operates differently in these environments. In addition, they were fully aware of how their skin color denies or allows them access to certain social resources. Awareness of a societal preference for lighter skin may influence the level of belongingness and peer acceptance that African Americans feel either in a predominately Black or in a predominately White setting. Consistent with previous research, the data in this study suggest that belongingness, validation, and peer acceptance depends on the racial context and makeup ( Harvey, LaBeach, Pridgen, & Gocial, 2005). While skin tone themes may share some similarities with themes found for hair, skin tone may present slightly different issues. Specifically, while many non-Blacks feel free to talk about Black women's hair, much of the response to skin tone tends to be within group. That is, there is within group color stratification that has implications for perceived attractibility, status, and self-worth. Unlike hair, skin tone is much more difficult to manipulate especially for darker women. Therefore, the issue of skin tone complicates body image for Black women because they are critiqued by both in- and out-group members. Not only does this work support quantitative findings, but it also suggests that Black women are fully aware of these racialized biases and the personal and political consequences of their own skin color. This data serves as a catalyst to develop potential interventions to combat the negative psychological effects of colorism.

The results of the current qualitative study are corroborated by previous empirical research that suggests African American women generally view curvaceous or larger body types as ideal ( Aruguete, Nickleberry, & Yates, 2004; Gordon, Castro, Sitnikov, & Holm-Denoma, 2010). For example, in a sample of White, Latina, and Black undergraduate collegians, Gordon, Castro, Sitnikov, and Holm-Denoma (2010) found that Black women chose significantly larger personal and ethnic group ideal body shapes than their Latina and White counterparts.

These results are consistent with research that indicates African American women are unlikely to view mainstream standards as appropriate comparisons for personal physical features appraisals ( Evans & McConnell, 2003). Drawing upon Steele's (1992) process of disidentification, Evans and McConnell (2003) suggest this is a self-protective factor in which women of color disidentify with mainstream (White) standards of beauty in an attempt to preserve individual self-esteem. This protective factor seems particularly relevant to African American women as they have often been subjected to negative, and sometimes racist appraisals of their physical features.

It is important to note that there were discrepancies in the respondents' preferences for ideal body shape and this could be mediated by cultural influences. Like Gordon and colleagues (2010), our results indicate that Black women who have experienced stress related to discrimination, conflict between their cultural heritage and culture of the dominant group, and identify as a member of a devalued group were likely to engage in disordered eating to achieve the mainstream ideal for a thin body shape ( Gordon et al., 2010). Similarly, like Abrams, Allen & Gray (1993) our data provide support for the notion that African American women who reject Black cultural values and internalize a Eurocentric worldview report increased fear of getting fat and desire for a slimmer body shape ( Abrams, Allen, & Gray, 1993).

Sources of Messages about Body Image

Although there is an increase in African American women in the media, these images tend to be limited. African American women are not as commonly featured in primary roles in the mainstream media when compared to European Americans ( Schooler, Ward, Merriwether, & Caruthers, 2004). However, Black women are often featured in rap music videos, and young black women are consistently exposed to rap music ( Wingood, DiClemente, Bernhardt, Harrington, Davies, Robillard, & Hook, 2003). Research conducted with young black women found that exposure to images of sexual stereotypes in rap music videos has a negative effect on body image ( Peterson, Wingood, DiClemente, Harrington, & Davies, 2007). Our study further expands upon Rubin, Fitts, and Becker's (2003) work that black women are keenly aware of limited media representations. Findings from this current study suggest that perhaps black women's body concerns are also influenced by their perceptions of men's views of the ideal body which are based on how black women are featured in common media outlets. The majority of our respondents emphasized rap music videos when discussing the impact of media. They also indicated that black women are not commonly represented in other media spaces although they have noticed a slight increase. Respondents made reference to the high frequency of sexualized images, which serves to construct and constrict beauty ideals for women.

Our findings indicated that the content of family messages surrounding body image and beauty often included the idea that the perception of others is important and influences one's ability to achieve and be well received in White contexts. In previous studies with Latinas and African American college students, Rubin, Fitts, and Becker (2003) found that Black women were likely to receive messages from family members regarding body aesthetics. Most of these messages focused on maintaining a look that was in accordance with the values of the dominant culture. Similar to Rubin et al. (2003), our findings also indicate that familial messages are one of the primary means through which body ideals are constructed. However, our research sheds light on a specific purpose underlying these messages. Most of the respondents shared that family messages concerning body aesthetics were usually centered on how one should use their appearance as a way to succeed in racially biased educational and professional contexts.

In American culture African American woman have been exoticized as wild and sexually promiscuous ( hooks, 1992). This is particularly obvious in the portrayal of African American women in advertising and other popular culture in which they are commonly presented in animal prints or other dehumanizing stereotypes ( Kilbourne, 2010). This hypersexualization by the majority culture may affect the development of women's sexual self and anxiety concerning their body and self-presentation, particularly in majority White contexts ( Stephens & Phillips, 2003).

Black women's oppression takes three forms: economic, political and through negative controlling images ( Collins 1990). How Black women respond to that oppression is best understood through the lens of Black feminist theory. As Collins and others have noted, one such response is to internalize these racist messages that decrees Black women as second rate and abnormal based on the White standard. Internalized racism is a theme most prominent in Black literature (e.g., novelists such George Schulyer, James Baldwin, Zora Neal Hurston, Gwendolyn Brooks, Toni Morrison) and even as Collins (1990) notes children rhymes: "Now if you're white you're all right, If you brown, stick around, but if you're black, Git back, Git back! Git back!"

Our findings support prior research suggesting that factors such as skin color and hair are important factors related to body image and are unique to African American women ( Falconer & Neville, 2000; Hall, 1995). Specifically, hair is the most frequent aspect of beauty and body image mentioned by women in this study. Moreover, this study contributes to the body image literature by addressing theories of intersectionality, race and body dissatisfaction, particularly given the limitations of measures of body dissatisfaction that reflect the experience of White women. The current literature on body image tends to focus on body size and omits the racialized aspects of beauty and body image that are a result of the historical oppression faced by Black women. This definition needs to be expanded to include other pertinent factors such as hair and skin tone because they are issues relevant to women of color. Furthermore, there needs to be an expansion to include the consequences of negative body/beauty image for Black women such as feelings of invalidation, experience of microaggressions, excessive sacrifice, and hypersexualization The exclusion of these body image elements will continue to contribute to the marginalization of women of color because the literature fails to address the lived experiences of these women. This study should serve as a clarion call for a more expansive definition of body image and beauty in the literature.

In addition, the major themes identified in this analysis (e.g., microaggressions, sacrifice, validation/invalidation, etc.), we've learned from these narratives that young Black women continue to feel held hostage to White beauty standards that essentially deem them unattractive and unfeminine ( Banks, 2000). Despite prior studies that suggest Black women have high esteem when it comes to body image attitudes, these data amply demonstrate that Black women struggle daily with reconciling their beauty with that of mainstream standards. We also find that Black women feel like they are under constant assault (blatant and latent) for their perceived "ugliness" by media, peers and even family. In keeping with Black Feminist Theory, one of the ways some of these women cope with these microaggressions and invalidations is to redefine and or self-define a beauty standard that is not at odds with their own esthetic ( Collins, 1990). To illustrate this point, one respondent notes:

"as long as I perceive myself as beautiful then, I really don't have any issues with the media's definition of beautiful or how others would define beauty or just anything that goes along with that type of reference just because of what's in the media today and what image, like what the younger generation's going through. And even just us, what you always see in the magazine or the TV. If you don't have that own self image, then you might not be satisfied with yourself"

Future studies may want to investigate these phenomena in a community sample to determine if similar themes are identified. Additionally, because the current sample included college women who may be of higher SES levels or upwardly mobile, future studies should include a more diverse sample in terms of socio-economic status and education. However, despite these limitations the current study offers an in-depth analysis of the issues related to beauty and body image for African American female college students. This study provides an investigation of body image issues for African American without utilizing a comparative research framework. To accurately assess the psychological issues related to beauty and body image for Black women, the conceptualization of this issue must be broadened beyond what is typically presented in the extant psychological discourse. It is not enough to assess body size but we must address racialized aspects of beauty such as hair and skin tone as well. It is our hope that this information will be used to create culturally appropriate measures for examining issues of body image with this group and subsequently inform community and therapeutic interventions designed to decrease body dissatisfaction for African American women.

Acknowledgments

The author gratefully acknowledges the contribution of grant R25-HD045810 which facilitated the completion of this manuscript.

References

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Wingood GM, DiClemente RJ, Bernhardt JM, Harrington K, Davies SL, Robillard AR, Hook EW. A prospective study of exposure to rap music videos and African American female adolescents' health. American Journal of Public Health. 2003;93:437-439. [[PMC free article] [PubMed] Google Scholar]

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Beauty and Body Image Concerns Among African American College Women

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The current study examined body image concerns among African American women. In recent years, there has been an attempt to include ethnic minority samples in body image studies (e.g., ; ; ) but few specifically examine unique issues pertaining to beauty ...

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The question I am thinking about is "How does social medias view on different skin colors affect the beauty standard and confidence among women of color?" I am interested in this topic because I am a women of color and have experienced insecurities due to the beauty standard rarely being girls that look like me, but I have also been on the other side where I have been told I am lucky because my skin is light or my curls aren't as kinky.

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Hi I'm Sydney, I am 17 and I am the youngest in my family. I really like to do hair especially curly hair, and I really like movies, especially romance movies. My favorite animal is a dog and I am Puerto Rican and African American. I am taking sociology because I want to get a better understanding of why things happen, more specifically why things that happened to me and my family happen. For instance, I have been called the n- word or have been told I am pretty but I am too black, or how my mama and papa both have accents due to Spanish being their first language ad get dirty looks or people saying stuff about them.