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Chan was not taken seriously by the imperial court in China and did not fit well into the country's centralized system. Because chan said that for any classic, anyone has the right to interpret, this is also bad for the ideology of strengthening centralized power.

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1. Six Persimmons（2022）Wikipedia. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Six_Persimmons#/media/File:%E5%85%AD%E6%9F%BF%E5%9B%BE.jpg（Accessed 29 January 2022).
2. Laura Carlin. 2022. A World of your Own — Laura Carlin.  Available at: http://www.lauracarlin.com/a-world-of-your-own/0lsw4fnczvds9aj5c0r8uc4ke2118q （Accessed 29 January 2022).
3. Muqi （2022）Wikipedia. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muqi （Accessed 29 January 2022).
4. Chan Art (2021）Encyclopedia. com. Available at：https://www.encyclopedia.com.（29 Dec. 2021).
5. Youtube.com. 2022.  12C - Six Persimmons Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-X7NzvEnDhs&t=204s>（Accessed 29 January 2022).
6.Guangming Daily (2021) Zen Monks and Zen Paintings in the context of world art history Available at:

https://news.gmw.cn/2021-05/27/content_34878445.htm(Accessed: 27 May 2021).
7. 周阅. （2014）日本人心中的牧溪 Available at : https://web.archive.org/web/20140722101121/http://www.literature.org.cn/Article.aspx?id=58689#_ednref1 (29 Dec 2021).
8. China, Buddhist Art in (2022).  Encyclopedia.com. Available at: https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/china-buddhist-art（Accessed 29 January 2022).
9. Youtube.com. 2022. 《隐身东瀛的瑰宝》第三集 寻找牧溪 | CCTV纪录 Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kFBBPVTE3MY&feature=emb_logo (Accessed 29 January 2022).
10. 马远( 2022). 维基百科，自由的百科全书. Available at: https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E9%A9%AC%E8%BF%9C
(Accessed 29 January 2022).
11. Emperor Huizong of Song (2022) Wikipedia.  Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emperor_Huizong_of_Song (Accessed 29 January 2022).
12. Terebess.hu. 2022. 牧溪法常 Muqi Fachang / Muxi Fachang (1210?-1269?). Available at: https://terebess.hu/zen/mesterek/MuqiFachang.htm
(Accessed 29 January 2022).
13. 梁楷（2022） 梁楷 - 维基百科，自由的百科全书. Available at: https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E6%A2%81%E6%A5%B7#/media/File:Immortal_in_Splashed_Ink.jpg (Accessed 29 January 2022).

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In this padlet, Zen and Chan mean the same thing.

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In this padlet, Zen and Chan mean the same thing.

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梁楷（2022） 梁楷 - 维基百科，自由的百科全书. Available at: https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E6%A2%81%E6%A5%B7#/media/File:Immortal_in_Splashed_Ink.jpg (Accessed 29 January 2022).

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梁楷性情豪放，不拘礼法，曾自号"梁疯子"，曾经被任命画院待诏，但将金带挂于院中，不受而去。善画山水人物，早期画工笔人物细密工致，"院人见其精描之笔，无不拜伏"，后来演变简括粗放，纵笔挥洒，被称作"折芦描"。粗放的"减笔"极富有创造性，粗粗几笔描画人物情态十分逼真。梁楷开创了 中国画 水墨写意画法的新局面，对后代写意画法的发展有很大的影响。 其作品"潑墨仙人"展現了水墨之墨韻的精湛美感，是一種簡筆畫的表現形象方式。

作品流传至今的有《 六祖 斫竹图》、《八高僧故事图》、《泼墨仙人图》等。

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梁楷 - 维基百科，自由的百科全书

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梁楷性情豪放，不拘礼法，曾自号"梁疯子"，曾经被任命画院待诏，但将金带挂于院中，不受而去。善画山水人物，早期画工笔人物细密工致，"院人见其精描之笔，无不拜伏"，后来演变简括粗放，纵笔挥洒，被称作"折芦描"。粗放的"减笔"极富有创造性，粗粗几笔描画人物情态十分逼真。梁楷开创了 中国画 水墨写意画法的新局面，对后代写意画法的发展有很大的影响。 ...

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南宋（2022）维基百科，自由的百科全书. Available at: https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%8D%97%E5%AE%8B（Accessed 30 January 2022）.

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南宋 - 维基百科，自由的百科全书

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南宋（1127年6月12日－1279年3月19日）是 宋朝的其中一个時期，與 北宋合稱「兩宋」。北宋以 开封被金人攻入及佔領而结束，1127年6月12日， 宋徽宗第九子康王赵构逃至 南京应天府（今 河南 商丘）即位，是为 宋高宗，改元「 建炎」。因宋朝的 五行 德運為「火」，改元「建炎」意味著重建王朝的火德。 由于未能收复中原，南宋的统治范围被迫限于 秦岭－淮河线以南地区，與金国长期军事对峙，但是亦刺激了南宋發展 经济、手工业、 航運 贸易、 武器制造及 科技 。 自 完顏亮南侵失敗後，南宋北伐的聲音高漲。宋高宗決定禪位於養子趙昚。是為 孝宗，趙昚是 宋太祖趙匡胤的次子秦王 趙德芳的六世孫，自此宋朝的帝位經186年後由太宗的子孫轉回到太祖的子孫的手上。 在1164年12月， 張浚隆興北伐失敗後，簽訂《 隆兴和议》（又名《乾道和議》），把原本向金稱臣改為叔姪關係，金為叔，宋為侄，金改詔表為國書，歲貢改為歲幣，減少貢獻，割讓 秦州及 商州，維持原疆界。绢貢獻由25萬減至20萬，歲幣減至20萬銀兩。 宋孝宗起用 虞允文、 周必大等人，朝政較為安定。宋高宗雖然作為太上皇，但在幕後對宋孝宗施加壓力反对北伐，促成和议，維持與金的和平局面。1187年，當了二十五年太上皇的宋高宗去世，在守孝三年後，宋孝宗決定讓位給皇子 宋光宗趙惇，退位為 太上皇。 權臣專權是終南宋一朝的特點，南宋自秦檜後，權臣一直在南宋發揮重要的角色，皇帝通過讓權臣掌握一定的權力，同時籍權臣來控制武將，以掌握軍權。 宋光宗即位後，由於體弱多病，而皇后李氏恃光宗生性懦弱，任何事要取決於她。光宗更賜李家家廟、追封及授與李家官爵。加上光宗在李氏的影響下，對孝宗的情況不聞不問，喪禮幾乎無人主持。於是樞密使 趙汝愚借光宗手諭「曆事歲久，念欲退閑」八字，在高宗吳太后的外甥 韓侂胄的聯絡下請吳太后出面宣佈光宗退位。立光宗子嘉王趙擴繼位。是為 宋寧宗，稱為 紹熙內禪。 宋寧宗信任 韓侂胄，韓侂胄排擠趙汝愚等人專斷朝政，而且又引發 慶元黨禁，排擠 朱熹等人。在1206年，韓侂胄北伐，後來被金擊退。在1208年，簽訂《 嘉定和议》。兩國改為叔侄關係，宋由貢獻歲幣及绢由20萬增至30萬，宋賠償300萬軍費，獻上韓侂胄首級。金放弃占领的 大散关、 濠州。 宋寧宗在 史彌遠協助下，誅殺韓侂胄，自此宋寧宗起用史彌遠，史彌遠在寧宗駕崩時因知曉皇子

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马远( 2022). 维基百科，自由的百科全书. Available at: https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E9%A9%AC%E8%BF%9C
(Accessed 29 January 2022).

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马远擅长 山水画 ，继承和发展了北派山水的画风，能自出新意，下笔遒劲严整，设色清润；用大斧劈皴描画方硬奇峭的山石；树木用笔简要多姿，树叶有夹笔，树干用焦墨，多横斜曲折之态；楼阁大都运用界尺，而加衬染；点景人物自然生动，用不同的线描表现不同条件下的各种水势，对自然观察详细，写实能力高超。

他的画被当时评价为："边角之景"，"峭峰直上而不见其顶，或绝壁直下而不见其脚，或近山参天而远山则低，或孤舟泛月而一人独坐"；人称" 马一角"，后人也有认为这是南宋偏安的写照。他是南宋时期最重要的画家之一；他的画受到当时皇室的青睐，多有当时 宋宁宗杨皇后的题字；与 夏圭并称"马夏"、又謂「馬一角、夏半邊」。馬遠與 李唐、 刘松年 、夏圭合稱為"南宋四家"。

在马远传世的作品中，较为著名的有：

絹本設色，縱27.4cm，橫43.1cm，約成於1102－1224年間，現藏台北國立故宮博物院。

絹本設色，現藏台北國立故宮博物院。

絹本設色，縱125.6cm，橫46.7cm，約成於1198－1201年間，現藏台北國立故宮博物院。

全图分为十二个部分，每部纵26.8cm，橫41.6cm。分别命名为波蹙金风、洞庭风细、层波叠浪、寒塘清浅、长江万顷、黄河逆流、秋水回波、云生沧海、湖光潋滟、云舒浪卷、晓日烘山、细浪漂漂，生动而精彩地表现了不同类型的水。现藏于北京故宫博物院。

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马远 - 维基百科，自由的百科全书

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马远擅长 山水画 ，继承和发展了北派山水的画风，能自出新意，下笔遒劲严整，设色清润；用大斧劈皴描画方硬奇峭的山石；树木用笔简要多姿，树叶有夹笔，树干用焦墨，多横斜曲折之态；楼阁大都运用界尺，而加衬染；点景人物自然生动，用不同的线描表现不同条件下的各种水势，对自然观察详细，写实能力高超。 ...

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Mainstream painters in the Southern Song Dynasty

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Mainstream painters in the Southern Song Dynasty

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In fact, he is completely different from traditional Chinese painting. I realized that because I was influenced by many modern paintings, I would observe details similar to those in modern paintings. When I look at my previous works with the eyes of modern painting, I will feel that the era of this work is very close to me.

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Why do I like this picture? What influenced me? This painting reminds me of the artist Laura Carlin. I like her very much and have copied her paintings. In the process of copying, I found that she often used positive and negative shapes, lines, blocks and shades of color to process the picture.

Laura Carlin. 2022. A World of your Own — Laura Carlin.  Available at: http://www.lauracarlin.com/a-world-of-your-own/0lsw4fnczvds9aj5c0r8uc4ke2118q （Accessed 29 January 2022）

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I like this painting very much. Because it looks very simple, no background, no complicated tablecloth. Different shades of color, lines and blocks depict the distances and changes of the six persimmons. I feel like I can stare at this painting and feel the serenity conveyed by the artist.

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Emperor Huizong of Song (2022) Wikipedia.  Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Emperor_Huizong_of_Song (Accessed 29 January 2022).

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Emperor Huizong of Song (7 June 1082 - 4 June 1135), personal name Zhao Ji, was the eighth emperor of the Northern Song dynasty of China. He was also a very well-known calligrapher. Born as the 11th son of Emperor Shenzong, he ascended the throne in 1100 upon the death of his elder brother and predecessor, Emperor Zhezong, because Emperor Zhezong's only son died prematurely. He lived in luxury, sophistication and art in the first half of his life. In 1126, when the Jurchen-led Jin dynasty invaded the Song dynasty during the Jin-Song Wars, Emperor Huizong abdicated and passed on his throne to his eldest son, Zhao Huan who assumed the title Emperor Qinzong while Huizong assumed the honorary title of Taishang Huang (or "Retired Emperor"). The following year, the Song capital, Bianjing, was conquered by Jin forces in an event historically known as the Jingkang Incident. Emperor Huizong, along with Emperor Qinzong and the rest of their family, were taken captive by the Jurchens and brought back to the Jin capital, Huining Prefecture in 1128. The Jurchen ruler, Emperor Taizong of Jin, gave the former Emperor Huizong a title, Duke Hunde (literally "Besotted Duke"), to humiliate him. After his surviving son, Zhao Gou, declared himself as the dynasty's tenth emperor as Emperor Gaozong, the Jurchens used him, Qinzong, and other imperial family members to put pressure on Gaozong and his court to surrender. Emperor Huizong died in Wuguo after spending about nine years in captivity.

Despite his incompetence in rulership, Emperor Huizong was known for his promotion of Taoism and talents in poetry, painting, calligraphy and music. He sponsored numerous artists at his imperial court, and the catalogue of his collection listed over 6,000 known paintings.

Emperor Huizong, besides his partaking in state affairs that favoured the reformist party that supported Wang Anshi's New Policies, was a cultured leader who spent much of his time admiring the arts. He was a collector of paintings, calligraphy, and antiques of previous dynasties, building huge collections of each for his amusement. He wrote poems of his own, was known as an avid painter, created his own calligraphy style, had interests in architecture and garden design, and even wrote treatises on medicine and Taoism. He assembled an entourage of painters that were first pre-screened in an examination to enter as official artists of the imperial court, and made reforms to court music. Like many learned men of his age, he was quite a polymath personality, and is even considered to be one of the greatest Chinese artists of all time. However, his reign would be forever scarred by the decisions made (by counsel he received) on handling foreign policy, as the end of his reign marked a period of disaster for the Song Empire.

Emperor Huizong neglected the military, and the Song dynasty became increasingly weak and at the mercy of foreign invaders, despite his recasting of the symbolic Nine Tripod Cauldrons in 1106 in an attempt to assert his authority. When the Jurchens founded the Jin Dynasty and attacked the Khitan-led Liao dynasty to the north of the Song, the Song dynasty allied with the Jin Dynasty and attacked the Liao from the south. This succeeded in destroying the Liao, a longtime enemy of the Song.

However, an enemy of the even more formidable Jin dynasty was now on the northern border. Not content with the annexation of the Liao domain, and perceiving the weakness of the Song army, the Jurchens soon declared war on their former ally, and by the beginning of 1126, the troops of the Jin "Western Vice-Marshal" Wolibu crossed the Yellow River and came in sight of Bianjing, the capital of the Song Empire. Realizing his mistakes, Huizong took the blame for everything that went wrong and stricken with panic, Emperor Huizong intended to flee but was convinced by his officials to abdicate first and then flee. Huizong then feigned a stroke because Huizong in his words said that "I must use the excuse of illness. I am afraid of disorder breaking out." He then abdicated on 18 January 1126 in favour of his eldest son, Zhao Huan who is historically now known as Emperor Qinzong (欽宗).

However, Qinzong sternly refused the throne, even pushing the robes off. Huizong, still feigning a stroke, wrote with his left hand "If you do not accept, you are unfilial." Qinzong said in response "If I accept, then I am unfilial." Even when Huizong summoned his empress, Qinzong still declined until Huizong ordered his eunuchs to forcibly put him on the throne. Qinzong finally gave in eventually accepting the throne. Huizong then departed the capital to flee in the countryside.

Overcoming the walls of Bianjing was a difficult undertaking for the Jurchen cavalry, and this, together with fierce resistance from some Song officials who had not totally lost their nerve, as Emperor Huizong had, and Qinzong giving a town, resulted in the Jurchens lifting the siege of Bianjing and returning north. The Song Empire, however, had to sign a humiliating treaty with the Jin Empire, agreeing to pay a colossal war indemnity and to give a tribute to the Jurchens every year. From 1126 until 1138, refugees from the Song Empire migrated south towards the Yangtze River. Huizong returned from the countryside and resumed his normal activities after hearing that the siege was lifted although he was effectively under house arrest by Qinzong.

But even such humiliating terms could not save the Song dynasty. Within a matter of months, the troops of both Jurchen vice-marshals, Wolibu and Nianhan, were back south again, and this time they were determined to overcome the walls of Bianjing after Qinzong wanted to form an Anti-Jin alliance with two Liao nobles who were actually on the Jurchens side. After a bitter siege, the Jurchens eventually entered Bianjing on 9 January 1127, and many days of looting, rapes, and massacre followed. Most of the entire imperial court and harem were captured by the Jurchens in an event known historically as the Jingkang Incident, and transported north, mostly to the Jin capital of Shangjing (in present-day Harbin). After Qinzong was captured, Emperor Huizong, was persuaded to turn himself in, however, they captured Huizong. When Huizong got to see Qinzong, they cried and hugged each other with Huizong stating "If you had listened to the old man, we would have avoided this disaster."

One of the many sons of Emperor Huizong, Zhao Gou was not present in Bianjing where he went to Southern China where, after many years of struggle, he would establish the Southern Song Dynasty, of which he was the first ruler, Emperor Gaozong.

Emperors Huizong and the former Emperor Qinzong were demoted to the rank of commoners by the Jurchens on 20 March 1127. Then on 10 May 1127, Emperor Huizong was deported to Heilongjiang, where he spent the last eight years of his life as a captive. In 1128, in a humiliating episode, the two former Song Emperors had to venerate the Jin ancestors at their shrine in Shangjing, wearing mourning dress. The Jurchen ruler, Emperor Taizong, granted the two former Song emperors degrading titles to humiliate them: Emperor Huizong was called "Duke Hunde" (昏德公; literally "Besotted Duke") while Emperor Qinzong was called "Marquis Chonghun" (重昏侯; literally "Doubly Besotted Marquis").

The Song male Chinese princes who were captured were given Khitan women to marry from the Liao dynasty palace by the Jin Jurchens, who had also defeated and conquered the Khitan. The original Chinese wives of the Song princes were confiscated and replaced with Khitan ones. One of the Song Emperor Huizong's sons was given a Khitan consort from the Liao palace and another one of his sons was given a Khitan princess by the Jin at the Jin Supreme capital. The Jin Jurchens continued to give new wives to the captured Song royals, the grandsons and sons of Song Emperor Huizong after they took away their original Chinese wives. The Jin Jurchens told the Chinese Song royals that they were fortunate because the Liao Khitan royals were being treated much worse by the Jurchen than the Song Chinese royals. Jurchen soldiers were given the children of the Liao Khitan Tianzuo Emperor as gifts while the Song Emperor was allowed to keep his children while he was in captivity.

In 1137, the Jin Empire formally notified the Southern Song Empire about the death of the former Emperor Huizong. Emperor Huizong, who had lived in opulence and art for the first half of his life, died a broken man in faraway northern Heilongjiang in June 1135, at the age of 52.

A few years later (1141), as the peace negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Shaoxing between the Jin and the Song empires were proceeding, the Jin Empire posthumously honored the former Emperor Huizong with the neutral-sounding title of "Prince of Tianshui Commandery" (天水郡王), after a commandery Tianshui in the upper reaches of the Wei River, which is the traditional Junwang (郡望, zh) of the surname Zhao.

Art, calligraphy, music, and culture

Emperor Huizong was a great painter, poet, and calligrapher. He was also a player of the (as exemplified by his famous painting 聽琴圖 Listening to the Qin); he also had a Wanqin Tang (萬琴堂; "10,000 Qin Hall") in his palace.

The emperor took huge efforts to search for art masters. He established the "Hanlin Huayuan" (翰林畫院; "Hanlin imperial painting house") where top painters around China shared their best works.

The primary subjects of his paintings are birds and flowers. Among his works is Five-Colored Parakeet on Blossoming Apricot Tree. He also recopied Zhang Xuan's painting Court Ladies Preparing Newly Woven Silk, and Emperor Huizong's reproduction is the only copy of that painting that survives today.

Emperor Huizong invented the "Slender Gold" (瘦金體) style of calligraphy. The name "Slender Gold" came from the fact that the emperor's writing resembled gold filament, twisted and turned, also inspired by Li Yu who called his calligraphy "Golden Inlaid Dagger" (金錯刀). Some theories posits his technique probably based on calligraphy works by Chu Suiliang, Xue Ji or Huang Tingjian.

One of the emperor's era names, Xuanhe, is also used to describe a style of mounting paintings in scroll format. In this style, black borders are added between some of the silk planes.

In 1114, following a request from the Goryeo ruler Yejong, Emperor Huizong sent to the palace in the Goryeo capital at Gaeseong a set of musical instruments to be used for royal banquet music. Two years later, in 1116, he sent another, even larger gift of musical instruments (numbering 428 in total) to the Goryeo court, this time instruments, beginning that nation's tradition of .

Emperor Huizong was also a great tea enthusiast. He wrote the Treatise on Tea, the most detailed and masterful description of the Song sophisticated style of tea ceremony.

Emperor Huizong's famous descendant was Zhao Mengfu through his daughter Zhao Jinluo.

The painter Zeng Fanzhi regards Listening to the Qin as "the most beautiful painting from the Song dynasty. For more than 10 years, I've been observing the beauty of the pine tree in that painting."

Consorts and Issue:

Empress Xiangong, of the Wang clan (顯恭皇后 王氏; 1084-1108)

Zhao Huan, Qinzong (欽宗 趙桓; 1100-1156), first son

Princess Rongde (榮德帝姬; b. 1103), personal name Jinnu (金奴), second (second) daughter

Married Cao Cheng (曹晟; 1104-1127) in 1115

Married Wanyan Chang (完顏昌; d. 1139) in 1127

Married Wanyan Dan (1119-1150) in 1139

Empress Xiansu, of the Zheng clan (顯肅皇后 鄭氏; 1079-1131)

Princess Jiade (嘉德帝姬; 1100-1141), personal name Yupan (玉盤), first (first) daughter

Married Ceng Yin (曾夤; b. 1100) in 1115, and had issue (two daughters)

Married Wanyan Zongpan (完顏宗磐; d. 1139), the first son of Wanyan Sheng, in 1127

Married Wanyan Dan (1119-1150) in 1139

Zhao Cheng, Prince Yan (兗王 趙檉; 1101), second son

Princess Shoushu (壽淑帝姬), fourth daughter

Princess Ande (安德帝姬; 1106-1127), personal name Jinluo (金羅), eighth (third) daughter

Married Song Bangguang (宋邦光; b. 1106), and had issue (one daughter)

Married Wanyan Dumu (完顏阇母; 1090-1129), the 11th son of Wanyan Helibo, in 1127

Princess Rongshu (榮淑帝姬), 11th daughter

Princess Chengde (成德帝姬; b. 1110), personal name Hu'er (瑚兒), 13th (fifth) daughter
Married Xiang Zifang (向子房; b. 1110)

Empress Mingda, of the Liu clan (明達皇后 劉氏; d. 1113)

Princess Anshu (安淑帝姬), sixth daughter

Princess Maode (茂德帝姬; 1106-1128), personal name Fujin (福金), ninth (fourth) daughter

Married Cai Tiao (蔡鞗; b. 1107), the fifth son of Cai Jing, in 1120, and had issue (one son)

Married Wanyan Zongwang (完顏宗望; d. 1127), the second son of Wanyan Min, in 1127

Married Wanyan Xiyin (d. 1140) in 1127

Zhao Yu, Prince Yi (益王 趙棫; 1107-1137), eighth son

Zhao Mo, Prince Qi (祁王 趙模; 1107-1138), 11th son

Princess Xunde (洵德帝姬; b. 1110), personal name Fujin (富金), 14th (sixth) daughter

Married Tian Pi (田丕; b. 1110)

Married Wanyan Sheyema (完顏設也馬), the first son of Wanyan Zonghan, in 1127

Zhao Zhen, Prince Xin (信王 趙榛; 1111-1139), 18th son

Empress Mingjie, of the Liu clan (明節皇后 劉氏; 1088-1121)

Zhao Yang, Prince Jian'an (建安王 趙柍; 1115-1127), 25th son

Princess Hefu (和福帝姬; b. 1116), personal name Jinzhu (金珠), 29th (17th) daughter

Zhao Yi, Duke Jia (嘉公 趙椅; 1118-1130), 26th son

Zhao Si, Duke Ying (英公 趙楒; b. 1120), 28th son

Empress Xianren, of the Wei clan (顯仁皇后 韋氏; 1080-1159)
Zhao Gou, Gaozong (高宗 趙構; 1111-1187), ninth son

Guifei, of the Wang clan (懿肅貴妃 王氏; d. 1117)

Princess Huishu (惠淑帝姬), fifth daughter

Princess Kangshu (康淑帝姬), tenth daughter

Zhao Zhi, Prince Shen (莘王 趙植; 1108-1148), 12th son

Princess Roufu (柔福帝姬; 1111-1142), personal name Huanhuan (嬛嬛), 20th (tenth) daughter

Married Wanyan Zongwang (完顏宗望; d. 1127), the second son of Wanyan Min, in 1127

Married Wanyan Zongxian (完顏宗賢; d. 1150) in 1127

Married Wanyan Sheng (1075-1135) in 1127

Married Wanyan Zongxian (完顏宗賢; d. 1150)

Married Xu Hai (徐還)

Princess Xianfu (賢福帝姬; 1112-1127), personal name Jin'er (金兒), 26th (15th) daughter

Zhao Ji, Duke Chen (陳公 趙機; 1114), 22nd son

Guifei, of the Wang clan (貴妃 王氏)

Zhao Kai, Prince Yun (鄆王 趙楷; 1101-1130), third son

Princess Chongde (崇德帝姬; d. 1121), seventh daughter
Married Cao Shi (曹湜) in 1119

Princess Baoshu (保淑帝姬), 12th daughter

Princess Xishu (熙福帝姬), 16th daughter

Zhao Chan, Duke Xiang (相公 趙梴; 1112-1137), 23rd son

Guifei, of the Qiao clan (貴妃 喬氏; b. 1081)

Zhao Qi, Prince Jing (景王 趙杞; 1104-1138), sixth son

Zhao Xu, Prince Ji (濟王 趙栩; b. 1106), seventh son

Guifei, of the Cui clan (貴妃 崔氏; 1091-1130)

Princess Daomu (悼穆帝姬), personal name Jinxian (金仙), 15th daughter

Princess Dunfu (敦福帝姬), personal name Sanjin (三金), 21st daughter

Zhao Chun, Prince Han (漢王 趙椿; 1112-1113), 19th son

Princess Renfu (仁福帝姬; 1112-1127), personal name Xiangyun (香雲), 23rd (12th) daughter

Princess Yongfu (永福帝姬; b. 1112), personal name Fubao (佛保), 25th (14th) daughter

Princess Ningfu (寧福帝姬; b. 1114), personal name Chuanzhu (串珠), 28th (16th) daughter

Married Wanyan Zongjuan (完顏宗雋; d. 1139), the sixth son of Wanyan Min, in 1127, and had issue (one son)

Married Wanyan Dan (1119-1150) in 1139

Guifei, of the Wang clan (貴妃 王氏; 1092-1127)

Zhao E, Prince Yi (沂王 趙㮙; 1110-1132), 15th son

Princess Shenfu (申福帝姬), 27th daughter

Xianfei, of the Yang clan (賢妃 楊氏; d. 1115)

Princess Shunshu (順淑帝姬), third daughter

Zhao Shi, Prince He (和王 趙栻; 1111-1128), 17th son

Wanrong, of the Wang clan (婉容 王氏)
Princess Huifu (惠福帝姬 趙珠珠; b. 1112), personal name Zhuzhu (珠珠), 24th (13th) daughter
Married Wanyan Xiebao (完顏斜保), the second son of Wanyan Zonghan, in 1127, and had issue (one son)

Wanrong, of the Yan clan (婉容 閻氏; 1109-1133), personal name Baose (寶瑟)
Zhao Zhu (趙柱; b. 1130), 34th son

Zhaoyuan, of the Zheng clan (昭媛 鄭氏), personal name Meiniang (媚娘)
Zhao Tan (趙檀; b. 1131), 35th son

Xiurong, of the Han clan (修容 韓氏)
Princess Baofu (保福帝姬; 1112-1127), personal name Xianlang (仙郎), 22nd (11th) daughter

Cairen, of the Qiao clan (才人 喬氏)
Princess Xiande (顯德帝姬; b. 1111), personal name Qiaoyun (巧雲), 17th (seventh) daughter

Cairen, of the Shao clan (才人邵氏)

Unknown

Zhao Ji, Prince Jing (荊王 趙楫; 1102-1103), fourth son

Zhao Shu, Prince Su (肅王 趙樞; 1103-1130), fifth son

Zhao Cai, Prince Bin (邠王 趙材; 1107-1116), tenth son

Zhao Pu, Prince Yi (儀王 趙樸; 1109-1123), 13th son

Zhao Di, Prince Xu (徐王 趙棣; b. 1109), 14th son

Zhao Gong, Prince Yun (鄆王 趙栱; 1110-1112), 16th son

Zhao Wo, Prince Ankang (安康王 趙楃; b. 1112), 20th son

Zhao Jian, Prince Guangping (廣平王 趙楗; b. 1112), 21st son

Zhao Yue, Duke Ying (瀛公 趙樾; 1115-1131), 24th son

Zhao Dong, Duke Wen (溫公 趙棟; b. 1119), 27th son

Zhao Tong, Duke Yi (儀公 趙桐; 1121-1148), 29th son

Zhao Bing, Duke Chang (昌公 趙柄; 1122-1132), 30th son

Zhao Cong, Duke Run (潤公 趙樅; b. 1123), 31st son

Zhao Xiang, Duke Han (韓公 趙相; b. 1125), 32nd son

Princess Shunde (順德帝姬; 1111-1137), personal name Yingluo (纓絡), 18th (eighth) daughter

Married Xiang Ziyi (向子扆; b. 1111)

Married Wanyan Zonghan (1080-1137) in 1127

Married Wanyan Shengunai (完顏什古乃) in 1137

Princess Chunfu (純福帝姬; b. 1124), personal name Jinling (金鈴), 33rd (21st) daughter

Married Wanyan Sheyema (完顏設也馬), the first son of Wanyan Zonghan

Married Wang Chengdi (王成棣)

Princess Gongfu (恭福帝姬), personal name Xiaojin (小金), 34th daughter

Princess Quanfu (全福帝姬), 35th daughter

Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. (2013). Emperor Huizong (Harvard University Press; 2013) 661 pages; scholarly biography online review

Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. (1999). The Cambridge Illustrated History of China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-66991-X (paperback).

Ebrey, Walthall, and Palais (2006). East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History. Boston: Houghton and Mifflin.

Jing-shen Tao (1976) The Jurchen in Twelfth-Century China. University of Washington Press. ISBN 0-295-95514-7.

Herbert Franke, Denis Twitchett. Alien Regimes and Border States, 907-1368 (Cambridge History of China, vol. 6). Cambridge University Press, 1994. ISBN 0-521-24331-9. Partial text on Google Books.

Huiping Pang (2009), "Strange Weather: Art, Politics, and Climate Change at the Court of Northern Song Emperor Huizong," Journal of Song-Yuan Studies, Volume 39, 2009, pp. 1-41. ISSN 1059-3152.

Levine, Ari Daniel (2009). "The Reigns of Hui-tsung (1100-1126) and Ch'in-tsung (1126-1127) and the Fall of the Northern Sung". In Paul Jakov Smith; Denis C. Twitchett (eds.). The Cambridge History of China: Volume 5, The Sung dynasty and Its Precursors, 907-1279. Cambridge University Press. pp. 556-643. ISBN 978-0-521-81248-1.

Please see: References section in the guqin article for a full list of references used in all qin related articles.

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Emperor Huizong of Song (7 June 1082 - 4 June 1135), personal name Zhao Ji, was the eighth emperor of the Northern Song dynasty of China. He was also a very well-known calligrapher. Born as the 11th son of Emperor Shenzong, he ascended the throne in 1100 upon the death of his elder brother and predecessor, Emperor Zhezong, because Emperor Zhezong's only son died prematurely.

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The documentary was made by the Chinese and it was called The Search for Muqi. The reason why MUQI is not well known in China is mentioned in it. First, there were many court painters or professional painters who were skilled in painting in the Song Dynasty. The second Chan's idea was not consistent with the idea of centralized power, so they were respected rather than the monks.

Youtube.com. 2022.

《隐身东瀛的瑰宝》第三集 寻找牧溪 | CCTV纪录

Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kFBBPVTE3MY&feature=emb_logo (Accessed 29 January 2022).

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《隐身东瀛的瑰宝》第三集 寻找牧溪 | CCTV纪录

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He was hunted down and fled for criticizing the ruling dignitaries jia Sidao, which shows that he is a man full of sense of justice. Muxi is rarely seen in popular books on the history of ancient Chinese art.

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The whole social mentality is represented by the eschatological thoughts of the royal nobility, the religious desires of the warrior class and the concept of impermanence of the common people. People of different classes all have the same need for some kind of spiritual comfort and support, looking for some supernatural and mysterious power. At this time, familiar with the Southern Song Dynasty of China's Zen thought, finally found the most suitable place for development and popularization in Japan.

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"It is in this situation, the original circulating in the religious social underclass monks to different desire, because of the samurai in political victory and shogun policy needs at the time, so strongly, coupled with the influence of zen in China, for a while, as the new mainstream of Buddhism and zen in Japan."

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Economy:
In Japan, Makiki lived in the Kamakura Period, which was the period of flourishing trade between Japan and the Song Dynasty.

Politics:
The Kamakura shogunate's general Hojo, who had seized power from The Genji, was eager to hold on to religious power as well as political power. The original Japanese Buddhism is actually a kind of aristocratic Buddhism, representing the power of the imperial court. In this way, the Zen Buddhism from China, which had no direct relationship with the old Japanese Buddhism, was of great use value and attracted the shogunate rulers who were eager to get rid of the old Buddhist forces.

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The Zen Buddhism from China, which had no direct relationship with the old Japanese Buddhism, was of great use value and attracted the shogunate rulers who were eager to get rid of the old Buddhist forces.

周阅. （2014）日本人心中的牧溪.
Available at : https://web.archive.org/web/20140722101121/http://www.literature.org.cn/Article.aspx?id=58689#_ednref1 (29 Dec 2021)

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2001 年6月30日，日本NHK电视台在黄金时段的"国宝探访"栏目中播出了一个题为"'大气、光、憧憬的土地'――潇湘八景图"的专辑，节目中反复提到一个在滚滚历史尘埃中几乎销声匿迹的中国古代画僧的名字――牧溪。

牧溪 （ 1210 ？－ 1270 ？） ，相传俗姓李，生卒年不详，是十三世纪中国南宋时代的禅僧画家，南宋灭亡后圆寂。在有些史料中，牧溪的"溪"亦作""。他曾因抨击当朝权贵贾似道而遭到追捕，四处逃亡，足见他是个富于正义感的人。在有关中国古代美术史的普及性读物中，很难见到牧溪这个名字。 元代画史著作《画继补遗》中对牧溪的评价颇有微词："僧法常，自号牧溪。善作龙虎、人物、芦雁、杂画，枯淡山野，诚非雅玩，仅可僧房道舍，以助清幽耳。" 然而，或许正是这份"清幽"摄住了追求"幽玄"与"空寂"的大和民族的心灵，牧溪在日本获得了远胜于故土的声望与尊崇。在镰仓圆觉寺的北条时宗（ 1251-1284 ）的陵墓佛日庵里，有一本《佛日庵公物目录》，是在 1320 年的目录基础上于 1363 至 1365 年重新修订的。这是宋元画流传日本的最早的藏品目录。书中提到 38 幅中国绘画，还记录着一些中国画家的名字，其中牧溪的名字与宋徽宗同在。 东山文化 时期的掌权者足利义政（ 1436-1490 ）将军手中，珍藏着 279 幅中国绘画，其中 40% 是牧溪的作品， 这不能不令人惊异。日本现代著名画家东山魁夷于 1975 年 12 月在德国科隆进行的德语演讲中，对七个世纪之前的这位异国故人给予了极高的评价：

牧溪的画有浓重的氛围，且非常逼真，而他却将这些包容在内里，形成风趣而柔和的表现，是很有趣的，是很有诗韵的。因而，这是最适合日本人的爱好、最适应日本人的纤细感觉的。可以说，在日本的风土中，牧溪的画的真正价值得到了承认。

可见，在东山魁夷看来，牧溪的真正知音是在日本。无独有偶，诺贝尔文学奖得主川端康成也 曾 满怀深情地向亚洲各国的作家们介绍在中国辉煌的古典美术中几乎被湮没的牧溪：

牧溪是中国早期的禅僧，在中国并未受到重视。似乎是由于他的画多少有一些粗糙，在中国的绘画史上几乎不受尊重。而在日本却得到极大的尊崇。中国画论并不怎么推崇牧溪，这种观点当然也随着牧溪的作品一同来到了日本。虽然这样的画论进入了日本，但是日本仍然把牧溪视为最高。由此可以窥见中国与日本不同之一斑。

牧溪生活的年代，在日本是镰仓时代，正是日宋贸易繁荣的时期。由于南宋的商业活动十分有利于在1167年掌握日本政权的平清盛（1118-1181）的利益，他便极力倡导和鼓励与中国之间的经济文化往来。平清盛是一个武士阶级领袖，他的这一政策后来一直为源氏政权沿用。在1176至1200年间的中国正史中，有多处关于日本船只到达中国大陆的记录。随着贸易的发展，大量的中国陶瓷、织物和绘画输入日本。这些物品所展示的"美"成为日本权力者憧憬和追求的目标。牧溪的画作大约也在南宋末年流入日本，对日本美术史的发展产生了巨大的影响。然而，进入日本的中国文物浩如烟海，却为何牧溪的画作备受青睐？这其中有着深刻的社会历史和文化根源。

12 世纪末，源赖朝（1147-1199）打倒了平氏。为摆脱天皇的控制，他在远离京都的东方小镇镰仓建立起以武士阶级为中心的武家政权――镰仓幕府。这标志着武士作为重要的社会阶级的崛起和自立。但是在行政和司法方面朝廷仍然掌握着权力，于是便形成了以京都朝廷为代表的公家和以镰仓将军为统帅、以武士为主体的武家分庭抗礼的双重政治体制。随着时代的发展，地方武士和农民的势力逐渐兴起，加之镰仓政权内讧，幕府的统治力量被削弱。而朝廷则利用这一机会联合地方武士，力图恢复宫廷旧体制。后醍醐天皇（1288-1339）于1333年推翻了以北条家族为首的镰仓幕府，这就是历史上的"建武中兴"。然而皇权的光复只持续了不到三年，1336年受绝大部分武士家族支持的足利尊氏（1305-1358）统领武士集团占领了京都，并于两年后建立了新的武士中央政权――室町幕府。足利尊氏另外拥立了一位皇族血统的王子作为天皇（北朝），与"建武中兴"一派（南朝）对抗，形成了南北朝的对立局面。14世纪末，以足利尊氏为中心的北朝终于在内战中打败南朝，终止了长达60年的内乱，统一了全国。足利氏的后代们自称"将军"，一直到1573年都保持着他们在军事政府中的领导地位，因此这一时代也被称为足利时代。定都在传统的首都京都之后，足利家族的成员们开始致力于文化活动，特别对禅宗进行了大力扶植，同时还鼓励与中国发展经贸关系。禅宗僧侣成为文化传播的主体，远离战火的寺庙则成为文化传承的驿站，中日两国的文化交流出现了自唐代以来的又一个新高潮。

在从镰仓到室町的整个中世时代，佛教的禅宗 在权力之争、精神需求以及客观条件等诸多因素的综合作用下， 在日本得到了划时代的发展。镰仓幕府的将军北条氏从源氏手中夺取了政权，他在争夺政治权力的过程中也急于掌控宗教权力。而日本原有的旧佛教实际上是一种贵族佛教，代表着朝廷公家的势力。这样，来自中国的与日本旧佛教没有直接关系的禅宗，便具有了极大的利用价值，对急于摆脱旧的佛教势力的幕府统治者产生了强烈的吸引力。"禅"又作"禅那"，梵文是dhyana，意为通过沉思冥想而引导人得到自发性的领悟。这一包含于印度佛教教义中的观念约在公元5世纪末由菩提达摩（Bodhidharma）传入中国，它与中国本土的哲学思想特别是宋代理学相结合，经过菩提达摩的继承者们的演绎和总结，形成了一个具有中国特色的宗派――禅宗。中国的禅宗在镰仓初期由明庵荣西（1141-1215）传到日本，以后逐渐日本化，至镰仓中期形成了日本自己的禅宗。禅宗的否定一切旧"有"而获得新"有"的理念，完全迎合了新兴统治阶级的政治需要。同时，其"两头皆截断，一剑倚天寒"的精神表达并激励了武士们在争夺权力时超越生死羁绊的心情。著名的镰仓大佛，就真实而有力地以实物形态记录了镰仓幕府与京畿贵族之间以宗教为表象、以政治为实质的权力抗争。

此外，由于长年的社会动荡和持续战乱，带来了生灵涂炭和人们内心的惶惑不安。世家公卿满怀着盛世难再的悲哀；武士们驰骋沙场，生死茫茫；百姓们面对山河破碎、政权更迭，更是无所适从。整个社会心态呈现为皇室贵族的末世思想、武士阶级的信仰渴求以及平民百姓的无常观念。不同阶级的人都不约而同地需求某种精神的安慰和支撑，寻找某种超乎自然而又神秘强大的力量。这时，烂熟于中国南宋的禅宗思想，终于在日本找到了发展和普及的最为适宜的土壤。

另一方面，效力于幕府将军的武士们出身多元，有限的文化修养制约了他们研读深奥的宗教经典的可能性，而且他们也没有时间和精力潜心学习或严格修行。而不立文字的禅宗，以坐禅内省为主，讲究以心传心，摆脱了其他宗派繁冗复杂的经典约束和膜拜礼仪。这首先就为宗教的世俗化提供了前提，使它突破了上层贵族的狭小范围，而在中层武士和下层平民中广泛地扎下了根基。禅宗弃渐进而倡顿悟，主张棒喝之下顿开茅塞、立地成佛，这种不拘形式、直截了当而又干脆果断的方式正是武士阶级求之不得的。另外，贵族高级僧侣的假公济私、贪婪腐败，也使旧的贵族佛教日益丧失了其权威和信誉，在客观上造成了禅宗的发展空间。

北京大学严绍教授指出："正是在这样的形势下，原本在宗教社会下层僧侣中流传着的对异派的欲求，由于武士阶级在政治上的胜利和当时幕府政策上的需要，因而得以强烈地表现出来，再加上中国禅宗的影响，一时之间，禅宗作为新佛教的主流而风靡日本。" 日本各地的禅刹，"其学术环境中的文化气氛忠实地反映出中国佛寺生活，唤起了'带剑贵族们'（武士）的兴趣，他们迫切希望获得一些新文化的滋养，这样才可以和具有悠久文化传统的宫廷贵族们争胜" 。禅宗的大寺院、特别是京都和镰仓两地的，逐渐发展成为智识的中心和中国文化的集约地。禅僧们不仅著书立说，还创作一些充满机智与顿悟的诗词偈语，同时又通过创作和欣赏绘画来修心养性。禅宗与绘画形成了一种相互渗透和互为动因的关系。正是由于禅宗的普及，才带动了逸笔草草、不求形似但求写意、轻艳丽而尚古淡的水墨画在日本的大发展。日本著名学者铃木大拙（1870-1966）曾经明确指出禅与水墨画的内在联系："水墨画的原理实际上正是由禅的体验引发而来。东方水墨画中所体现的诸如直朴、冲淡、流泽、灵悟、完美等种种特性，几乎毫无例外同禅有着有机的联系。"

在中国，宋代以后宗教色彩、特别是禅宗精神不断向美术领域渗透，"兼以当时禅理学之因缘，士夫禅僧等，多倾向于幽微简远之情趣，大适合于水墨简笔之绘画以为消遣。" "宋元时代高僧大德以禅画度众屡见不鲜。" 牧溪，就是出现在这种时代背景下的一位禅僧画家。恐怕当时包括他自己在内的所有人都不曾料到，他引领了日本水墨画的发展。日本"室町时代绘画一个最显著的特色是：在宋元画尤其是南宋画样式的影响下，勃兴了以水墨画为中心的新绘画样式。"到"15世纪后半期的义政时代又称东山时代，水墨画达到极盛并波及后世。" 自13世纪以后，日本先后出现了如拙（14世纪末-15世纪）、周文（14世纪末-15世纪）、宗湛（1413-1481）、雪舟（1420-1506）、雪村（约1504-1589）、秋月、宗渊等众多的禅师兼画师。对于许多日本画僧来说，牧溪的存在具有先驱式的典范作用。如画僧如拙 就奉牧溪及马远、夏圭等人为宗。道释画家默庵灵渊追慕牧溪，他于1326至1329年历访中国五山，在中国被称为"牧溪再来"。此外，从成书于1435-1493年间的典籍《荫凉轩日录》中可知，将军的御用绘师宗湛因酷爱牧溪而号"自牧"。 有些日本画家的作品风格就被评定为"和尚样"，即"牧溪样"，可见牧溪在日本影响之深远。

由于牧溪在本土不受重视，中国的典籍史料中有关其生平言论的记录甚少，因而难以查考他的宗教思想体系。但绘画作为表达思想、抒发胸臆的重要手段，以画面取代文字传达和记录了他对世界的认识和对人生的感悟。在禅风盛行的年代，牧溪充满禅机的绘画不可避免地吸引了日本人的目光。有一点不容忽视，那就是牧溪在日本不可撼动的地位离不开权力者的大力宣传和倡导。日本美术史家秋山光和曾指出："若是这些大寺院的僧侣们能输入一些宝贵的宋朝新形式的中国绘画，主要是由于武士阶级在经济上的支持。"

在日本，凡知道牧溪的人大都知道他的代表作《潇湘八景图》。潇湘地区指潇水与湘水交汇的湖南零陵至洞庭湖一带。这里水域宽阔，湖泊众多，降水丰沛，这种自然地理环境最适于水墨技艺的发挥。宋人沈括在《梦溪笔谈・书画》中对潇湘八景有专门记述。牧溪的《潇湘八景图》即描绘了洞庭湖及周边地区的八种风景。日本研究者认为"八景"是作为一个完整画卷传入的，表达的也是统一的主题。然而在数百年的历史风云中，"八景"已各自分离成单独的挂轴，且有四景遗失，仅存四幅真迹。其一为《烟寺晚钟图》，被列为"国宝"，藏于东京白金台的富山纪念馆明月轩中；其二为《渔村夕照图》，亦为"国宝"，藏于东京青山的根津美术馆；其三为《远浦归帆图》，是日本的"重要文化财"，藏于京都国立博物院；其四为《平沙落雁图》，也是"重要文化财"，藏于出光美术馆。

如今分藏于各美术馆的上述四幅画，均押有"道有"的印章。据推断，正是这位名为"道有"的所有者把"八景"切分开的，他就是室町幕府的三代将军足利义满（1358-1408）。义满深爱中国的美术作品，称之为"宝物"。他将自己最得意的"宝物"收藏在出家后的别墅"北山山庄 "里，《潇湘八景图》也在其中。义满死后按其遗言将北山山庄更名为"鹿苑寺"，现在京都的名胜金阁寺即其遗迹。1994年金阁寺列入世界文化遗产，在日本被称为"中国风格禅寺建筑的顶点"。几乎所有到京都来的游客都要一睹它的风采，作家三岛由纪夫曾留下名著《金阁寺》。足利义满掌权时期与中国明朝的文化和贸易往来十分频繁，这一时期的文化称为"北山文化"。义满不忍独自欣赏巨幅的"八景"画卷，为了便于更多的人欣赏，便令匠人将其切割、分开装裱。

义满切分"八景"之后约五十年，文化的中心转移到东山，代表人物是八代将军足利义政（1436-1490），他仿效义满的金阁寺在东山山庄修建了银阁寺，这一时期的文化称为"东山文化"。 此 时，在被称作"唐画 "的中国绘画的鉴赏方式上发生了变化。这一时期的代表性建筑慈照寺（即银阁寺）、东求堂等，都在室内专门辟出一块壁龛式的艺术鉴赏空间，日语称为"床间"。在这里首先要挂上画轴，同时还装饰以陶瓷器及插花。观赏的视点不仅包括墙壁的平面，而且延伸到挂轴前面的摆放空间。鉴赏活动因此而成为对建筑、绘画、陶艺和花草的共同欣赏。在极为有限的狭小空间里，艺术创造与自然美的综合作用得到了高度统一。"床间"的建筑设计和欣赏习惯一直流传至今，成为日本传统的居室装饰风格。由于有了这样一种专门用于纯艺术鉴赏的布置，从而进一步刺激了画家们的创作，同时，也促使中国的美术作品与日本的建筑装饰走向融合。

室町幕府时代，有一批剃发佩刀、称作"阿弥众"的人，他们是幕府的艺术监督，长期参与美术作品的管理鉴定，自15世纪中期起活跃达一个世纪之久，不仅在日本绘画史上而且在鉴赏史上都产生过不容忽视的作用。一方面，他们自身的创作共同构成了东山文化时期日本画坛的半壁江山；另一方面，正是他们开创了"床间"这种新的挂轴鉴赏方式，而且他们还辑录、编纂了极为珍贵的藏画目录和鉴赏史料，为研究宋元绘画对日本画史的影响留下了不可多得的重要文献。实际上，"阿弥众"的主体属于同一家族――阿弥世家，最重要的成员是祖孙三代：能阿弥（1397-1471）、他的儿子艺阿弥（1431-1485）和孙子相阿弥（？-1525）。能阿弥编写了《御物御画目录》，整理并记录了将军家所收藏的宋元绘画。他又与子孙合作，在按照当权者的艺术趣味装饰房间的同时，致力于发掘和收集绘画等艺术作品，并将其分门别类，汇集成了《君台观左右帐记》。此书共记录了176幅中国画，作者首先对中国画家依时代归类，然后按艺术品级分为上、中、下三等。此书中牧溪的名字上方写着"上上"二字。 在中国"诚非雅玩"的牧溪画作，被日本最权威的艺术鉴赏家们鉴定为上品中之上品。阿弥家族的创作实践也与他们的鉴赏目光相一致，从另一个侧面印证了牧溪无声却强大的影响力。能阿弥的《白衣观音图》，运笔即被公认为牧溪风格。相阿弥的山水画显然也汲取了牧溪的神髓，采用水墨浸润的方式，重墨色甚于线条。"阿弥众"服务于统治阶级的工作让如今的中国人看到了牧溪在异国他乡赢得的荣耀。

在"阿弥众"的审美判断中，牧溪式的美代表了日本的美，《潇湘八景图》则成为室町时代"天下首屈一指"的珍宝。到了日本的战国时代，室町幕府势力日渐衰微，牧溪的绘画遭到丰臣秀吉、德川家康等新的权力者的分抢，从此在战乱中四散，分藏于各地大名的宝库中。于是，再现"天下名宝"的全貌，成为当时统治者的一个梦想。江户时代中期，"八景图"曾一度被整体临摹复制，临摹者是狩野荣川，其摹本现在收藏于根津美术馆。为这一复制工程而收集"八景图"的是江户幕府八代将军德川吉宗。他首先从手下大名那里索回各部分挂轴，对不知去向的部分则按照以前的摹本再度临摹。由于德川吉宗的努力，终于留下了一个八景俱全的完整摹本。

东京大学专攻中国绘画史的小川裕充教授对《潇湘八景图》进行了深入细致的研究。他从现存四幅真迹上的虫蛀小洞推断，"八景图"确曾是一幅长大的画卷，但传入日本时是分别卷成两卷的。另外，虫从卷轴外层蛀入内层，因此根据小洞的位置及间距可以排列出"八景"的顺序：⑴渔村夕照图、⑵山市晴岚图、⑶烟寺晚钟图、⑷潇湘夜雨图、⑸江天暮雪图、⑹平沙落雁图、⑺洞庭秋月图、⑻远浦归帆图。遗憾的是，其中⑵⑷⑸⑺四幅的真实面貌已不得而知。"八景图"中的一些画面日后成为日本庭园设计的起源，琵琶湖西南著名的近江八景以及神奈川县内的金泽八景都是典型的模仿之作。近江八景包括：濑田夕照、栗津晴岚、三井晚钟、唐崎夜雨、比良暮雪、坚田落雁、石山秋月、矢桥归帆。金泽八景有：野岛夕照、洲崎晴岚、称名晚钟、小泉夜雨、内川暮雪、平泻落雁、濑户秋月、乙舳归帆。从景物的命名不难判断其间的借鉴关系。除此之外还有博多八景、水户八景、横须贺八景等等，数不胜数。历来崇尚奇数的日本人却偏爱"八景"，这恐怕与他们对"潇湘八景"遥远而持久的憧憬不无关系。位于彦根城城脚的庭园"玄宫园"，也是模拟"潇湘八景 "而建，园名则是借"唐玄宗皇帝离宫"之意。园内专立一木牌，对此作了说明。"玄宫园"与彦根城楼交相辉映，使彦根城成为被列入日本国宝的四座古代城楼之一。镰仓、室町时代以来，日本画坛也先后出现了大量以"潇湘八景"为题的作品，如藏三的《潇湘八景图》屏风（美国波士顿美术馆）、镰仓建长寺僧祥启的《潇湘八景画帖》（白鹤美术馆）、雪村周继的《潇湘八景图》（仙台市博物馆）等。到江户时代，狩野派以及南画系的画家们仍孜孜不倦地描绘着"潇湘八景"，直至近现代的画家横山大观（1868-1958）、横山操（1920-1973）都有《潇湘八景图》留存于世，前者一生中曾分别以纸本、绢本等三度描摹"潇湘八景"。日本现存最早的水墨山水作品是镰仓后期画家思堪的《平沙落雁图》，上有中国元初禅僧一山一宁（1247-1317）的题诗。此图是否作为"八景"组图之一而创作已不可考，但显而易见其命题与立意都与"潇湘八景"有关。

牧溪的《潇湘八景图》，如同无数璀璨瑰宝中一颗蒙尘的珍珠，在东瀛闪烁出耀眼的光辉。他以最为朴素的材料――水和墨，最大限度地利用二者所产生的变幻丰富的晕色，绝妙地展现了潇湘地区的湿润之气与空之光。《烟寺晚钟图》，画面的大部为淡墨表现的浓雾，左侧有树木丛生于浓雾之中，树丛深处隐现着山间寺院的房檐，悠扬的钟声仿佛正穿透云烟飘然而至。画面正中有一条微弱的光带拨开雾霭，这是黄昏时分的最后一线光亮。《渔村夕照图》同样云雾弥漫，不同的是有三条光带从密云间隙倾泻而下，左侧是隐没于险峻山峦之中的小小渔村，画面正中摇荡着寥寥几笔勾出的一叶渔舟。《远浦归帆图》的左下角是以疾驰之笔描绘出来的狂风中飘摇欲倒的树木，不见枝叶，只见风雨卷袭中歪斜的树形。远近的树木分别以浓淡不同的墨色来表现，墨与水的交融绝妙地完成了西方绘画中远近透视法所追求的效果。《平沙落雁图》在横幅一米的宽阔画面中，首先抓住人们视线的是远方的雁群，依稀可见。仔细观看，才发现近处有四羽大雁，形态各异，清晰生动――此为"平沙落雁"。

日本是大洋中的岛国，河湖丰富、气候湿润。世代生长于这种自然环境中的日本人，很容易对牧溪那充满云烟雾雨的山水画卷产生亲近感。但牧溪的艺术魅力远不止于此，在雾霭氤氲的背后更有着大自然的辽远与苍茫。这令生活在狭小土地上的日本人大开眼界，使他们在习以为常的精巧纤细之外发现了另一种雄浑磅礴的美并产生深深的向往。而且，日本自古以来女性化的温雅柔美的风格在武家文化中已渐失根基，人们景仰的是一种男性化的孤傲博大的气魄，牧溪的画作中就蕴藏着脱俗的孤高和无边的辽阔。更为重要的是，这四幅作品均表现了日暮时分夕阳西沉时最后一瞬间的光明，整幅画卷弥漫着一种空灵清寂、疏阔淡远的韵味，传递出禅家特有的淡泊宁静的精神追求。这一艺术境界，恰与日本中世的"空寂"（わび）与"幽玄"的美意识不谋而合。在笼罩着日本列岛的禅宗氛围中，牧溪崇高艺术地位的获得不仅与统治者的倡导密切相关，而且与大和民族自身的美意识的发展有着内在的联系。

镰仓、室町时代，随着禅宗渗透到社会文化和日常生活的各个层面，人们的审美意识也逐渐发生了变化，从平安时代贵族阶级浪漫的"物哀"（物の哀れ）思潮转向"空寂"与"幽玄"的美学追求。日本著名文学评论家加藤周一指出："镰仓以后的禅宗，一方面其寺院同政治权利结合，另一方面，其思想成为文学，成为绘画，终于成为一种美的生活模式，并化为独特的美的价值。"加藤周一所说的"独特的美的价值"就是空寂与幽玄。空寂，日文为"び"，其源头可追溯至8世纪的《万叶集》。在万叶和歌中有17处出现了空寂（当时汉字写作"和备"）一词，原意指"贫困、失意、相思"。镰仓时代以后其内涵演变为安于脱离世俗的孤独、安于清贫和欣赏恬淡娴静。幽玄，最早见于平安时代《古今和歌集》的真名序，意为深远微妙。"36歌仙"之一的壬生忠岑提出："词虽凡流，义入幽玄。"即要重视言外之余韵和幽邃的情趣。此后，这一概念经过藤原基俊（？-1142）、藤原俊成（1114-1204）、藤原定家（1162-1241）等几代人的不断引申和阐发，具有了象征、"余情"、"有心"等内涵。镰仓末期歌人吉田兼好（1283-1350）在随笔集《徒然草》中总结道："诗歌之巧，丝竹之妙，幽玄之道"。由此可以看出，此时幽玄美意识的要素已经在诗歌和音乐领域清晰起来。铃木大拙曾深入地分析过禅宗的"悟"与幽玄的关系，他认为"禅宗特别主张悟的意义"，悟的体验是一种"超越理智分析的神秘存在"，"在艺术家中间，这种神秘往往被称之为'神韵'或'气韵'，把握住了它，就达到了悟境。"而"当悟作为艺术来表现的时候，就会产生具有幽玄的作品。"

空寂幽玄的审美意识流行于镰仓、室町直至江户早期，其影响不仅显露于文学、戏剧方面，而且广泛体现在建筑、造园、茶道以及绘画等各种艺术领域。戏剧方面，能乐大师世阿弥（1363？-1443？）的戏剧理论将空寂幽玄的意识发展到自觉的阶段，确立了幽玄在日本美学史上的地位。世阿弥将能乐从传统的"以模仿为主"扭转为"以歌舞为中心"的"幽玄能"。他在长达七卷的能乐理论著作《风姿花传》中提出并阐述了"花"和"幽玄美"的概念，指出表演应以形似为基础而尤重传神，追求在似与不似中达到惟妙惟肖；脚本的写作则应使用简洁易懂的词句营造优雅的情趣，使观众染目动心。而水墨画之将绘画从"写真"转向"写意"，以及简素淡泊、意境幽远的风格都与此如出一辙。世阿弥有句名言："隐藏着的才是真正的花。（秘すれば花）"，意即蕴藏于物体表象背后的朦胧的美和半隐半现的寂寞，才是最富魅力、同时也是纯真而朴实的。正是出于这样的审美心理 ，在日本人眼中， 牧溪的水墨技艺才被认为是超凡脱俗的而不是"诚非雅玩"。也正因如此，《潇湘八景图》所特有的若真若幻的空境界和无声胜有声的艺术感觉，才能够如此深刻地渗透大和民族纤细的内心。 前述《烟寺晚钟图》，意在晚钟却不见钟，仅有若隐若现的小小房檐以静态展示着动态，以无声传递着有声。这一角房檐便是那隐藏着的真正的"花"。

在空间艺术方面，中世时代形成了"枯山水"的造园艺术。 所谓"枯山水"，就是仅用石头和白砂堆砌摆放成山峦河流，其他一切装饰性的小桥流水绿树瑶池尽数省略，充满寂静、冷枯的感觉。平安时代的《造庭记》第一次出现"枯山水"的称谓，到室町时代开始普及，并逐渐成为日本最具代表性和典型性的庭园模式。这是一种舍纪实而求写意的极富象征性的艺术，它以精简到极致的材料――石和砂（有的甚至全部用石），最充分地发挥出材料本身的形状、色泽、纹理所具有的特性，通过凝固而静止的物体表现抽象而动态的景致，从而促使人们在冥想中由眼前的小空间进入自然的大空间，感受宇宙万物的无限情趣。这里的石既可以代表岛屿、山峦，又可以展现森林、村落，同样，砂既能够造出涓涓溪流，也能够形成平静的水面和汹涌的海浪。"枯山水"是在禅宗冥想与顿悟的触发下诞生的艺术，它淋漓尽致地表现了"我心即佛"的思想以及"空相"、"无相"的观念。同样因禅宗而兴起的水墨画，其用水与点墨，恰似"枯山水"之布石与摆砂，二者可谓异曲同工，都令人直归本心，同自然合而为一。

与"枯山水"相一致， 在建筑艺术上的另一大变革就是贵族的书院式茶室被新的以自然简朴为美的草庵式茶室所取代，与此密不可分的便是"空寂茶"（び茶）的形成。"空寂茶"最基本的思想就是空寂，因而得名，它将幽玄推向了一个新的境界。其开山祖师是村田珠光（1422-1502），后经武野绍鸥（1502-1555）的大力倡导，集大成于日本家喻户晓的千利休（1521-1591）。千利休继承了珠光以来茶人参禅的传统，其茶道理论自然也深受禅理启发，因此日本有"茶禅一味"的说法。千利休的茶艺主张正是从提倡草庵式茶室开始的，他将茶室空间压缩到最小，室内装饰简化到最少，处处体现着禅宗"本来无一物"的观念。他还精简了严格而烦琐的茶道规定动作，力求以"无"的心态对待世间万物。经过这三位茶人的努力，日本在引进中国喝茶的习惯后终于完成其日本化，形成了纯粹日本式的"茶道"。日本茶道通过特殊的茶室、茶具、挂轴以及插花等，融合了包括建筑、陶瓷、绘画、诗文等各个门类的艺术，集中地体现了空寂幽玄的美意识。茶道专用的茶室，以窄小、朴素为宜；茶室中必备的装饰――挂轴，以水墨或淡彩为贵；室内摆放的插花，以单枝一朵为妙；使用的陶器，以形状自然甚至歪曲变形者为佳；茶碗的色泽图案，应是经过窑变偶然形成的，人工的色彩被覆盖，呈现出不规则的花纹。这种茶道所倡导的美被珠光总结为"冷枯"或"枯"，它强调祛除一切人为装饰以达到最大限度的简素和自然。牧溪的绘画与此不谋而合，作品中寄寓着静心忘物的思想，以最为清淡简约的形象传达着最为幽长深远的神思。日本大东急纪念文库所藏古籍《松斋梅谱》这样点评牧溪的作品：" 多用蔗查草结，又 皆随笔点墨而成，意思简当，不费装缀。"

有趣的是，将珠光引荐给幕府的人，就是以"上上"品评牧溪的能阿弥，而接纳并重用珠光的，正是大量收藏牧溪画作的将军足利义政。 珠光进入幕府之后，才有机会接触当时统治者眼中的高雅文化和一流美术，也才获得了艺术的熏陶和浸染，并最终迎来了茶艺的飞跃。正是他开创了以禅僧墨迹作为茶室挂轴的先例，而当时的墨迹几乎仅限于中国禅僧的作品。在成书于日本南北朝后期至室町初期的茶道典籍《吃茶往来》中记录着，当时的茶会装饰中使用了牧溪的《观音图》。 随着茶道的普及，牧溪笔下的山川草木、鸣禽走兽映入了无数日本人的眼帘。 他那为煌煌大国所藐视的不循古法的"枯淡山野"，立即与 东瀛岛国的审美追求达成了默契与和谐。

"在绘画领域，这种'空寂的幽玄美'体现在用墨代替色彩来画的水墨画上。日本从镰仓时代引入中国南宋的水墨画，与禅的趣味联系起来，到了东山时代，日本水墨画融贯了'空寂'的艺术精神，追求一种恬淡的美，产生了与中国水墨画的审美情趣相异的风格。日本水墨画画面留下很大的余白，这种余白不是作为简单的'虚'的'无'，而是一种充实的'无'，即用'无心的心'来填补和充实。这里所谓的'无心'是佛语摆脱妄念之意。" 其实，余白的艺术在牧溪画作中早已有了无与伦比的体现。前述"八景"中的四图无一例外地拥有一个共同特点――大量的余白，所有的点睛之笔均偏于画面一角。中国传统绘画在构图上历来与西洋透视法不同，多取景物之一角以示全般。牧溪将这一特色发挥得淋漓尽致，并且更以余白反衬出一角的存在，突出了视觉效果，也深化了内涵，正所谓"无画处皆成妙境"。这种"一角"式的笔法也中蕴涵着禅宗的理念：借一角残山展现大自然的雄伟与壮阔，以一片空无寓意无限深邃的意境。崇尚"和、敬、清、寂"的日本茶道，也是要以极为狭窄的空间和极其简朴的装饰寓意"无边的开阔和无限的雅致"。 与茶道同样闻名于世的花道，注重"仅以点滴之水、咫尺之树，表现江山万里景象"。 它们在艺术表现和审美追求上都是相通的。水墨画的余白不但给欣赏者留下想像的空间，而且触发人们产生冥想。它既营造了空寂与幽玄的审美氛围，又传达了禅宗非有非无、有无俱存的主张，给予人们"无中万般有"的启示。这也正是中国清代书画家金农 的"能画一枝风有声"以及日本道元禅师 （1200-1253） 的"虽未见，闻竹声而悟道，赏桃花以明心"所描述的境界。

这样，禅宗的流行促成了水墨画的兴盛，同时也催化了空寂幽玄美意识的形成，而水墨画又以直观的画面表达了禅思，映现了空寂幽玄的美。三者之间形成了一种环环相套、交错互动的关系。牧溪的水墨画不着痕迹地集三者于一体，处处渗透着禅机，并且隐含着与空寂幽玄相通的艺术因素，因此便具有了一种内在的深度和神秘的魅力。应当说，牧溪的画作是在最为恰当的历史时期和最为适宜的文化环境中进入了日本，其日益受到尊崇并最终深入日本人心的过程，恰与日本民族空寂幽玄美学传统的形成过程相一致。因而他脱俗的技艺和对自然的深刻感知震慑了日本人心，使他们不禁发出由衷的感叹："中国的画家牧溪成功地用绘画艺术表现了大气与光影。描绘出中国雄浑大地的《潇湘八景图》，引导了日本的美。"同是宋元美术，日本人更倾心于牧溪的枯淡山水而不是宋徽宗的华丽花鸟，这是在特定历史时期出于本民族文化发展需要而作出的有倾向性的自主的选择。牧溪所创造的美，恰好满足了日本文化自身的发展需要，于是作为一种异质文化因素顺利进入到日本本土文化当中，并且在漫漫历史长河中经过岁月的冲刷，最终融汇成为日本传统美的一部分。这正是牧溪在日本获得崇高地位的真正原因。

在《君台观左右帐记》中，对宋徽宗的评价为"上上上"，高于牧溪，但是从更为宏观的日本美术史和文化史的角度来看，牧溪的影响却更加广泛和深远，所赢得的尊敬与推崇也在宋徽宗之上。

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日本人心中的牧溪――中国文学网

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2001 年6月30日，日本NHK电视台在黄金时段的"国宝探访"栏目中播出了一个题为"'大气、光、憧憬的土地'――潇湘八景图"的专辑，节目中反复提到一个在滚滚历史尘埃中几乎销声匿迹的中国古代画僧的名字――牧溪。 牧溪 （ 1210 ？－ 1270 ？） ...

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Why is he not recognized by the public in China？

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Why is he not recognized by the public in China？

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One of the most distinctive attributes of Chan, as characterized in popular accounts, is its emphasis on eccentric and iconoclastic behavior, and images that celebrate these qualities are among the most commonly cited examples of Chan art.

Chan art is essentially defined as a function of representation: Subject matter (or, more precisely, the correlation between pictorial content and Chan doctrine) is given precedence over style and authorship.

Some writers go even further, suggesting that there are artworks that embody Chan content (or essence) in a way that transcends issues of subject matter, style, and function altogether.

Chan Art (2021）Encyclopedia. com. Available at：https://www.encyclopedia.com.（29 Dec. 2021 ）

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From the point of view of art history, the Chan school (Japanese, Zen; Korean, Sŏn), more than any other form of Buddhism, has long been associated with distinctive modes of visual representation. Looking at Japan, for instance, such disparate forms as architecture, ceramics, tea ceremony, gardens, sculpture, and painting have been viewed as elements of a broad and unified Zen aesthetic that cuts across traditional boundaries. Since there is no category or concept of "Chan art" in surviving texts from the Tang (618-907) or Song (960-1279) dynasties, however, when the Chan school achieved its peak popularity, the historical origins of this aesthetic in China remain murky, at best. Indeed, in light of this lack of sources, scholars have had to develop their own criteria and definitions. A closer look at how these conceptions have evolved, particularly with regard to painting, may help illuminate the larger question (and problem) of how to define Chan art.

Western interest in art forms connected with Chan Buddhism was a natural outgrowth of the broader interest in Chan and Zen that began in the early 1900s and blossomed over the course of the century. One of the first scholars to identify Chan art (especially Chan painting) as a specific subcategory of Buddhist art was the eminent British Asianist Arthur Waley, whose Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting (1923) contained a chapter titled " Zen Buddhism and Its Relation

to Art" that proved to be enormously influential. (Waley, as was typical at the time, uses the Japanese term Zen rather than Chan, even when he is writing about China.) In particular, Waley's focus on the notion of painting as a vehicle for the expression of religious ideals provided a model approach that continues to be employed in many discussions of Chan art, even if some historians of art and religion have challenged some of its underlying assumptions.

Following Waley's example, it became common to define Chan art primarily in terms of subject matter, focusing on images (such as representations of Bodhidharma, the putative founder of Chan in China) that derive from Chan history and literature. Such works often carry additional meanings relating to Chan doctrine or ideology, as well. For example, the great many surviving paintings that depict the early Chan patriarchs might be interpreted as a pictorial counterpart to the concern with issues of lineage and transmission that figures so prominently in early Chan textual sources. In a similar vein, images of monks carrying hoes or chopping bamboo have frequently been related to the premium that Chan is said to place on the value of manual labor. While these kinds of explanatory strategies are relatively straightforward, most attempts to define Chan art also introduce other important issues concerning Chan ideals that merit further scrutiny-in particular, iconoclasm and self-expression.

Art and iconoclasm

One of the most distinctive attributes of Chan, as characterized in popular accounts, is its emphasis on eccentric and iconoclastic behavior, and images that celebrate these qualities are among the most commonly cited examples of Chan art. This repertoire would include portraits of such Tang dynasty figures as Hanshan and Shide-the wild poet of Cold Mountain and his impish sidekick-and the monk Bird's Nest, who took up residence in a tree, as well as other subjects equally noted for their unconventional appearance and frequently outlandish conduct.

In several well-known instances, the notion of iconoclastic behavior is not merely figurative. One painting, attributed to the thirteenth-century painter Liang Kai and executed in monochrome ink in an abbreviated manner, purportedly shows the sixth Chan patriarch Huineng (638-713) tearing up sūtras with apparent gusto and evident glee. Another work, by the early fourteenth-century painter Yintuoluo, depicts "The Monk from Danxia Burning a Wooden Image of the Buddha." In most situations, one would expect such acts of desecration to be met with shock and disapproval, but what is noteworthy in this context is that ripping up a sacred text and burning a religious statue are presented not as acts of blasphemy but rather as manifestations of spiritual nonattachment. The philosophical basis for this view is cleverly demonstrated by the literary accounts of the incident depicted in Yintuoluo's painting.

Once, the monk from Danxia was staying at the Huilin Monastery. The weather was very cold, so the Master took a wooden statue of the Buddha and made a fire with it. When someone criticized him for doing so, the Master said: "I burned it in order to extract the sacred relics it contained." The man said: "But how can you extract the sacred relics from an ordinary piece of wood?" The Master replied: "Well, if it is nothing more than a piece of wood, then why scold me for burning it?" (Fontein and Hickman, pp. 36-37)

Quite apart from the obviously intentional humor of the anecdote (and of its pictorial representation), this inversion of sacred and profane is clearly meant to demonstrate in a graphic way the Chan school's avowed independence from words and images.

Art and expression

In the examples cited thus far, Chan art is essentially defined as a function of representation: Subject matter (or, more precisely, the correlation between pictorial content and Chan doctrine) is given precedence over style and authorship. A somewhat different, though complementary, approach, postulates that there are levels of meaning that can be generated by

artistic practice as well as by artistic product-levels of meaning, that is, that are a function of the creative act itself. From this perspective, an explicit connection would be drawn between the so-called splashed ink ( pomo) mode of painting, characterized by rough and seemingly improvisational brushwork, and the emphasis on intuition, immediacy, and sudden enlightenment commonly associated with orthodox Chan teachings. In other words, the meaning of such works is located in the manner of execution, and does not depend on nor arise from any particular subject matter or iconography.

Some writers go even further, suggesting that there are artworks that embody Chan content (or essence) in a way that transcends issues of subject matter, style, and function altogether. According to this account, a new kind of painting developed in China during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in the Chan monasteries clustered around the West Lake in Hangzhou. Executed by monk-painters, such works came to be seen both as a form of religious practice and as a record of the painter's spiritual achievement. As the well-known art historian Michael Sullivan describes it, "In seeking a technique with which to express the intensity of his intuition, the Chan painter turned to the brush and ...proceeded to record his own moments of truth" (p. 148). From this point of view, in short, the unique and ineffable quality of Chan painting is nothing less than the embodiment of the enlightened mind of the painter.

The artist who is most often used to exemplify this ideal is the thirteenth-century Chinese monk Fachang, better known as Muqi, whose Six Persimmons is undoubtedly the most frequently reproduced and best-known example of Chan painting. Although this small, sketchy, monochrome painting might not seem like much at first glance, it has been repeatedly hailed as the greatest Chan painting of all time. Appropriately enough, it was Waley who first rhapsodized about the work, declaring Six Persimmons to be endowed with "a stupendous calm" (p. 231). For Waley, as for later commentators, this quality stands as a manifestation of the painter's spiritual achievement, as a living expression of the painter's original mind (Pallis, p. 44). Put bluntly: Six Persimmons is a great Chan painting, the argument goes, because Muqi was profoundly awakened.

Ultimately, this idea of the work of art as the physical embodiment of the spiritual realization of its maker lies behind the claims that a somewhat unlikely activity such as archery, say, can be a form of Chan art. That is, if the absence or presence of Chan essence in a painting depends upon the painter's own achievement, it then follows that virtually any activity or product, so to speak, will be similarly endowed. From there it is only a small step to the countless books and web sites that make Zen art forms (in some cases facetiously, to be sure) of everything from photography, writing, and psychoanalysis, to smoking, ice resurfacing, and procrastination.

Chan art as anti-art?

If Chan art from Waley onward has been characterized as diverging from other forms of Buddhist art both in terms of what it represents and how it represents it, it has also been portrayed as functioning differently from the norm. In comparison to traditional Buddhist art, which emphasizes the replication of set iconographical subjects and styles that conform to a canonical ideal, the Chan emphasis on iconoclasm-both figurative and literal-constitutes a kind of anti-Buddhist art. As one scholar puts it, "In (Chan/) Zen Buddhism, cult images in the traditional sense play as little a part as classic Mahāyāna sūtras. After all, (Chan/) Zen is looking for 'independence from holy scriptures' and 'a special transmission outside traditional doctrines.'" Thus, while cult images and icons are worshiped by other Buddhists, the Chan practitioner "ridicules the popular worship of relics" (Brinker 1996, pp. 38-39). Like claims about the Chan school itself, in short, Chan painting is presented here as unfettered by orthodox tradition.

A serious challenge to the basic assumptions of such interpretations has been offered by T. Griffith Foulk and Robert H. Sharf (1993/1994) in a detailed study of portraits of Chan abbots (a large and important subset of Chan-associated images). As they show quite convincingly, such portraits played an important role in Chan funerary and memorial rituals, and they conclude that "the portrait of the abbot, like the living abbot on his high seat, is thus properly viewed as a religious icon-it is a manifestation of buddhahood and a focus for ritual worship. As such, the portrait is functionally equivalent to the mummified remains of the abbot, to the relics of the Buddha, or to a stupa, in that it denotes the Buddha's presence in his very absence" (p. 210).

Their assertion-that Chan painting here functions very much like orthodox Buddhist painting does elsewhere-parallels several studies of Chan institutional history, which similarly conclude that Chan monasticism, contrary to popular perception, did not radically differ from supposed mainstream practices. That is, regardless of lineage or school affiliation, all Buddhist monks in the Song period took part in similar practices and rituals (e.g., studying and chanting sūtras, engaging in seated meditation) that were essentially part of the very structure of the monastic institution as a whole, and thus did not vary much between designated Chan monasteries and other establishments (Foulk, pp. 220-221).

From the perspective of art history, the relative lack of differentiation in terms of day-to-day activities and procedures between Chan monks and non-Chan monks suggests the likelihood of comparable continuity with regard to the images employed in support of those same activities. It suggests, that is, that Chan painting and Buddhist art, far from constituting inverse categories, should instead be understood as largely coextensive. If the popular conception of Chan and Zen doctrine as irrational and free from orthodox strictures is essentially a modern misreading (Sharf), so, too, must the prevailing definitions of Chan art as unfettered embodiments of the enlightened mind be seen as the result of the same false premises. There is little question that Chan visual culture served particular rhetorical and ideological claims, but we must also recognize that Chan art served the same sorts of iconic, ritual, and social functions as orthodox Buddhist art traditions.
See also: China, Buddhist Art in; Japan, Buddhist Art in; Korea, Buddhist Art in; Zen, Popular Conceptions of
Bibliography

Brinker, Helmut. Zen in the Art of Painting, tr. George Campbell. New York: Arkana, 1987.

Brinker, Helmut. Zen: Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings, tr. Andreas Leisinger. Zurich, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae, 1996.

Fontein, Jan, and Hickman, Money. Zen Painting and Calligraphy: An Exhibition of Works of Art Lent by Temples, Private Collectors, and Public and Private Museums in Japan, Organized in Collaboration with the Agency for Cultural Affairs of the Japanese Government. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1970.

Foulk, T. Griffith. "Sung Controversies Concerning the 'Separate Transmission' of Ch'an." In Buddhism in the Sung, ed. Peter N. Gregory and Daniel A. Getz, Jr. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999.

Foulk, T. Griffith, and Sharf, Robert H. "On the Ritual Use of Ch'an Portraiture in Medieval China." Cahiers d'Extreme-Asie 7 (1993/1994): 149-219.

Hisamatsu Shin'ichi. "On Zen Art." Eastern Buddhist new series 1, no. 2 (1966): 21-33.

Munsterberg, Hugo. Zen and Oriental Art. Rutland, VT: Tuttle, 1965.

Pallis, Tim. "Nanrei Sohaku Kabori and His Teaching of Shikan One: A Remembrance." FAS Society Journal (Summer 1992): 37-45.

Seckel, Dietrich. Buddhist Art of East Asia, tr. Ulrich Mammitzsch. Bellingham: Center for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University, 1989.

Sharf, Robert H. "The Zen of Japanese Nationalism." In Curators of the Buddha: The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism, ed. Donald S. Lopez, Jr. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995.

Sullivan, Michael. The Arts of China, 3rd edition. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984.

Waley, Arthur. An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting. London: Ernest Benn, 1923.

Weidner, Marsha, ed. Latter Days of the Law: Images of Chinese Buddhism 850-1850. Lawrence, KS: Spencer Museum of Art, 1994.

Charles Lachman

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chan artfrom the point of view of art history

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has long been associated with distinctive modes of visual representation.

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CHAN ARTFrom the point of view of art history, the Chan school (Japanese, Zen; Korean, Sŏn), more than any other form of Buddhism, has long been associated with distinctive modes of visual representation. Source for information on Chan Art: Encyclopedia of Buddhism dictionary.

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Terebess.hu. 2022. 牧溪法常 Muqi Fachang / Muxi Fachang (1210?-1269?). Available at: https://terebess.hu/zen/mesterek/MuqiFachang.htm
(Accessed 29 January 2022).

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ZEN MESTEREK ZEN MASTERS
" Zen főoldal
" vissza a Terebess Online nyitólapjára

牧溪法常 Muqi Fachang / Muxi Fachang (1210?-1269?)

Wade-Giles: Mu- ch'i Fa-ch'ang; Japanese: 牧谿 Mokkei

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muqi_Fachang
http://www.360doc.com/content/14/0423/22/6650597_371549558.shtml
http://www.zhtdshy.com/famous/2014/0806/124.html
http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_3e9eeaf60101hyil.html
http://www.npm.gov.tw/hotnews/9910seminar/download/en/A02.pdf

Master Clam 蜆子和尚
Muxi Fachang 牧谿法常 (13th century) Before 1256, Southern Song (1127-1279)
Encomium by Yanxi Guangwen 偃溪廣聞 (1189-1263)
Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 84.1 x 37.4
Private collection, Japan

Encomium:

Casually grasping what comes, dragging the mud and wading the water,
Illicit booty emerges before him, facing a tough taboo,
If the wine of tray is missing from before the gods,
Ultimately he has not cast off the handiwork of demons.

Inscribed by Guangwen, resident of the Cold Spring.

信手拈來，拖泥涉水， 贓物現前，當面難諱， 若無神前酒臺盤， 終不 脫 鬼家活計。 住冷泉廣聞題。

Chien-tzu is supposed to have been a disciple of Tung-shan Liang-chieh (807-869). He was not a Ch'an monk in the usual sense, however. Dressed in the same rags in summer and winter, he roamed the riverside with his fishing net in search of shrimps and clams, which formed his staple diet. At night he would sleep among the offerings of paper money made to the White Horse Shrine on Eastern Mountain. It was said that he attained Enlightenment while catching shrimp.

Laozi 老子圖
by Muxi Fachang 牧溪法常 (13th century)
13th century, Southern Song (1127-1279)
Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 88.9 x 33.5 cm
Okayama Prefectural Museum of Art
National Treasure

Monk Mending Clothes in the Morning Sun 朝陽圖
Anonymous, traditionally attributed to Muxi Fachang 牧谿法常 (13th century)
Late 13th or early 14th century
Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 84.5 x 30.5 cm
Kyoto National Museum, AK 817

Encomium:

One thread passing through the eye of a needle,
Patches the holes in a tattered garment,
Biting down firmly with one's jaws,
Immediately it is broken.

Dongsou Yuankai at Yuji respectfully eulogises.

針孔一絲，破衣補漏。 咬定牙關，當下便斷。

玉几東叟元愷敬贊。

布袋图
Pu-tai
96,5 × 41,3 cm, Kyushu National Museum

布袋図

Pu-tai
Slumbering Budai (detail). Attributed to Muqi.
Hanging scroll, ink on paper; 77.1 x 30.9 cm. Kyoto National Museum.

"Herdboy on Ox"
by Anonymous, Japanese 無款
(13th-14th century) Old attribution to Fachang Muqi (ca.1220-ca. 1280)
Hanging scroll, ink on paper
112.5 x 39.7 cm.

六柿圖
Persimmons
Album leaf, ink on silk, 31.1 x 29 cm, Daitoku-ji, Ryuko-in, Kyoto

叭叭鳥圖
Mynah on the trunk of a pine tree
Daitokuji. Seal of the painter

鸟荷图 轴

猪头和尚 Zhutou heshang
Monk "Pig's Head"
Seals: 退耕 （朱）, 76 × 34 cm

The identity of Chu-t'ou is rather unclear. His name means pig's head and he is usually shown eating a pig's head or holding one in his hands. He is usually said to represent a certain Chih Meng-hsu who was fond of eating pig and was therefore called "Pig's Head." There is nothing in Chih's biography, however, that could justify his inclusion in the Ch'an pantheon of eccentrics. There are two other Ch'an stories, which possibly could be relevant to this theme.

The first concerns the monk Wen-shu Ssu-yeh who started his career as a butcher. One day, on the point of killing yet another pig, he suddenly realized the error of his ways in a flash of revelation. He quit his trade to become a monk and composed the following gatha on the occasion:

Yesterday the heart of a [blood thirsty] Yaksa,
Today the face of a Bodhisattva.
Between the Bodhisattva and the Yaksa
There is not a shred of difference.

When he went to Master Tao of Wen-shu, who was to become his teacher, the Master asked him: "What did you see when you were about to slaughter that pig? What made you shave your head and depart on a pilgrimage?" Ssu-yeh thereupon made a gesture as if he were whetting his knife.

Another possibility is that the representation of "Pig's Head" was inspired by an anecdote from the life of P'an-shan Pao-chi (720-814), a pupil of the great Patriarch Ma-tsu Tao-i (died 788).

One day he saw a man in the marketplace enter a butcher's shop to buy meat. He heard him ask: "Please cut me a catty of the finest." The butcher dropped his knife, picked it up again and said: "My dear sir, what do we have here that is not of the finest?" Upon hearing these words Pao-chi suddenly attained Enlightenment.

-from Zen Painting and Calligraphy by J. Fontein and M.L. Hickman

观音猿鹤图
A triptych [sanpukutsui 三幅対]: (a) Kuan-yin; (b) Monkey with her baby on a pine branch; (c) Crane in a bamboo grove.
Daitokuji, Kyoto. Were probably combined after importation into Japan in the 14th century. Signed with the seal of the painter.

Cf. Le gibbon dans la civilisation chinoise - Robert van Gulik

二祖调心图

The Second Patriarch in Contemplation

Xuefeng Receives his Student Xuansha 雪峰接玄沙生圖
Attributed to Muxi Fachang 牧谿法常 (13th century) Late 13th century, Yuan (1271-1368)
Encomium by Yuji Zhihui 愚極智慧 (act. 1298)
Hanging scroll, ink on silk, 102 x 46 cm
Kyoto National Museum, AK672
Important Cultural Property

Encomium:

Xuan Sha's teachings have no special rationale,
You pay obeisance to me, prostrating yourself and getting up,
As I pay obeisance to you.

[Signed] Jingci Foxin Zhihu.

玄沙宗旨， 別無道理， 你為禮拝， 自倒自起， 因我得禮你。 淨慈佛心，智慧。

List of the paintings attributed to the painter Mu Chi

· Priest Chien-tzu playing with a shrimp. Executed before 1260, date of Yen An's inscription. Baron Masuda. Kokka No. 122. A

· The poet Lu Yu walking with a staff. Ti Ping-tzu. Seals of the painter and of the Yuan emperor Wen-tsung. Chung-kuo I, 35. C

· A monk reading in the moonlight. Ueno. Inscription by the monk Ching-shan, pupil of Wu-chen, Kokka, No. 87. B?

· A priest sewing his mantle. Count Date. Inscription by the monk Tung-sou, probably a Yuan painting. Kokka, No. 314.

· The fifth Chan patriarch carrying a hoe. H. Marjeyama Collection. The poem referring to the motif, signed Wu-I. Toso, p. 114 B?

· A set of three: (a) Feng-kan with a tiger; (b) Sparrows on a bamboo branch; (c) Sparrows on a willow branch. seals of the painter, probably old imitations Formerly marquis Kuroda. B?

· Wei-to-lo in the guise of a rugged old man. Noda. Kokka, No. 425. C

· The Chan monk Hsuan-cho. Moriya, Kyoto. Probably a Yuan painting by a close follower. B?

· Han-shan the Chan monk. Owned by ? Inscription by Tao Lung (ca. 1245), a later picture. Soraikan II, plate 18. C

· The autumn moon. Prince Tokugawa Collection. Nagoya Museum. Siren #348. A

· The night rain. Baron Masuda. Siren #341. A

· The evening bell from a distant temple. Hakateyama. Shimbi No. Five. A

· Sails distant from the coast returning to port. Count Matsudaira. Kokka, No. 291. A

· The sunset on a fishing village. M. Nezu. Kokka, No. 340. A

· Wild geese lighting. Viscount Matsudaira. Kokka, No. 410. A

· Evening snow on the hills. Suenobu. Destroyed in the air raid on Sendai, Honshu, Japan, 1945. Sogen Meigashu II. A

· The evening bell. Yada in Katayamazu, Japan. Sogen Meigashu II.

· Misty river in spring with a ferry. Viscount Akimoto. Album leaf. Kokka, No. 481. B

· An arhat in meditation encircled by a snake. Seikado. Seal of the painter. Kokka, No. 233. A?

· A triptych: (a) Kuan-yin; (b) Monkey with her baby on a pine branch; (c) Crane in a bamboo grove. Daitokuji, Kyoto. Were probably combined after importation into Japan in the 14th century. Signed with the seal of the painter. Kokka, No. 185; No. 265. A

· Bodhidharma. Abe. Head and shoulder only. Seal of the painter; probably Japanese. Sogen, plate 2. C

· Lao-tsu. M. Suenobu. Seal of the painter. Destroyed in the air raid on Sendai, 1945. Toso, p. 109. A?

· White-robed Kuan-yin. S. Yamoka. Japanese copy after the one at Daitokumi. Sogen, p. 25.

· A monkey on a rock. Owned by ? Album leaf. Hikkoen, p. 32 C

· Monkeys playing among trees and on rocks by a stream. Sakai. Handscroll, seal of the painter. Shimbi XI. C

· A monkey resting on a projecting rock. Noda. Kokka, No. 425. C

· A monkey with her baby hanging from a bamboo. Noda Collection, Kyoto. Seal of the painter. C

· Chestnuts. Ryuko-in. Album leaf. Kokka, No. 493. A?

· Peonies. Daitokuji. Not listed by Siren. Cohn.

· Rose-mallows in rain. Soken-in. Album leaf. Sogen Meigashu, 36. A?

· Mynah on the trunk of a pine tree. Daitokuji. Seal of the painter. Kokka, No. 218. B

· Turtle doves on a bamboo stalk. Matsudaira. Toso, p. 110. B

· The shrike standing on a rock. Cohn. Toyo 9, 93. B?

· Wild geese screen. State Museum, Berlin. Seal of the painter. C

· Handscroll, long, representing various kinds of birds, vegetables, and flowers, all carefully rendered from nature. Nanking Exhibition Catalogue, p. 31. Signed by the painter and dated 1265. A

· Pigeons on an old tree trunk. K. Hirase, Osaka. Kokka, No. 177. B?

· Swallows and a spray of willow. Marquis Tokugawa, Nagoya. Kokka, No. 242. B

· Two swallows in a willow tree. Seikado. Shimbi XVII. B?

· A heron by a faded lotus leaf. Marquis Inouye. Inscription by the monk Skukyu, probably Japanese. Kokka, No. 293. C

· Hen, chickens, and puppies. Marquis Inouye. Handscroll, seal of the painter. Shimbi XIV. C

· Two sparrows on a bare branch. Nezu. A good picture, though not by Mu Chi. Sogen Meigashu, 37. B

· A magpie and a kingfisher. Hakone Museum. Seals of the painter, probably a Japanese painting. Bijutsu Kenkyu, 26.

· A turtle dove resting on a leafless branch. Owned by ? Probably Japanese. Muto Catalogue No. 3. C

· Persimmons. Ryuko-in. Album leaf. Kokka, No. 493. B.

· A lotus root on a lotus leaf. H. Mayeyama. Album leaf. Toso, p. 115. B?

· Radish. Owned by ? Kokka, No. 486. This picture is not listed in Siren. Kokka says it aims at representing the taste of the light food taken at monasteries of the temples of the sect (Zen). None can surpass the present picture of a radish. Tradition has it that this picture simply was presented to the Shogun Yoshimitsu Ashikaga from the then King of Ming.

· Head of a dragon; tiger (a diptych). Daitokuji. Signatures dated 1269 are later additions. Probably early Yuan. Kokka, No. 190.

· Pair: (a) Head of a dragon; (b) Tiger. Daitokuji. Shimbi II. B?

· Dragon among the vaporous clouds. Viscount Akimoto. Seal of the painter. Kokka, No. 209. B?

· A dragon. Nezu. Handscroll. Toso, p. 106. C

· A tiger. Marquis Tokugawa, Nagoya. Kokka, No. 268. C

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牧溪法常 Muqi Fachang / Muxi Fachang (1210?-1269?)

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ZEN MESTEREK ZEN MASTERS " Zen főoldal " vissza a Terebess Online nyitólapjára 牧溪法常 Muqi Fachang / Muxi Fachang (1210?-1269?)

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Kamakura period

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The depth of understanding raised Buddhist art to its highest level, where the way in which the subject is painted is as much an expression of Buddhist thought as is the Chan content of the painting. The work of Liangkai and Muqi established a Chan painting tradition that was carried on by others into the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, though never with such resounding success as by these two masters.

China, Buddhist Art in (2022).  Encyclopedia.com. Available at: https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/china-buddhist-art（Accessed 29 January 2022）

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In the Asian Buddhist world, China is second only to India for its importance in the development and preservation of Buddhism and Buddhist art. China became the great reservoir and innovator of East Asian Buddhism and its art, and inspired important schools of Buddhism and Buddhist art in Korea and Japan, as well as other regions. The range of Chinese Buddhist art is vast, stretching for nearly two thousand years from the Later Han dynasty (25 b.c.e.-220 c.e.) well into the Qing dynasty (1644-1911). Often its sources reach directly to India and its contiguous regions, to Central Asia, and even Tibet in the later centuries; there is also a complex interrelationship with the latter two regions. New interpretations and styles formed quickly in China, offering an evolving and stimulating development frequently reflecting the schools of Buddhist thought that emerged in China, as well as imagery with popular connotations. Behind the brief survey presented in this entry, one must keep in mind the incredible richness of the repertoire and of the innumerable innovative interpretations offered by China in all the arts of painting, sculpture, architecture, cave temple art, and decorative and ritual arts throughout this long period of growth, fluorescence, and development that created one of the world's truly magnificent Buddhist art cycles.

Later Han (25 b.c.e.-220 c.e.), Three Kingdoms (220-265/280 c.e.), and Western Jin (265/280-317 c.e.)

Reliable written documents indicate the presence in China of Buddhist temples as early as the mid-first century c.e., during the Later Han dynasty. By the end of the second century, records concerning the military officer Zerong describe his construction in Pengcheng (northern Jiangsu) of a large storied pavilion "with piled up metal plates on top" and a gilded buddha image inside. Such a multistoried structure topped by plates ( chattra) also appears in a rare Later Han tomb tile from Sichuan. These examples point to the existence of the Chinese-style pagoda or stŪpa and the presence of gilded buddha imagery by the late Later Han period in China. Though the first major Buddhist translation activity occurred in Luoyang during the second half of the second century with the foreign monks An shigao and Lokakṣema, we have yet to see any Buddhist art from that center for this period, with the exception of the stone fragments of a curb encircling a well that bear an inscription mentioning "the saṅgha of the four quarters" in Kharoṣṭhī script, another indication of the undoubtedly potent foreign influences in this early phase of Buddhist activity in China.

However, within the last several decades a few remains have been presented as probable late Later Han Buddhist imagery, most notably the splendid gilt-bronze seated Buddha with flame shoulders in Harvard University's Sackler Museum and a selection of stone reliefs at the site of Kongwangshan in eastern Jiangsu. The Harvard Buddha, of quite large size, has long been cited as a major early sculpture of Gandharan form, but has been shown to stylistically relate to Chinese tomb art dating to the second half of the second century and to sculpture from the site of Khalchayan (ca. first century b.c.e. to first century c.e.) excavated in southern Uzbekistan in ancient northern Bactria. This image, probably the earliest known Buddha image from China, appears to have its stylistic sources more decisively in the Bactrian rather than the Gandharan region. The Kongwangshan site consists of a hill with its boulders carved with a variety of sculptures in the late Later Han style. Among the images are Xiwangmu (Queen Mother of the West), dancing figures in foreign dress (Kushan style), a seated and standing buddha, a parinirvāṇa scene, and a scene from a jĀtaka of the sacrifice of the bodhisattva to the starving tigress. Though simple, the images are iconographically accurate and testify to Buddhist activity that was somehow integrated with images of other popular beliefs-a typical phenomenon in Late Han.

From the Three Kingdoms and Western Jin periods, a clear distinction emerged between images that strictly follow orthodox Buddhist iconography and those of popular, mostly funerary, art that incorporate Buddhist elements, often with unorthodox changes. The latter are various and found in a wide area of distribution. They include, for example, small seated buddhas on ceramic vessels (some the elaborate hunping funerary urns) and bronze mirrors (possibly as auspicious talismans) in the south; buddhas on money trees and clay tomb bricks in Sichuan; a standing bodhisattva on a belt buckle from a tomb dated 262 from Wuchang in Hebei; and reliefs in tombs such as at Yinan in Shandong. On the other hand, the famous gilt-bronze standing bodhisattva in the Fujii Yūrinkan, probably a Maitreya, is of mainstream, orthodox imagery, stylistically related to contemporary sculptures from Swat, Toprak Kala, and Miran. This bodhisattva is said to have come from near Chang'an (present-day Xi'an), where the great monk DharmarakṢa was active with translating and teaching in the last half of the third century.

By the end of the Western Jin Buddhism was reaching a point of viability in China, albeit with the major support of foreign monks and the foreign communities engaged in trade along the Silk Road. Unfortunately, just as the fall of the Han dynasty in the early third century occasioned turmoil and mass migration within China, so too, at the end of the Western Jin, northern China collapsed into chaos from famines and a series of disastrous invasions and warfare by northern minorities. These events threw the country into hardship for several decades and virtually transformed the demographics of China as the aristocratic families of the north fled south or to the Gansu region to escape the devastation.

Eastern Jin (317-420) in the south and the Sixteen Kingdoms (317-439) in the north

The Eastern Jin provided some continuity to this volatile, fluid, disruptive period. Most of our knowledge of Buddhist art from the Eastern Jin comes from written records, which speak of miraculous images, King AŚoka images, colossal buddhas (the oldest, ca. 370s, being that in Dao'an's (312-385) monastery at Xiangyang in Henan), wondrous sculptures made by Daikui, the famous VimalakĪrti wall painting by Gu Kaizhi, and so on. We can speculate on the appearance of some of these recorded masterpieces of Eastern Jin Buddhist art from later replicas. One of the most interesting is the case of the inscribed King Aśoka buddhas found in Chengdu that date from the mid-sixth century but clearly replicate an older, probably fourth century, model. Also, the Vimalakīrti relief in cave 3 at Longmen, from the early sixth century, may follow the fourth-century Gu Kaizhi prototype. Other clues come from the invaluable sources of the Korean Koguryŏ tomb paintings, such as those at tomb 3 at Anak, dated to around 357, and the tomb at Tŏkhŭngri, dated to 408 or 409, and others that have early examples of Buddhist subjects.

Most extant remains, however, probably come from the North and from Gansu, both areas dominated by a series of successive small kingdoms, known as the Sixteen Kingdoms, of the five minority nationalities. This period in North China is one of the most difficult to access, but it is becoming evident that it is prolific in Buddhist art remains, generally confirming and complementing the important strides made in Buddhism under the Chinese masters Dao'an and Huiyuan (334-416) and the overwhelming achievement of the translations of KumĀrajĪva (350-409/413 c.e.) in the early fifth century. Most images are from small bronze buddha altars, which, in the few surviving complete examples consist of a dhyānāsana buddha on a lion throne, a mandorla, a canopy, and a four-footed stand. The identity of these small buddhas, most in meditation, is not certain, but at least one (datable to 426, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York) names the buddha as Maitreya. The earliest identifiable Guanyin appears around 400 (Asian Art Museum of San Francisco) and there are early bronze reliefs of such Lotus SŪtra (SaddharmapuṄḍarĪka-sŪtra) themes as Śākyamuni and Prabhūtaratna that appear as early as the early fifth century. The Buddhist-Daoist stele of Wei Wenlang from Yaoxian (north of Chang'an), though not without controversy, probably dates to 424 and may be the oldest known stone stele with Buddhist imagery. A gilt-bronze pendant-legged seated buddha, dated (Liu) Song 423, confirms this iconographic form as a Maitreya by an inscription on the back of its mandorla, which itself is the earliest known version in bronze of the elaborate flame-bordered mandorlas seen in fully developed form in numerous bronze sculptures under the Tuoba (Northern) Wei later in the century. It is becoming clear that many iconographic types and stylistic features that were previously thought to be Northern Wei were actually formulated earlier, in the late fourth and early fifth centuries in the south, around Chang'an and in Gansu.

The Gansu Buddhist materials are probably the most significant discoveries of the last forty years in Chinese Buddhist art. Though there is currently no consensus on the precise dating of all of the early sculptures, paintings, cave temples, and stone stūpas from Gansu, the Amitāyus niche in cave 169 at Binglingsi is dated with certainty to 420 during the time of the Eastern Qin in southern Gansu. Most of the superb painted clay sculptures positioned randomly around this large natural cave, as well as the surviving wall paintings, which stylistically relate to paintings in cave GK20 at Kumtura in Kucha, date to this time or earlier. Similarly, the earliest caves at Maijishan (caves 78 and 74, each with three magnificent large, seated clay buddhas), where the famous monk Gaoxuan stayed for a number of years in about 415, are probably early fifth century.

From the central area of Gansu, then known as Liangzhou, the cave temples at Tiantishan, southeast of Wuwei, and Jintasi near Zhangye, have spectacularly rare remains, the former mainly paintings and the latter mainly sculpture, both from the period of Northern Liang under Juqu Mengxun (r. 401-433). Juqu Mengxun is known from literary records to have opened caves now believed to be those at Tiantishan, and to have made a colossal buddha on behalf of his mother, the earliest colossal stone (probably cave) image in China. The early caves at both sites contain the earliest use of the central pillar cave temple form in China.

From the western end of Gansu, there are early caves at Wenshushan near Jiuchuan and three early caves at Dunhuang (caves 268, 272, 275). Cave 272 includes a Maitreya Buddha, and cave 275 has a colossal cross-ankled Maitreya Bodhisattva. Wall paintings in cave 272 show celestial listeners and the thousand buddhas. In cave 275 jātakas and scenes from the Buddha's life are portrayed along the side walls of the long chamber. A rare group of stone stūpas was discovered from Jiuchuan and Dunhuang, most dating from the early decades of the fifth century under the Northern Liang. The stūpas are carved with sūtra texts, trigrams with trigram figures from the Yijing (Book of Changes), and the seven buddhas of the past along with Maitreya Bodhisattva. Two other stone stūpas have been found in Gaochang (Turfan), where the Northern Liang fled after the Northern Wei onslaught in 439 and where Northern Liang survived as the last of the Sixteen Kingdoms up to the 460s.

Northern Wei (386-534), Eastern Wei (534-550), Western Wei (535-557), Northern Qi (550-577), and Northern Zhou (557-581) in the north; (Liu) Song (420-479), Southern Qi (479-502), Liang (502-557) and Chen (557-589) in the south; unified China under the Sui (581/589-618)

After 439, emphasis shifted to the Northern Wei, which developed its Buddhist art rapidly after the harsh Buddhist persecution of 444 to 452. Besides numerous stone relief images (steles) and magnificent gilt-bronze sculptures, the most stupendous achievements occurred at the cave site of Yun'gang near the capital of Pingcheng (Datong) from the 460s through the 480s. The so-called five Tanyao caves, with their five colossal images carved from living rock, in some sense surpass in concept even the colossi of BĀmiyĀn and Kucha, both of which probably had several grand colossal buddha images by this time. Yun'gang presents a single coherent group of five colossi, the identity of which, however, is still being debated by scholars. Work continued at Yun'gang with the fully embellished twin caves 7 and 8, datable to around the 470s, and the twin caves 5 and 6, dating from around the 480s, the latter with a huge central pillar and fully assimilated new style of loose, flared "Chinese" robe design for the buddha images. This stylistic change, distinct from Liangzhou or Central Asian inspired styles, probably came to the north from South China. Caves 7 and 8 appear to be related to the sculptural traditions of the northern Silk Road, especially that of Tumshuk.

Though work continued at Yun'gang into the fifth century, after the Northern Wei moved its capital to Luoyang in 494, attention turned to the new imperial cave temple site at Longmen, which became the pièce de résistance from the latter years of the Northern Wei. It is by way of the groundbreaking studies of both Yun'gang and Longmen by Seiichi Mizuno and Toshio Nagahiro and the ongoing studies of the Dunhuang Research Institute for the Dunhuang caves that we have access to and understanding of these enormous cave temple sites that represent the truly glorious heritage of Chinese Buddhist art.

The multiple tiers and niches of the oldest cave at Longmen, the Guyangtong, have many individual dedications and show primary focus on Maitreya. Cave 3, on the other hand, which dates to around 515, is an imperial cave with a single plan completely executed to produce a coherent and spectacular scheme, probably centered around the buddhas of the three times (past, present, and future) as the main icons. The large impressive sculptures are massive heavy shapes beneath spreading robes of shallow parallel step pleats and elaborately curving hems that flare to the sides or cascade over the pedestal as seen in the Śākyamuni Buddha on the rear wall. The abstract carving of the faces lends a strongly iconic air to the powerful imagery. Other caves followed at Longmen and also at Gongxian near Luoyang, but the Northern Wei collapsed around 534 or 535 and its territory was divided between east and west for a short time before changing hands again to the Northern Qi in the northeast and Northern Zhou in the northwest. For Buddhist art, however, this period remains one of continued fluorescence.

Luoyang was a city of magnificent temples and pagodas under the Northern Wei, and, as far as we can tell from literary records, the same was true of the capital (Nanking) of the Liang under Emperor Wu (r. 502-549) in the south. We can surmise some of the Liang achievements because they are probably reflected in the Buddhist art of important finds from Chengdu in Sichuan. The hoard of sculptures from the Wanfosi contained many complete steles, some of which have reliefs of Pure Land imagery that are invaluable for documenting the developments of this form of Buddhist art, which appears to have begun as early as the early fifth century.

The Xiangtangshan caves in Henan and Hebei testify to major cave temple activity under the Northern Qi. Besides the magnificent central pillar caves at North Xiangtangshan, a large relief of AmitĀbha's Western Pure Land from the southern site shows a simple setting of pavilions, a lotus pond with reborn figures, and images of the Buddha and his attendant bodhisattvas portrayed in the smooth, abstract, minimalist style of the Northern Qi. The stone sculptures from the Xiudesi in Hebei, some with dated inscriptions, the popular siwei (contemplative) bodhisattva, and the spectacular hoard unearthed in Qingzhou in Shandong, many still possessing gilding and original paint, amplify the corpus of Northern Qi Buddhist art and reveal the wide range and subtle stylistic variations in the sculptural repertoire.

Stone stelae, which rose to prominence during the first half of the sixth century and which were frequently donated by special groups or religious societies, gave way in mid-century to new innovations, such as perforating elements of the stele, and to the independent stone image, some of great size. Images from the Northern Zhou tended to be laden with jewelry in bodhisattva figures and to have a sense of natural mass and movement, contrary to the Northern Qi's hermetic, aloof, and pristinely pure abstract imagery, which was possibly inspired by the styles of the Gupta Sārnāth school of India. Regional distinctions in imagery were particularly pronounced during this period and they continued into the Sui dynasty.

Dunhuang, with its semiautonomous status at the far reaches of northwest China, saw continued activity throughout the Northern Wei and into the Northern Zhou, and the site generally developed its own traditions in the second half of the fifth century to around the end of the Northern Wei. By the time of cave 285 in the Western Wei, however, artists at Dunhuang had adopted Chinese style drapery and also incorporated some Central Asian iconographic features. Maijishan was also active throughout this period, with caves of painted clay imagery, wall paintings, and some important stone steles, including a rare example that depicts the Buddha's life in narrative scenes. The Tianlongshan caves in Shanxi, opened in the Eastern Wei, continued with the production of remarkably beautiful sculptures in the Northern Qi and Sui.

Following the Buddhist persecution by the Northern Zhou in the late 570s and the unification of China under the Sui, Buddhist art gained momentum under imperially sponsored restorations and construction projects. New cave sites in Shandong at Tuoshan and Yunmenshan emerged, and Dunhuang entered one of it most flourishing periods, beginning a wave of production that carried on into the Tang period and beyond. The Tiantai school was strong in China and the Lotus Sūtra is reflected in the paintings of caves 419 and 420 at Dunhuang. The regional variations encountered in the mid-sixth century continued into the Sui with certain developments: Early Sui images became more grandiose and monumentalized; during the late Sui images began to loosen toward a slightly more naturalistic impression, as seen in the painting of Mañjusśrī Bodhisattva, depicted with superbly confident line drawing, in cave 276 at Dunhuang. The great period of the abstract icon came to an end in the Sui. Very few large pagodas or stūpas survive from this period, the most striking being the monumental twelve-sided, fifteen-story, parabolically-shaped brick pagoda at Songshan in Henan, dated to around 520, and a stone square-image pagoda with four entrances ( simenta), dated 611, at the ancient Shentongsi in Shandong.

Tang dynasty (618-907) and the Five Dynasties (907-960)

Although the collapse of the Sui in 617 and the formative decades of the Tang brought an initial hiatus in the production of Buddhist art, the eventual long-lasting cohesion helped to engender unprecedented developments in Buddhism and its arts in China. Except for Dunhuang, where the opening of new cave chapels continued at a more or less constant rate, it was not until around the 640s that Buddhist art began to appear with prominence in central China, mostly in the capital at Chang'an and at Longmen near Luoyang. With the return of the monk-pilgrim Xuanzang (ca. 600-664) from his astonishing travels to India from 628 to 645, the emperor sponsored the building of the Great Wild Goose Pagoda in the capital to house the manuscripts he brought back. Austere, grand, and monumental, this Tang brick pagoda still remains a beloved landmark overlooking the city. Activity at the Longmen caves dominated the latter part of the seventh century with the most spectacular work being cave 19 (672-675) with its colossal image of Vairocana, the mystical/cosmic buddha of the Huayan school, the branch of Buddhism in China founded on the study of the Huayan jing ( Avataṃsaka-sūtra) and brilliantly expounded by Huayan masters, such as Zhiyan (602-668) and Fazang (643-712), in the seventh century. Cave 19 may have been a conscious reflection of the grandeur of the Tang empire, which reached a new dimension with its conquests throughout the century into Central Asia.

Pure Land Buddhism flowered in the seventh century under Shandao and found expression in depictions of AmitĀbha's Pure Land, Sukhāvatī, many of which survive in wall paintings at Dunhuang, beginning with the earliest complete representation in cave 220, dated 642, and evolving throughout the Tang into masterworks of huge scale and detailed imagery. These paintings particularly followed the Guan Wuliangshou jing ( Sūtra on the Meditation of Amitāyus) that incorporates the sixteen meditations of Queen Vaidehī, as seen in the early eighth-century wall painting in cave 217 at Dunhuang. By the time of cave 148, dated to around 775, a vast panoramic vision is presented in the boneless technique of using planes of color without line. These color washes create a fluid, shimmering, ethereal effect on the broad, tilted plane that conjures vast space, reflecting developments in Chinese landscape painting that evolved during the Tang period.

During the mid-seventh to early eighth centuries, elements of esoteric Buddhism appeared in, for example, figures of the eleven-headed Guanyin, but it would not be until the second half of the eighth century, with the teaching of the Indian monk Amoghavajra, that the full panoply of tantric maṆḌala imagery would become well established. A group of marble images dating from around 775 from the site of the Anguosi in Chang'an offers the best surviving early examples of these esoteric teachings, which became especially influential at Wutaishan and later in Shingon Buddhism (of the yoga tantra type), which was introduced by KŪkai (774-835) to Japan following his study in China from 804 to 806.

Sculpture from the first half of the eighth century reached a high degree of naturalism, tempered by abstract patterning. The Tang caves at Tianlongshan, such as caves 21, 14, 6, 18, and 17 (in chronological sequence), have the most splendid array of stone sculptures from the first half of the eighth century. The seated buddha from cave 21 (possibly the cave of the 707 stele describing the donation made by General Xun [of Korean descent] and his wife) is a marvel of powerful muscular body, with subtly defined limbs and torso. The body is draped with a robe whose rib folds form patterns of lines that help to clarify the articulate parts of the body in an independent yet complementary manner. The moon-shaped face is tense and the features carved into strongly modeled eyes and a dramatically curled mouth. The styles of the Tianlongshan imagery of this time derive from artistic modes of contemporary art of Kashmir, Afghanistan, and Central Asia, probably stimulated by renewed contact over the Silk Road during the seventh century and first half of the eighth century.

By the late eighth to ninth centuries the style of sculpture became more mannered and consciously antinatural while still retaining naturalistic elements that had evolved since the early Tang. Images became otherworldly in defiance of weight and normality of proportioning. At Dunhuang this development appears in the images of cave 159 and in central China in the stucco sculptures of the main shrine hall of the Foguangsi Monastery at Wutaishan, where the images reach a height of manneristic naturalism, combining naturalistic qualities with mannered distortions. The Foguangsi shrine hall was built in 857 after the third and most devastating of the Buddhist persecutions in China from around 845 to 847. It remains today as the oldest large wooden temple structure in China. The main hall of the nearby Nanchansi was built earlier, before 782, but it is only a three-bay hall, whereas the Foguangsi hall is a seven-bay structure. Foguangsi's monumental Tang style timber construction has strong simple bracketing, bold powerful lines in the façade, and a rare early method of construction. In the words of Liang Sicheng, an early pioneer of architectural studies in China, the structural parts "give the building an overwhelming dignity that is not found in later structures."

As the Tang empire declined during the late ninth century, Buddhist art diminished in general, except for areas such as Sichuan and Dunhuang, both of which saw major productions at this time. Dunhuang, which had been under Tibetan occupation from the 780s to 840s, flourished under the local control of the Zhang and then the Cao family well into the tenth century. Many of the silk paintings found by Aurel Stein in the "library" room of cave 17 and taken to the British Museum date to this period. The earliest Chan paintings appeared during the late ninth to early tenth centuries. The Chan school had become one of the major movements of Buddhism in China from the seventh century. The Luohan paintings by Guanxiu are the earliest works related to what came to be known as a Chan interpretation. In some paintings Guanxiu used a broken-ink technique that, along with the individualistic styles of Shike of the tenth century, was destined to make a lasting impact on Chinese painting.

During the Five Dynasties, a formality appeared in the sculptures at Dunhuang, and wall paintings tend to repeat in minute detail the depictions of various sūtras, a development that had become popular during the later years of the Tang. In the numerous large caves of this time the effect is astounding for its detail. In cave 61, for example, there are large female donor figures of the Cao family, and the entire back wall is occupied by a mythical "map" of Wutaishan as a sacred place. At this point, a real geographic place in China was treated as an icon itself, thus merging the concept of Pure Land with sacred spaces on earth. In general, the art of the Five Dynasties period prolonged the styles of Tang into its final, more formalized stage.

Northern Song (960-1127), Liao (907-1125), Xixia (late tenth-1223), Jin (1115-1234), Southern Song (1127-1279), and Dali in Yunnan (937-1253)

Though a culturally high period in China, the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries were not without fragmentation. In the South, at the Yanxiadong during the mid-tenth century in Hangzhou there is an early example of the group of sixteen (or eighteen) Luohans with Guanyin, a theme that came to pervade this period. Guanyin is sometimes shown garbed in a robe covering the head and body, a depiction that came to be known as the "white-robed" Guanyin. Various forms of Guanyin had been growing in popularity since the sixth century, but the blossoming and expanding of these forms became a major factor in Chinese Buddhist art of this period. For example, the independent kingdom of Wuyue in the South produced a distinctive bodhisattva portrayal with prominent jewel-encrusted ornamentation and a stiff and quiet body with a gentle face. Throughout the Song period Dazu in Sichuan developed into a major site of impressive reliefs that connote a great mandala for pilgrimage based in large part on the plans of the founding monk, who consciously incorporated local popular, as well as esoteric, themes into the Buddhist tableaux. In addition, Maijishan in Gansu produced numerous stucco images at this time.

The Xixia kingdom in the northwest emerged as a major state from the late tenth century until its defeat by Genghis Khan's troops in 1223. In addition to Buddhist art in a variant of the Song mode, from the late twelfth century the Xixia produced a major body of art in Tibetan style, especially paintings, probably introduced by the Bka' brgyud (Kagyu) and possibly also by Sa skya (Sakya) lamas who came to the Xixia court from central Tibet. Many of these remains, which are also recognized as a major branch of early central Tibetan style painting, now reside in the Khara Khoto collection in the Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg, Russia. Dunhuang is dominated by the Xixia, which not only did extensive renovation of the site, but also opened important new caves, as it also did at Yulin, where esoteric Tibetan style imagery exists side by side with Song style imagery.

Much of the Buddhist art during the Northern Song period survives in the Shanxi, Hebei, and Manchuria regions; most of it was produced under the Khitan Liao. Great temples such as the Duluosi of 984 in northern Hebei, the Fengguosi in Manchuria, and the

Upper and Lower Huayansi in Datong (northern Shanxi), as well as numerous brick pagodas throughout the area, express the activity of the Liao. Ensembles tended to center on Guanyin and on esoteric imagery of the Five Tathāgathas. The tallest and oldest wooden pagoda survives in Yingxianin Shanxi; built during the mid-eleventh century, it is a marvel of timber construction, with each story containing a central altar with large stucco statues. Dozens of magnificent remains of statues of Guanyin, mostly in polychrome and gilded wood and portraying the bodhisattva as seated in a rocky grotto in a pose of royal ease, testify to the continuing and dominant focus on Guanyin. The Luohans also rose to great prominence in this period, an early set being the famous ceramic statues from Yizhou in Hebei, datable to the early eleventh century. These sculptures all exemplify the naturalistic trends of the Song period, expressed in the realism of the face and hands and the heavy, naturally folded drapery, without recourse to abstract patterns. The Song image represents a truly humanistic interpretation of the most popular Buddhist images, those indicative of compassion (Guanyin) and exemplary teachers (Luohans), in large part spurred by the active Chan and Huayan thought of this time.

These trends continued into the Southern Song period. Cycles of Luohans, many portrayed in paintings following the Li Gonglin model, using rich color and a landscape setting, as well as refined depictions of Amitābha and his bodhisattvas, are masterful works by academic painters or by the ateliers of professional Buddhist painters in the South, especially centered in Ningpo. The Dali kingdom in Yunnan saw a flourishing Buddhist culture at this time that also produced exquisite art. However, the most innovative Buddhist art comes from the contributions of Chan painters, especially the paintings of Liangkai and Muqi during the first half of the thirteenth century. Both of these masters had the ability to not only offer a fresh interpretation of Chan themes, many of which were new to the Buddhist art repertoire, but also to express these themes in such a way that the very manner of execution becomes a Buddhist statement. The depth of understanding raised Buddhist art to its highest level, where the way in which the subject is painted is as much an expression of Buddhist thought as is the Chan content of the painting. The work of Liangkai and Muqi established a Chan painting tradition that was carried on by others into the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, though never with such resounding success as by these two masters.

Yuan (1234-1368), Ming (1368-1644), and Qing (1644-1911) dynasties

Buddhist art in the Yuan dynasty followed several streams. Besides Chan painting, which includes Chan legendary characters, portraits of Chan masters, Guanyin, nature themes, calligraphy, and so on, there was the academic style of colorful paintings, especially on the subject of Luohans, of which there are many wonderful sets. In sculpture, powerful, heavy images of Guanyin seated on craggy rocks-a theme popular from the eleventh century and probably representing Guanyin from the Gaṇḍavyūha of the Huayan jing-continues as a major icon in the Yuan and early Ming dynasties, which produced especially powerful examples with robes full of movement. Other trends evolved in sculpture, especially those with a Nepalese-Tibetan cast, such as the styles brought to China by Anige, the Nepalese artist introduced to Kublai Khan by Phags pha, the influential Sa skya hierarch at the Yuan court. The impact of Tibetan Buddhist art on China was strong during the Yuan (Mongol ruled) period and can be seen in the sculptures of the Feilaifeng in Hangzhou, in the magnificent cycle of esoteric paintings of Śākya lineage in cave 465 at Dunhuang, and at the Buddhist sanctuary at Wutaishan, where the enormous Indo-Tibetan style pagoda at the Tayuansi dominates the valley.

The Ming dynasty produced some impressive sculptures, such as the colossal one thousand-armed Guanyin, and the one thousand-armed Wenshu and Puxian bodhisattvas at the Zhongshansi in Taiyuan (Shanxi). Many gorgeous paintings and wall paintings, often of extraordinarily intense color and skillful drawing, such as those at the Fahaisi near Beijing and still surviving in many temples of Qinghai province, document the flourishing painting schools and active temple building and decorating, especially during the early Ming. Paintings, sculptures, and superb huge kesi woven tapestries made during the Yongle era (1403-1425) were often sent to Tibet as gifts, where they influenced Tibetan Buddhist art forms during the fifteenth century. From this time on, China and Tibet have a particularly close interrelation in Buddhist art. This is notable during the reign of the Qing dynasty Qianlong emperor in the eighteenth century. With the building of the Yonghegong in Beijing, a center for the Dge lugs (Geluk), the order of the Dalai Lamas, the influences of Tibetan Buddhism were further solidified. Many of the monasteries around Beijing, the Chinese capital since the Yuan, have imagery that is strongly Tibetan in character and iconography, including the many forms of Buddhist icons common to Tibetan tantric Buddhist practice, such as those similar to the splendid seventeenth-century sculpture of Paramaśukha Cakrasaṃvara. This final productive phase of Buddhist art in China was wedded to Tibetan Buddhist traditions, but there were also occasional masterworks of Buddhist art produced by the leading painters of the time and some sculptural styles following older traditions, especially in the south.

Since the 1960s the Chinese continue to discover, document, and study major segments of their Buddhist art, and specialized studies by Western scholars probe new directions, such as the role of patron-donors; the interaction with popular art and with Daoist art; the beginnings of specific imagery, such as Pure Land imagery; the incorporation of data from local records; iconographic, religious, and interpretive issues; sources of the art; regional distinctions; problems of chronologies and dating; the relationships with Central Asian art; and the impact of Chinese Buddhist art on that of surrounding areas, particularly Korea and Japan. All of these diverse and complex studies are ongoing and will surely open up new understandings of the vast and deep subject of Chinese Buddhist art.
See also: Arhat Images; Bodhisattva Images; Buddha Images; Cave Sanctuaries; Chan Art; Huayan Art; Monastic Architecture; Pure Land Art
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Marylin Martin Rhie

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buddhist art inin the asian buddhist world

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china is second only to india for its importance in the development and preservation of buddhism and buddhist art. china became the great reservoir and innovator of east asian buddhism and its art

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and inspired important schools of buddhism and buddhist art in korea and japan

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as well as other regions. the range of chinese buddhist art is vast

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stretching for nearly two thousand years from the later han dynasty (25 b.c.e.–220 c.e.) well into the qing dynasty (1644–1911).

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CHINA, BUDDHIST ART INIn the Asian Buddhist world, China is second only to India for its importance in the development and preservation of Buddhism and Buddhist art. China became the great reservoir and innovator of East Asian Buddhism and its art, and inspired important schools of Buddhism and Buddhist art in Korea and Japan, as well as other regions.

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song dynasty

Since there is no category or concept of "Chan art" in surviving texts from the Tang (618–907) or Song (960–1279) dynasties, however, when the Chan school achieved its peak popularity, the historical origins of this aesthetic in China remain murky, at best.

Chan Art (2021 Encyclopedia.com. Available at：https://www.encyclopedia.com.（29 Dec. 2021 ）

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From the point of view of art history, the Chan school (Japanese, Zen; Korean, Sŏn), more than any other form of Buddhism, has long been associated with distinctive modes of visual representation. Looking at Japan, for instance, such disparate forms as architecture, ceramics, tea ceremony, gardens, sculpture, and painting have been viewed as elements of a broad and unified Zen aesthetic that cuts across traditional boundaries. Since there is no category or concept of "Chan art" in surviving texts from the Tang (618-907) or Song (960-1279) dynasties, however, when the Chan school achieved its peak popularity, the historical origins of this aesthetic in China remain murky, at best. Indeed, in light of this lack of sources, scholars have had to develop their own criteria and definitions. A closer look at how these conceptions have evolved, particularly with regard to painting, may help illuminate the larger question (and problem) of how to define Chan art.

Western interest in art forms connected with Chan Buddhism was a natural outgrowth of the broader interest in Chan and Zen that began in the early 1900s and blossomed over the course of the century. One of the first scholars to identify Chan art (especially Chan painting) as a specific subcategory of Buddhist art was the eminent British Asianist Arthur Waley, whose Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting (1923) contained a chapter titled " Zen Buddhism and Its Relation

to Art" that proved to be enormously influential. (Waley, as was typical at the time, uses the Japanese term Zen rather than Chan, even when he is writing about China.) In particular, Waley's focus on the notion of painting as a vehicle for the expression of religious ideals provided a model approach that continues to be employed in many discussions of Chan art, even if some historians of art and religion have challenged some of its underlying assumptions.

Following Waley's example, it became common to define Chan art primarily in terms of subject matter, focusing on images (such as representations of Bodhidharma, the putative founder of Chan in China) that derive from Chan history and literature. Such works often carry additional meanings relating to Chan doctrine or ideology, as well. For example, the great many surviving paintings that depict the early Chan patriarchs might be interpreted as a pictorial counterpart to the concern with issues of lineage and transmission that figures so prominently in early Chan textual sources. In a similar vein, images of monks carrying hoes or chopping bamboo have frequently been related to the premium that Chan is said to place on the value of manual labor. While these kinds of explanatory strategies are relatively straightforward, most attempts to define Chan art also introduce other important issues concerning Chan ideals that merit further scrutiny-in particular, iconoclasm and self-expression.

Art and iconoclasm

One of the most distinctive attributes of Chan, as characterized in popular accounts, is its emphasis on eccentric and iconoclastic behavior, and images that celebrate these qualities are among the most commonly cited examples of Chan art. This repertoire would include portraits of such Tang dynasty figures as Hanshan and Shide-the wild poet of Cold Mountain and his impish sidekick-and the monk Bird's Nest, who took up residence in a tree, as well as other subjects equally noted for their unconventional appearance and frequently outlandish conduct.

In several well-known instances, the notion of iconoclastic behavior is not merely figurative. One painting, attributed to the thirteenth-century painter Liang Kai and executed in monochrome ink in an abbreviated manner, purportedly shows the sixth Chan patriarch Huineng (638-713) tearing up sūtras with apparent gusto and evident glee. Another work, by the early fourteenth-century painter Yintuoluo, depicts "The Monk from Danxia Burning a Wooden Image of the Buddha." In most situations, one would expect such acts of desecration to be met with shock and disapproval, but what is noteworthy in this context is that ripping up a sacred text and burning a religious statue are presented not as acts of blasphemy but rather as manifestations of spiritual nonattachment. The philosophical basis for this view is cleverly demonstrated by the literary accounts of the incident depicted in Yintuoluo's painting.

Once, the monk from Danxia was staying at the Huilin Monastery. The weather was very cold, so the Master took a wooden statue of the Buddha and made a fire with it. When someone criticized him for doing so, the Master said: "I burned it in order to extract the sacred relics it contained." The man said: "But how can you extract the sacred relics from an ordinary piece of wood?" The Master replied: "Well, if it is nothing more than a piece of wood, then why scold me for burning it?" (Fontein and Hickman, pp. 36-37)

Quite apart from the obviously intentional humor of the anecdote (and of its pictorial representation), this inversion of sacred and profane is clearly meant to demonstrate in a graphic way the Chan school's avowed independence from words and images.

Art and expression

In the examples cited thus far, Chan art is essentially defined as a function of representation: Subject matter (or, more precisely, the correlation between pictorial content and Chan doctrine) is given precedence over style and authorship. A somewhat different, though complementary, approach, postulates that there are levels of meaning that can be generated by

artistic practice as well as by artistic product-levels of meaning, that is, that are a function of the creative act itself. From this perspective, an explicit connection would be drawn between the so-called splashed ink ( pomo) mode of painting, characterized by rough and seemingly improvisational brushwork, and the emphasis on intuition, immediacy, and sudden enlightenment commonly associated with orthodox Chan teachings. In other words, the meaning of such works is located in the manner of execution, and does not depend on nor arise from any particular subject matter or iconography.

Some writers go even further, suggesting that there are artworks that embody Chan content (or essence) in a way that transcends issues of subject matter, style, and function altogether. According to this account, a new kind of painting developed in China during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in the Chan monasteries clustered around the West Lake in Hangzhou. Executed by monk-painters, such works came to be seen both as a form of religious practice and as a record of the painter's spiritual achievement. As the well-known art historian Michael Sullivan describes it, "In seeking a technique with which to express the intensity of his intuition, the Chan painter turned to the brush and ...proceeded to record his own moments of truth" (p. 148). From this point of view, in short, the unique and ineffable quality of Chan painting is nothing less than the embodiment of the enlightened mind of the painter.

The artist who is most often used to exemplify this ideal is the thirteenth-century Chinese monk Fachang, better known as Muqi, whose Six Persimmons is undoubtedly the most frequently reproduced and best-known example of Chan painting. Although this small, sketchy, monochrome painting might not seem like much at first glance, it has been repeatedly hailed as the greatest Chan painting of all time. Appropriately enough, it was Waley who first rhapsodized about the work, declaring Six Persimmons to be endowed with "a stupendous calm" (p. 231). For Waley, as for later commentators, this quality stands as a manifestation of the painter's spiritual achievement, as a living expression of the painter's original mind (Pallis, p. 44). Put bluntly: Six Persimmons is a great Chan painting, the argument goes, because Muqi was profoundly awakened.

Ultimately, this idea of the work of art as the physical embodiment of the spiritual realization of its maker lies behind the claims that a somewhat unlikely activity such as archery, say, can be a form of Chan art. That is, if the absence or presence of Chan essence in a painting depends upon the painter's own achievement, it then follows that virtually any activity or product, so to speak, will be similarly endowed. From there it is only a small step to the countless books and web sites that make Zen art forms (in some cases facetiously, to be sure) of everything from photography, writing, and psychoanalysis, to smoking, ice resurfacing, and procrastination.

Chan art as anti-art?

If Chan art from Waley onward has been characterized as diverging from other forms of Buddhist art both in terms of what it represents and how it represents it, it has also been portrayed as functioning differently from the norm. In comparison to traditional Buddhist art, which emphasizes the replication of set iconographical subjects and styles that conform to a canonical ideal, the Chan emphasis on iconoclasm-both figurative and literal-constitutes a kind of anti-Buddhist art. As one scholar puts it, "In (Chan/) Zen Buddhism, cult images in the traditional sense play as little a part as classic Mahāyāna sūtras. After all, (Chan/) Zen is looking for 'independence from holy scriptures' and 'a special transmission outside traditional doctrines.'" Thus, while cult images and icons are worshiped by other Buddhists, the Chan practitioner "ridicules the popular worship of relics" (Brinker 1996, pp. 38-39). Like claims about the Chan school itself, in short, Chan painting is presented here as unfettered by orthodox tradition.

A serious challenge to the basic assumptions of such interpretations has been offered by T. Griffith Foulk and Robert H. Sharf (1993/1994) in a detailed study of portraits of Chan abbots (a large and important subset of Chan-associated images). As they show quite convincingly, such portraits played an important role in Chan funerary and memorial rituals, and they conclude that "the portrait of the abbot, like the living abbot on his high seat, is thus properly viewed as a religious icon-it is a manifestation of buddhahood and a focus for ritual worship. As such, the portrait is functionally equivalent to the mummified remains of the abbot, to the relics of the Buddha, or to a stupa, in that it denotes the Buddha's presence in his very absence" (p. 210).

Their assertion-that Chan painting here functions very much like orthodox Buddhist painting does elsewhere-parallels several studies of Chan institutional history, which similarly conclude that Chan monasticism, contrary to popular perception, did not radically differ from supposed mainstream practices. That is, regardless of lineage or school affiliation, all Buddhist monks in the Song period took part in similar practices and rituals (e.g., studying and chanting sūtras, engaging in seated meditation) that were essentially part of the very structure of the monastic institution as a whole, and thus did not vary much between designated Chan monasteries and other establishments (Foulk, pp. 220-221).

From the perspective of art history, the relative lack of differentiation in terms of day-to-day activities and procedures between Chan monks and non-Chan monks suggests the likelihood of comparable continuity with regard to the images employed in support of those same activities. It suggests, that is, that Chan painting and Buddhist art, far from constituting inverse categories, should instead be understood as largely coextensive. If the popular conception of Chan and Zen doctrine as irrational and free from orthodox strictures is essentially a modern misreading (Sharf), so, too, must the prevailing definitions of Chan art as unfettered embodiments of the enlightened mind be seen as the result of the same false premises. There is little question that Chan visual culture served particular rhetorical and ideological claims, but we must also recognize that Chan art served the same sorts of iconic, ritual, and social functions as orthodox Buddhist art traditions.
See also: China, Buddhist Art in; Japan, Buddhist Art in; Korea, Buddhist Art in; Zen, Popular Conceptions of
Bibliography

Brinker, Helmut. Zen in the Art of Painting, tr. George Campbell. New York: Arkana, 1987.

Brinker, Helmut. Zen: Masters of Meditation in Images and Writings, tr. Andreas Leisinger. Zurich, Switzerland: Artibus Asiae, 1996.

Fontein, Jan, and Hickman, Money. Zen Painting and Calligraphy: An Exhibition of Works of Art Lent by Temples, Private Collectors, and Public and Private Museums in Japan, Organized in Collaboration with the Agency for Cultural Affairs of the Japanese Government. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1970.

Foulk, T. Griffith. "Sung Controversies Concerning the 'Separate Transmission' of Ch'an." In Buddhism in the Sung, ed. Peter N. Gregory and Daniel A. Getz, Jr. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999.

Foulk, T. Griffith, and Sharf, Robert H. "On the Ritual Use of Ch'an Portraiture in Medieval China." Cahiers d'Extreme-Asie 7 (1993/1994): 149-219.

Hisamatsu Shin'ichi. "On Zen Art." Eastern Buddhist new series 1, no. 2 (1966): 21-33.

Munsterberg, Hugo. Zen and Oriental Art. Rutland, VT: Tuttle, 1965.

Pallis, Tim. "Nanrei Sohaku Kabori and His Teaching of Shikan One: A Remembrance." FAS Society Journal (Summer 1992): 37-45.

Seckel, Dietrich. Buddhist Art of East Asia, tr. Ulrich Mammitzsch. Bellingham: Center for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University, 1989.

Sharf, Robert H. "The Zen of Japanese Nationalism." In Curators of the Buddha: The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism, ed. Donald S. Lopez, Jr. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995.

Sullivan, Michael. The Arts of China, 3rd edition. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984.

Waley, Arthur. An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting. London: Ernest Benn, 1923.

Weidner, Marsha, ed. Latter Days of the Law: Images of Chinese Buddhism 850-1850. Lawrence, KS: Spencer Museum of Art, 1994.

Charles Lachman

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chan artfrom the point of view of art history

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has long been associated with distinctive modes of visual representation.

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CHAN ARTFrom the point of view of art history, the Chan school (Japanese, Zen; Korean, Sŏn), more than any other form of Buddhism, has long been associated with distinctive modes of visual representation. Source for information on Chan Art: Encyclopedia of Buddhism dictionary.

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Zen monks and Zen paintings in the context of world art history

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Zen monks and Zen paintings in the context of world art history

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In the view of some Western scholars, the concept of Zen painting was also formed in Japan, or was fully developed in Japan. For example, in his 1982 paper "Some Aspects of Japanese Zen," Heinrich Dumoulin, a German Zen historian heavily influenced by Japanese culture, explicitly argued that Zen originated in India, Zen thought belongs to China, but it was fully perfected in Japan.

Guangming Daily (2021) Zen Monks and Zen Paintings in the context of world art history Available at:

https://news.gmw.cn/2021-05/27/content_34878445.htm (Accessed: 27 May 2021).

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作者：陆颖（浙江师范大学讲师）

1970年，美国波士顿美术馆为庆贺建馆百年，举办了"禅宗的绘画与书法"特展，展出了来自日本寺院、博物馆或私人收藏的大量禅宗书画作品，这是禅宗艺术传入美国后，第一次在西方世界大规模展出。在展览的配套图录中，波士顿美术馆使用了日语"禅"（Zen）的主题表述，并介绍该展览将通过中国禅宗艺术（Chan Art）与日本禅宗艺术（Zen Art）两个方面表现东亚艺术。可见，彼时西方艺术界是将中日两国的禅宗艺术置于相对独立的语境中来谈论的。而事实上，禅宗绘画伴随着禅宗文化东渡日本之前，早已在我国中唐时期兴盛传播，至两宋时代抵达高峰，石恪、梁楷、牧溪等人早已开一代先河。禅画创作日益盛炽，文人禅僧观画悟禅，蔚然成风。

《李白行吟图》 资料图片
一、禅画的"Chan""Zen"之辨
"禅"是梵语Dhyana的音译"禅那"的简称，意译为"静虑""思维修"，即安定的沉思、思维的修养。《圆觉经》疏云："梵语禅那，此言静虑。静即定，虑即慧也。"在禅宗文化背景下衍生出的"禅画"，即指禅宗绘画，在今人看来是习以为常的概念。但中国古代画论中，对"禅画"一词实则并无确切的范畴厘清。禅宗绘画在世界艺术史语境中的定位，经历了较为漫长的探索阶段。

西方学界最早将"禅"表述为"Zen"，将"禅画"表述为"Zen Painting"，并非"Chan"或"Chan Painting"，这与禅宗文化自日本传入美国的历史背景休戚相关。

19世纪末20世纪初，日本学者释宗演及其助手铃木大拙、久松真一等人将禅宗美学传播到美国，直接影响了20世纪美国现当代艺术的发展去向。据美国学者罗伯特·沙夫（Robert H.Sharf）的考证，禅宗确实通过日本禅师的弘法进入西方人的视野，并潜在传播了政治理念与价值取向。在1970年那场声势浩大的"禅宗的绘画与书法"特展图录的前言中，时任日本文化交流委员会主席的西迪米·科恩（Hidemi Kohn）将中国和日本的禅宗艺术并列而置，视两者基本平等，而未强调其内在关联性。在此影响下，中国禅（Chan）和日本禅（Zen）经常被视为两个完全独立的标记性词汇。

作为日本最出名的禅宗文化传播者，铃木大拙在《禅学入门》一书的行文中亦不乏流露出优越心理，认为日本禅宗是亚洲佛学进化中的相对完善状态：禅宗发源于中国，但是那里已经没有纯粹形式的禅......在日本，禅仍然雄浑刚健，也可以看到正统的元素；因此我们有理由相信那是由禅修和参公案的结合。

在一些西方学者看来，禅画这一概念也形成于日本，或在日本得到了全面发展。例如，深受日本文化影响的德国禅宗史家杜默林（Heinrich Dumoulin）于1982年发表论文《日本禅宗的几个方面》（Some Aspects of Japanese Zen Buddhism），文中明确认为禅宗起源于印度，禅宗思想属于中国，但在日本得到了全面完善。

最早关注中国禅画这一类别艺术的是瑞典籍学者奥斯伍尔德·喜龙仁，他是重要的早期海外中国艺术史家。1936年，其著作《中国画论：自汉代至清代》（The Chinese on the Art of Painting :Texts by the Painter-Critics, from the Han through the Ch'ing Dynasties）曾谈及禅宗与画的关联，此书1963年增补再版时，选用了南宋禅画家梁楷的《李白行吟图》作为唯一的扉页插图。1956年，喜龙仁在《中国绘画：大师与原理》（Chinese Painting : Leading Masters and Principles）一书中专门单列"禅画家"一章，只是行文论述中，他较为保守地避开了明确的概念定性。喜龙仁的研究成果首次将西方艺术家的视野引向"禅画"这一特殊的东方绘画类别，同时反向地将"禅画"的概念迁回中国艺术史与中日文化艺术传播史。

可见在20世纪前期，西方艺术界比中国本土更早地发现了禅画的特殊性，西方学界接受禅宗文化后，禅宗绘画的概念与范畴逐渐形成。由于当时日本的禅画收藏是西方学界认识中国禅画的直接渠道，因此被称为"日本画道大恩人"的中国禅僧牧溪（亦作牧谿）成为最受重视与推崇的中国禅画家。

《二祖断臂图》 资料图片
二、禅僧与禅画对日本的影响
牧溪，佛名法常，传为无准法师弟子，是中国绘画史上对日本画坛影响最大、最受日本喜爱的画家之一，被尊称为"不朽的画杰"，其禅画作品正是在南宋末年传入日本的。1970年，日本作家川端康成在台北举办的亚洲作家会议上公开演讲，特别提到牧溪的作品，借以盛赞中国禅宗美学"庄严而崇高"，带给人"颤栗般的感动"。

艺术作品的地域性流动必定根植于历史的脉搏和文化的交流。牧溪所在的时代正是中日贸易繁荣的日本镰仓时期，大量中国陶瓷、织物和艺术品流入日本市场，被批量收藏。从镰仓到室町时代，由于长年社会战乱，日本平民急需精神性的安慰和支撑，为南宋禅宗思想的东渡与发展提供了可能，禅僧逐渐成为跨文化的传播主体，寺庙成为两国文化的中转站。

藏于镰仓圆觉寺的《佛日庵公物目录》是最早流传于日本的宋元绘画藏品名录，书中记载了38幅自中国流入的绘画作品。其中，牧溪与宋徽宗的名字同列。当时日本禅宗和其他宗派的僧侣纷纷赶赴中国南部的千年古刹求取佛法，学成后归国。据统计，宋元时期前来中国游学的日本僧人多达250余人，中国赴日僧人也有10多名。这不仅成为佛法传教的通道，也成为文化艺术的主要传播渠道。

以《六柿图》为例，牧溪禅画的笔法简练迅捷，天然无雕饰，笔触粗粝，知白守黑，虚实有度，有返璞归真的稚拙、洒脱和通透。大量的留白促使读画者澄怀静心，摒除妄念。《六柿图》的水墨呈现"淡墨-浓墨-淡墨"的动态变化，体现了禅悟的不同心境，或也恰巧应和了青原惟信禅师表达的三重悟境：未悟-初悟-彻悟。正如《五灯会元》所载："老僧三十年前未参禅时，见山是山，见水是水。及至后来，亲见知识，有个入处。见山不是山，见水不是水。而今得个休歇处，依前见山只是山，见水只是水。"牧溪的《六柿图》或以物体道，深得禅宗要义。

冥想静思是禅宗信仰与修行的主要过程，禅宗的修习首先追求"顿悟"，正如宋代诗论家严羽在《沧浪诗话》中所说，"禅道在妙悟"。禅画并不追求具形，画家行笔时，经常无心且不作意。画面中留白的时间和空间也提供了"观空"的视觉路径，"无画处皆成妙境"。由于禅宗追求灵光乍现的内心彻悟，也便无法通过一件具体的物品或画像来表现个中的超觉经验。南宋画僧们不受世俗品评标准的约束，更无意迎合主流画论的审美趣味，他们不拘俗法，自成派系。

2019年，"大德寺龙光院·国宝曜变天目与破草鞋"艺术展在日本滋贺县的美秀美术馆举办，人们终于得见鲜少现世的牧溪画作--被称为日本"重要文化财富"的《六柿图》和《栗图》（合称《柿栗图》）。大德寺龙光院是日本武将黑田长政为供奉父亲黑田孝高的灵位所建，于庆长十一年（1606年）建立，龙光院里的密庵茶室是日本三大国宝茶席之一。在这里，牧溪的《柿栗图》被用作茶室挂画收藏，极少公开展出。

《观音猿鹤图》 资料图片
三、禅画独特的艺术精神
以牧溪为代表的禅僧及其禅画，长期以来并未得到中国主流画论的认可。在12世纪时，一些禅画甚至被称为"鬼画"，这主要是因为运笔泼墨间，禅画家并不着意于表现感官世界的世俗理想，而是以模糊狂放的笔墨构绘禅僧的精神家园，实则间接表达了禅宗对感官世界中虚幻假象的摒斥。禅画家们借此表现个人的精神品格，使禅画具有了其独特的艺术精神。在文化交流与艺术传播过程中，中国禅画的特殊性影响了日本乃至西方艺术，衍生出不同的跨文化解读与本土化发展形态。

据清代《佩文斋书画谱》统计，唐宋年间的禅宗画家就有近百人，除了禅僧之外，也有居士、文人士大夫和部分院体画家等，如"狂禅"画家代表人石恪、自称"梁愚人"的梁楷。两宋时期，前来参禅修习的日本僧人荣西、道元等学习中国绘画艺术的同时，将大量中国绘画作品带到日本，直接催生了日本本土艺术家的禅画精品，如"日本画圣"雪舟等杨的《二祖断臂图》、东岭圆慈的《一圆相图》等。东岭圆慈素以画"圆相"闻名，师承日本"五百年间出的大德"白隐慧鹤。《一圆相图》与《六柿图》有异曲同工之妙，同样简单而为，直指本心。东岭圆慈以水墨一笔表现日月交辉，笔画中有浓有淡、有立有破、有始有终、有虚有实，看似无头无尾，却动静相生、有无相继。一笔圆相简之又简，细品来，却似日月之间蕴含的万古长空，禅意无限--

不可以一朝风月昧却万古长空，

不可以万古长空不明一朝风月。

禅家常喜于以月喻心，禅门灯录就有《指月录》。画面中的圆形既可以是寻常所见的日月，也可以是禅宗喻示的万物之本心。禅宗悟道时"不立文字，教外别传；直指人心，见性成佛"，也就是说，禅的传授不依托于文书经卷，而通过人人"心印"，彼此理解契合，传法授受。这里所说的"心""性"并不囿于万物的实体存在，禅人借由万物来照见本心，于平凡处见不凡。英国诗人威廉·布莱克（William Blake）的《纯真预言》（Auguries of innocence）被译为"一花一世界，一沙一天国"，无疑也与禅宗思想有内在的默契与呼应。

当然，对禅画的艺术精神及其外延解读并不局限于禅宗义理。在世界艺术史语境下，西方艺术评论家常有巧思妙解。以牧溪的作品《观音》《松猿》《竹鹤》三幅为例，白衣观音居中，白鹤与猿猴左右分布，线条流畅、逸笔草草。因其传入日本后被改装成三联画的形式，有西方学者将此《观音猿鹤图》类比为基督教的祭坛画，从宗教性角度探讨东西方绘画在内容与形式上的异同，颇有意趣。

这倒也暗合禅宗思想大开大合的包容姿态："一月普现一切水，一切水月一月摄。""一即一切，一切即一。"体现在禅画的释读上，虽禅僧们以禅画示法，以一法摄万法，然而法无定法；既然随立随破、随破随立，便也不必执着于内容或形式的单一解读。在跨文化传播与全球艺术融通的当代社会，禅画不仅是西方世界体悟禅宗艺术精神的有效渠道，更是独具东方文化特色的艺术标签。

《光明日报》（ 2021年05月27日 13版）

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世界艺术史语境下的禅僧与禅画

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作者：陆颖（浙江师范大学讲师） 　　1970年，美国波士顿美术馆为庆贺建馆百年，举办了"禅宗的绘画与书法"特展，展出了来自日本寺院、博物馆或私人收藏的大量禅宗书画作品，这是禅宗艺术传入美国后，第一次在西方世界大规模展出。在展览的配套图录中，波士顿美术馆使用了日语"禅"（Zen）的主题表述，并介绍该展览将通过中国禅宗艺术（Chan Art）与日本禅宗艺术（Zen ...

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In China, after the Song Dynasty, the religious color, especially the spirit of Zen, continued to penetrate into the field of fine arts. "Besides, due to the reasons of the Zen theory at that time, scholars and zen monks tended to be subtle and simple, which was suitable for the simple ink painting as a pastime."  "In Song and Yuan dynasties, it was not uncommon for eminent monks to draw buddhist paintings." Muxi is a zen monk painter in this era.

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‘Muxi's paintings have strong atmosphere and are very lifelike, but he incorporates these into them to form an interesting and soft expression, which is very interesting and poetic. Consequently, this is the hobby that suits Japanese most, suit Japanese's fine feeling most. It can be said that the true value of Moki's paintings has been recognized in Japan.'

Kaii Higashiyama

'Mu Xi was an early Zen monk in China who was not taken seriously in the country. It seems that because his paintings are somewhat rough, they are hardly respected in the history of Chinese painting. In Japan, they are revered. Chinese painting theory does not highly praise Mu Xi, which of course came to Japan with Mu Xi's works. Although such painting theory has entered Japan, Mogi is still regarded as the highest in Japan. This shows the difference between China and Japan.'

Yasunari Kawabata

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In contrast to his reception in 13th and 14th century China, Muqi received a more appreciative audience in Japan. His works were extensively collected and brought from China to Japan. The paintings were found to be listed in several inventories of Japanese Zen temples, such as Myoshinji and Engakuji, as well as in the Ashikaga shogunate collection.[1]

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In this video, the lecturer mentions Chinese Zen through the painting. So I started to explore what is Zen Art.

Youtube.com. 2022.  12C - Six Persimmons Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-X7NzvEnDhs&t=204s>（Accessed 29 January 2022）

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I began to wonder who this man was and why I had never heard his name, even though I was Chinese, but this man did not appear in any field related to art. Why did he appear in the presentation of foreign teachers? So I started googling his name and got the above information.
Am I the only one who doesn't know about him or because he's really not known to the public

Muqi （2022）Wikipedia. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muqi （Accessed 29 January 2022）

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Muqi or Muxi ( Chinese: 牧谿; Japanese: Mokkei; 1210?-1269?), also known as Fachang ( Chinese: 法常), was a Chinese Chan Buddhist monk and painter who lived in the 13th century, around the end of the Southern Song dynasty (1127-1279). Today, he is considered to be one of the greatest Chan painters in history. His ink paintings, such as the Daitokuji triptych and Six Persimmons are regarded as essential Chan paintings. Muqi's style of painting has also profoundly impacted painters from later periods to follow, especially monk painters in Japan.

According to Chinese secondary sources, Muqi's surname was thought to be Li. "Muqi" was his art name, and "Fachang" was, in fact, his formal name in the monastery system.

Muqi was born in the early 13th century, approximately around 1200-1210, toward the end of Southern Song Dynasty in China. According to Dr. Aaron Rio, specific life details of Muqi are commonly unknown. However, the scholar stated that Muqi was initially from Sichuan, China. This fact is known from his signature, "The monk from Shu [Sichuan], Fachang, respectfully made this," (蜀僧法常瑾制) on one of his most renowned paintings, Guanyin, Crane, and Gibbons. Meanwhile, Muqi was identified as the disciple of the esteemed Chan master, Wuzhun Shifan (1177-1249), who was also from Sichuan. The apprenticeship was established at a temple in Mount Qingcheng in Sichuan.

After starting his early life as a monk in the monastery in Sichuan, Muqi later moved to the capital city of Southern Song Dynasty, Hangzhou. He was actively involved in monastery events, including the reformation of the Liu Tong (六桐) Monastery near the West Lake area. Although Muqi was often associated with Liutong Temple, no primary sources have been found to support the specific monastery Muqi once lived. Nevertheless, Muqi's memorial portrait was placed on Changxiang Lane where the Liutong Temple was located and prospered. According to the tradition of storing the monk's memorial portrait at the temple of his closest association, Liutong Temple, therefore, became closely related to Muqi. The exact date of Muqi's death is unknown but it is thought to be during the Zhiyuan era from 1264 to 1294.

Significant works attributed to Muqi are listed as follows-presently in the Daitokuji in Kyoto are a triptych of Guanyin, Crane, and Gibbons; Tiger; Dragon; and the much-reproduced Six Persimmons. Other works sometimes attributed to Muqi or as being "in the style of Muqi" include various nature studies, for example, the four scenes from the landscape painting Eight Views of Xiao and Xiang, and a Luohan painting in the Seikado Museum.

The Triptych: Guanyin, Crane, and Gibbons

Muqi's triptych of Guanyin, Crane, and Gibbons at Daitokuji in Kyoto, Japan, is considered as one of Muqi's iconic works. The white-robed Guanyin was depicted from a three-quarter perspective as the centerpiece of the triptych. Sitting against a cliff with hands and legs covered by loosely folded draperies of the robe, Guanyin is wearing lavishly decorated head-wear and jewelry to show his status as a Bodhisattva. The willow tree twig is placed on his left side. The image of Muqi's "white-robed Guanyin" has also conveyed a unique situation when Guanyin was sitting by the water under the moon. Muqi's signature "respectfully made by the monk Fachang of Shu [Sichuan]" was signed on the lower left corner of the painting along with the seal of "Muqi". The crane is portrayed in the left painting of the triptych with its body leaning forward to the right. It is galloping loudly with its head lifted, neck stretched, and beaks widely open. On the other side of the Guanyin painting rests the Gibbons painting. A mother gibbon is sitting on a withered tree branch, holding a baby gibbon in her right arm while grasping the tree branch with her left.

No specific arrival dates of the three paintings has been recorded when they were shipped from China to Japan. The three artworks were first mentioned as a triptych in the Inryoken Nichiroku (蔭涼轩日録), the daily record of events and activities taking place in the Inryoken pavilion, in 1466. Later in the 16th century, the paintings were donated by Taigen Soshin to Daitokuji. They were considered to have been initially painted as a set by Muqi evident by the poem cited by Wuzhun on the Guanyin painting. Nevertheless, other than the fourth verse, only Guanyin and the gibbons were mentioned in the poem. Hence, according to scholars, Wuzhun's poem seems to have weakened the theory of the three paintings being created as a triptych. Moreover, as Nancy Wei mentioned, since the Guanyin painting is more severely damaged than the other two, the three works may actually be produced during different time periods. However, the art historian, Fukui, has pointed out the correspondence of the environmental settings in the three paintings, which may become evidence to support the paintings been created as a triptych from the very beginning.

The Six Persimmons is perceived as another major work of Muqi's. Information on the painting is rarely found before it was given to the Ryoko-in, a sub-temple of Daitokuji, as a gift for the temple's establishment in 1606 during the Momoyama period. Since tea ceremonies were often held in Ryoko-in, the painting has been entirely associated with tea events consequently. Meanings behind the painting are related with the number "six" associated with tastes, thoughts, wisdom, ways, and patriarchs of the Chan school. As the art historian, Laurence Sickman stated, the painting has given great emphasis to the meaning behind the persimmons aligning with the fundamental nature of Buddhism. It has captured the instantaneous vision of the world from the painter. In the 20th century, prints of Six Persimmons were frequently produced as book covers and wall posters. In the meantime, Six Persimmons, together with other Zen Buddhism paintings, has brought the wave of Zen fascination to the West. Perceived as a masterpiece of Chan art embodying the essence of Chan philosophy, Six Persimmons has been analyzed by multiple scholars from the West. Arthur Waley, the English orientalist and sinologist who contributed to the translation of Chinese and Japanese poetry into English, has described the painting as the "passion... congealed into a stupendous calm."

Muqi's reception in China and Japan

Nowadays, Muqi is honored as the predecessor of Chan painting. His works are considered among the most expressive of the Chan paintings, not to mention his reputable Six Persimmons been regarded as "the most quintessentially Chan painting."

From today's perspective, Muqi has obtained prominent status among monochrome ink painters who transmitted the tradition of Song Literati paintings to Yuan painting styles. Nevertheless, by the time, Muqi was ignored by the mainstream during the Chinese Song dynasty, and received mainly negative comments in the following Yuan dynasty. Muqi's paintings eminently conveyed the Song "naturalism," which contradicted the trend back to classicism led by Zhao Mengfu later in the Yuan period (1271-1368). Muqi's style was criticized as "sketchy, unsophisticated, and coarse" and "inappropriate to be displayed in monasteries" by Yuan critics like Xia Wenyuan.

In contrast to his reception in 13th and 14th century China, Muqi received a more appreciative audience in Japan. His works were extensively collected and brought from China to Japan. The paintings were found to be listed in several inventories of Japanese Zen temples, such as Myoshinji and Engakuji, as well as in the Ashikaga shogunate collection.

Perceived as the prominent Chinese painter and culture transmitter, Muqi was worshiped and followed by a large crowd of Japanese painters since the 14th century-for example, the Zen painter Mokuan Reien. No single Chinese artist was perceived as more influential in the history of Japanese painting than Muqi as the best known and the most celebrated Chan painter in the Kamakura period (1185-1333) and the Nanbokucho period (1336-1392). Known as "Mokkei" or "the Reverend" in Japan, Muqi and his style have deeply affected a whole generation of Japanese painters in the use of brushstrokes and motifs. The ink bird-and-flower screen was one important concept during the Muromachi period (1336-1573) in the 14th century, which was popularized by Muqi with his triptych painting Guanyin, Crane, and Gibbons and his boneless style. The term "Muqi mode" was created in describing this boneless method of painting without a thin ink outline. "Muqi mode" was massively used by 14th-century Japanese painters and was tied to the essence of Zen artworks with the idea of naturalism and spontaneous enlightenment.

Barnhart, Richard M., 1934. 1997. Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting. Beijing; New Haven; Yale University Press.

Lachman, Charles. 2005. Art. In Lopez, Donald S. Critical Terms for the Study of Buddhism. University of Chicago Press.

Levine, Gregory P. A. 2017. Long Strange Journey. University of Hawaii Press.

Loehr, Max. 1980. The Great Painters of China. 1st U.S. ed. New York: Harper & Row.

Teisuke, Toda. 1973. Mokkei and Gyokkan, Great Compendium of India Ink Paintings, vol. 3, Kodansha.

Dissertations

Rio, Aaron M. 2015. Ink Painting in Medieval Kamakura. ProQuest Dissertations Publishing.

Wey, Nancy. 1974. Mu-chʻi and Zen Painting. University of Chicago.

Wu, Xiaojin. 2011. Metamorphosis of Form and Meaning: Ink Bird-and-flower Screens in Muromachi Japan. ProQuest Dissertations.

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Muqi or Muxi ( Chinese: 牧谿; Japanese: Mokkei; 1210?-1269?), also known as Fachang ( Chinese: 法常), was a Chinese Chan Buddhist monk and painter who lived in the 13th century, around the end of the Southern Song dynasty (1127-1279). Today, he is considered to be one of the greatest Chan painters in history.

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Persimmons
Album leaf, ink on silk, 31.1 x 29 cm, Daitoku-ji, Ryuko-in, Kyoto

This is a painting that I saw in one of my lectures, It was painted during the Song dynasty.
This is an ink painting, simple and calm. Six persimmons of different shades form the picture. There are no elaborate lines, just blocks.Unlike many Chinese paintings, this one has no seal, no sitting signature, no year number.

Six Persimmons（2022）Wikipedia. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Six_Persimmons#/media/File:%E5%85%AD%E6%9F%BF%E5%9B%BE.jpg（Accessed 29 January 2022）

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Six Persimmons

Artist
Mu Qi

Year

13th Century

Type

Ink on Paper

Dimensions

36.2 cm cm × 38.1 cm cm (14.25 in in × 15 in in)

Location

Daitoku-ji, Kyoto, Japan

Six Persimmons ( Chinese: 六柿圖; pinyin: ) is a 13th-century Chinese painting by the monk Muqi Fachang. It was painted during the Song dynasty. Muqi was one of the two great exponents of the spontaneous mode of Chinese painting (the other being Liang Kai). It features six persimmons floating on an undefined, but skillfully mottled background. It is painted in blue-black ink on paper.

The painting became famous for the tremendous skill of the brushstrokes. Their subtlety of modeling is often remarked upon. The thick and thin brushstrokes that model the lightest of the persimmons make it seem to float in contrast to the dark one next to it. The treatment of the stems and leaves recall Chinese characters, and reveal brush control at its highest level. Professor James Cahill of the University of California Berkeley devoted an entire lecture to it, available online.

(Six Persimmons is) passion... congealed into a stupendous calm.

It currently resides in the Juko'in subtemple of Daitoku-ji in Kyoto, Japan. It is seldom displayed to the public.

Lee, Sherman E. (1994), A History of Far Eastern Art (5th ed.), Harry N. Abrams Inc., New York, NY

Waley, Arthur (1923), An Introduction to the Study of Chinese Painting, Benn, London

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Six Persimmons Artist Mu Qi Year 13th Century Type Ink on Paper Dimensions 36.2 cm cm × 38.1 cm cm (14.25 in in × 15 in in) Location Daitoku-ji, Kyoto, Japan Six Persimmons ( Chinese: 六柿圖; pinyin: ) is a 13th-century Chinese painting by the monk Muqi Fachang.