# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Ryan John Seacrest (born December 24, 1974) is an American television host and producer. Seacrest is the host of Wheel of Fortune, having hosted since replacing long-time host Pat Sajak in September 2024. Seacrest co-hosted and served as executive producer of Live with Kelly and Ryan, and has hosted other media including American Idol, American Top 40, and On Air with Ryan Seacrest. He became co-host of Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve in 2005, and he became the sole host following Clark's death in 2012.

Seacrest received Emmy Award nominations for American Idol each year from 2004 to 2013 and once more in 2016. He won an Emmy for Jamie Oliver's Food Revolution in 2010, and he was nominated once more in 2012. In 2018, he received nominations for Live with Kelly and Ryan for Outstanding Talk Show Entertainment and Outstanding Entertainment Talk Show Host.

Ryan John Seacrest was born in Atlanta on December 24, 1974, the son of homemaker Constance Marie (née Zullinger) and real estate lawyer Gary Lee Seacrest. His father served as a lieutenant in the U.S. Army, in which his grandfather Henry Gene Skeen was a major general. His mother told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, "Instead of playing with G.I. Joes or Cowboys and Indians, Ryan would always have a little microphone and do shows in the house." At age 14, he attended Dunwoody High School. At age 16, while still attending high school, he won an internship at WSTR in Atlanta where Tom Sullivan trained him in many aspects of radio. When a regular DJ called in sick, Sullivan put him on the air for the first show of his broadcasting career. He was given the weekend overnight shift at WSTR. He continued to work on air at WSTR until graduating from Dunwoody High in 1992. He studied journalism at the University of Georgia in the fall of 1992. He continued his radio show at a local station in Athens, Georgia. He left the university at age 19 and moved to Los Angeles to pursue his broadcasting career.

Seacrest at the 2008 Emmy Awards

Television hosting

In 1993, Seacrest hosted the first season of ESPN's Radical Outdoor Challenge. He also hosted three children's game shows, Gladiators 2000 from 1994 to 1996 (a spin-off of the television show, American Gladiators), Wild Animal Games in 1995, and in 1997. He appeared as the host of the fictional game show Lover's Lane on Beverly Hills, 90210 in "The Final Proof". In the fall and winter of 2000, he was the host of the NBC Saturday Night Movie. During commercial breaks he offered trivia on the film and a chance to win prizes by answering online on NBCi. In 2001, he hosted a reality television program, Ultimate Revenge, where elaborate practical jokes were played on family and friends instigated by their own relatives and friends. It was shown on TNN from 2001 to 2003.

In 2002, Seacrest accepted the position as co-host of a new Fox reality television series American Idol with comedian Brian Dunkleman. The following year he became the sole host after Dunkleman resigned. The show increased in popularity and was seen by an average of 26 million viewers weekly; Seacrest became recognizable around the world. In 2003, he hosted the spin-off show, American Juniors. In July 2009, he signed a deal with CKX for $45 million to continue to host American Idol which made him the highest paid reality television host at the time. In April 2012, he signed a two-year $30 million deal to continue as host of American Idol. In May 2014, Deadline Hollywood reported that he had signed a one-year deal with the option of signing for another year. He remained host of the series until the end of its original run in April 2016. The following May, it was announced that ABC had won a multi-network bidding war for the rights to the show. On July 20, 2017, he announced on Live with Kelly and Ryan that he would be the host of an Idol revival. His initial multi-year deal was reported to be worth over $10 million.

Seacrest in 2013

In August 2005, it was announced that Seacrest would become executive producer and co-host of ABC's Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve. On December 31, 2005, Seacrest performed much of the show's hosting duties; Dick Clark's role was limited by speech and mobility issues due to his recovery from a stroke.

In 2009, ABC renamed the program Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve With Ryan Seacrest, paying attention to Seacrest's role. He co-hosted the show delivering ABC's biggest New Year's numbers in twelve years, with 22.8 million viewers.

When Clark died, Seacrest publicly remembered his mentor's impact on his life in a special tribute in The Hollywood Reporter. After Clark's death, Seacrest hosted the 2013 edition of Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve with co-hosts Jenny McCarthy and Fergie paying tribute to Clark in the pre-show. In October 2013, Seacrest signed a multi-year contract extension with Dick Clark Productions to continue as host and executive producer of Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve. In 2017, Seacrest hosted Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve for the 13th consecutive year alongside McCarthy, who had co-hosted for eight years. The show had 25.6 million viewers, the highest in six years. The 2019-20 edition of Rockin' Eve marked his 15th consecutive year as the host and Lucy Hale also hosted. Recently, he received a multi-year deal extension to continue hosting the show.

In January 2006, American cable channel E! announced a three-year, $21-million deal for Seacrest to host various programs, including and its red-carpet awards show coverages. In April 2012, Seacrest signed a deal with NBCUniversal expanding his on-air role beyond E! to NBC. He contributed to the Olympics coverage, entertainment programming, as well as news and other special events. Seacrest remains as managing editor of E! News and hosts and produces its red-carpet awards show coverage.

In September 2012, Seacrest left E! News and was replaced by Terrence J.

Seacrest was an NBC correspondent for the 2012 London Olympic Games and co-hosted the closing ceremony with Bob Costas and Al Michaels. In 2016, Seacrest hosted NBC's live late-night coverage for the Rio Olympic Games.

Live with Kelly and Ryan

After a year-long search, on May 1, 2017, it was announced that Seacrest would join Kelly Ripa as host of Live with Kelly and Ryan as her new permanent co-host and executive producer. Seacrest succeeded Michael Strahan, who left the show the previous year. Seacrest started work on the day of the announcement. By December 2017 the show was averaging over 3 million viewers.

On February 16, 2023, Seacrest announced that he would be leaving Live with Kelly and Ryan after six years in April 2023, primarily due to traveling as his primary residence is in Los Angeles, while the show tapes in New York City. Seacrest made his last appearance as full-time host on April 14, 2023. Mark Consuelos, husband of Kelly Ripa, replaced him full-time on April 17, 2023.

Seacrest has stated, however, that he would return to guest host whenever Consuelos is unavailable.

On June 27, 2023, The New York Times reported that Seacrest would become the new host of Wheel of Fortune to replace Pat Sajak, who announced his retirement from hosting two weeks earlier, starting with the show's 42nd season in fall 2024, citing "two people familiar with the plan". Seacrest and Sony would later confirm the news in separate releases. Seacrest began hosting duties on September 9, 2024. Despite this, Sajak remained as host of Celebrity Wheel of Fortune in its fifth season. Seacrest took over hosting duties for the following season.

Other shows

Starting in 2003, Seacrest occasionally served as a substitute host on the CNN television program Larry King Live, and co-hosted Larry King's final show with Bill Maher on December 16, 2010. In 2013, Seacrest hosted The Million Second Quiz which was an interactive game show on NBC. Seacrest hosted Knock Knock Live in 2015, which premiered on Fox. The show featured celebrities arriving at the door of ordinary people who have done something special and giving them a prize. However, the show was cancelled after two episodes.

Radio hosting

In January 2004, Seacrest became the new host of the radio program American Top 40, a syndicated weekly countdown show, created and formerly hosted by Casey Kasem. The show was syndicated by Premiere Radio Networks. In February 2004, Seacrest became host of Los Angeles radio station KIIS-FM's morning show, replacing long-time host Rick Dees. The show, On Air With Ryan Seacrest, since 2017, Seacrest has been broadcasting from a studio at the facilities of WABC-TV in New York City, where Live with Kelly and Ryan is produced. Seacrest renewed his contract with Premiere and KIIS parent company iHeartMedia in September 2021, a contract that will last through the end of 2025.

In 2018, Seacrest was inducted into the Library of American Broadcasting Foundation's 16th Annual Giants of Broadcasting & Electronic Arts.

Television producing

Seacrest speaking at the Hollywood Walk of Fame in September 2012

Seacrest's three-year hosting deal with E! included executive producing credits on various programs, including and its red-carpet awards show coverages. In the same year, Seacrest launched Ryan Seacrest Productions (RSP). In August 2008, Seacrest named his longtime William Morris agent Adam Sher as CEO. Through 2012 Comcast had first-look rights for all RSP shows. Clear Channel acquired a minority stake in RSP in early 2012, but RSP no longer has a first look deal with any network.

Seacrest remains managing editor of E! News and executive produces its red-carpet awards show coverage but no longer hosts E! News since 2012.

An Associated Press profile portrayed Seacrest as using both the deal with E! and Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve as springboards to a long-lasting career in television production and ownership.

Seacrest produced the hit series Keeping Up with the Kardashians, the highest-rated show on the E! network, and the spin-offs Khloe and Lamar, Kourtney and Kim Take New York and Kourtney and Khloe Take Miami. RSP also produced the Emmy Award-winning ABC reality series Jamie Oliver's Food Revolution. RSP also produced two new reality series in 2012 including Melissa and Tye, which aired on CMT and Shahs of Sunset for Bravo. Bravo announced a second season of Shahs of Sunset on April 18, 2012. RSP's new show Married to Jonas premiered on August 19, 2012, on E! and was renewed for a second season.

On January 31, 2012, Thomas H. Lee Partners and Bain Capital announced they would invest up to $300M in Ryan Seacrest Media. A consortium headed by Seacrest (with partners AEG and CAA) agreed to rebrand Mark Cuban's HDNet television network as AXS TV.

In 2017, Seacrest signed a multi-year overall deal between Ryan Seacrest Productions and ABC Studios in which the company's scripted division would develop scripted projects for ABC Studios exclusively.

In 2018, Seacrest joined the Paley Center for Media's Board of Trustees.

Business ventures

Seacrest was a principal investor in the Typo keyboard, which aimed at cloning the BlackBerry physical keyboard for use with iPhone devices that launched in 2014. The Typo keyboard was discontinued in a 2015 patent settlement with Blackberry Ltd. He is also an investor and partner at Pathwater, a brand of purified water offered in a refillable aluminum bottle.

Seacrest worked with Burberry's Christopher Bailey who designed Seacrest's suits for red carpet events as well as New Year's Eve since 2009 and American Idol starting in 2010. Seacrest wore close-fitting suits and decided to make something similar for a wider audience at an "accessible" price point.

In 2013, in conjunction with Randa Apparel & Accessories, Seacrest developed his own clothing and accessories collection, "Ryan Seacrest Distinction." The Randa/Seacrest partnership signed an exclusive retail deal with Macy's to sell the brand and it successfully launched in 2014. It consists of suit separates, sports coats, and evening wear manufactured by Peerless Clothing International; accessories including ties, pocket squares, belts, wallets, cufflinks, and jewelry produced by Randa Accessories; and dress shirts from PVH (produced later by Itochu Prominent which added sportswear in September 2017).

Seacrest partnered with dermatologist Harold Lancer to produce the men's skincare line Polished. The line has five items and they are designed for easy use. Seacrest announced the line in August 2017 on The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon.

Philanthropy

In 2010, Seacrest launched the nonprofit Ryan Seacrest Foundation. The foundation has fourteen Seacrest Studios: at Children's Healthcare of Atlanta (opened 2010), Children's Hospital of Orange County (2013), Children's Hospital of Philadelphia (2011), Children's National Hospital in Washington, D.C. (2015), Levine Children's Hospital (2013), Cincinnati Children's Hospital Medical Center (2013), Children's Medical Center Dallas (2012), Boston Children's Hospital (2014), Children's Hospital Colorado (2014). Monroe Carell Jr. Children's Hospital at Vanderbilt in Tennessee (2016), Arnold Palmer Hospital for Children in Florida (2020), Le Bonheur Children's Hospital in Tennessee (2023 May), Cohen Children's Medical Center in New York (2023 September), and Primary Children's Hospital in Utah (2023 December). Apparently there was a location at Children's Hospital Los Angeles, but it isn't included in the Foundation's map in 2023. In April 2012, Seacrest named Selena Gomez Ambassador of the Foundation. In February 2017, the foundation partnered with the Atlanta Braves to promote the non-profit at SunTrust Park. Seacrest did voice overs for the Braves' "Welcome Home" broadcast media campaign.

Seacrest serves on the board of trustees of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, and honorary co-chair of the GRAMMY Foundation board, which later merged with the GRAMMY Museum and became the GRAMMY Museum Foundation.

The day before Georgia's special election in 2018, Seacrest, a Georgia native, urged voters in the state to visit the VoteRider's site or call or text the nonpartisan voter advocacy organization's helpline to find out what ID is required to vote.

Personal life

Seacrest had a two-year on-and-off relationship with model Sara Jean Underwood, which was revealed on The Howard Stern Show in 2009. He began dating dancer and actress Julianne Hough in April 2010. In March 2013, it was announced that their relationship had ended. He dated model Shayna Taylor from 2017 until 2020.

In May 2016, Seacrest returned to the University of Georgia to serve as the commencement speaker at the graduation ceremony and receive an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters.

In November 2017, it was reported that a former E! wardrobe stylist had accused Seacrest of sexual harassment and that he was under investigation. Seacrest denied the allegations and said, "This person who has accused me of horrible things offered, on multiple occasions, to withdraw her claims if I paid her millions of dollars. I refused." In February 2018, the investigation was closed due to insufficient evidence.

Source

Television

References

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Ryan John Seacrest (born December 24, 1974) is an American television host and producer. Seacrest is the host of Wheel of Fortune , having hosted since replacing long-time host Pat Sajak in September 2024.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Ryan John Seacrest (born December 24, 1974) is an American television host and producer. Seacrest is the host of Wheel of Fortune, having hosted since replacing long-time host Pat Sajak in September 2024. Seacrest co-hosted and served as executive producer of Live with Kelly and Ryan, and has hosted other media including American Idol, American Top 40, and On Air with Ryan Seacrest. He became co-host of Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve in 2005, and he became the sole host following Clark's death in 2012.

Seacrest received Emmy Award nominations for American Idol each year from 2004 to 2013 and once more in 2016. He won an Emmy for Jamie Oliver's Food Revolution in 2010, and he was nominated once more in 2012. In 2018, he received nominations for Live with Kelly and Ryan for Outstanding Talk Show Entertainment and Outstanding Entertainment Talk Show Host.

Ryan John Seacrest was born in Atlanta on December 24, 1974, the son of homemaker Constance Marie (née Zullinger) and real estate lawyer Gary Lee Seacrest. His father served as a lieutenant in the U.S. Army, in which his grandfather Henry Gene Skeen was a major general. His mother told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, "Instead of playing with G.I. Joes or Cowboys and Indians, Ryan would always have a little microphone and do shows in the house." At age 14, he attended Dunwoody High School. At age 16, while still attending high school, he won an internship at WSTR in Atlanta where Tom Sullivan trained him in many aspects of radio. When a regular DJ called in sick, Sullivan put him on the air for the first show of his broadcasting career. He was given the weekend overnight shift at WSTR. He continued to work on air at WSTR until graduating from Dunwoody High in 1992. He studied journalism at the University of Georgia in the fall of 1992. He continued his radio show at a local station in Athens, Georgia. He left the university at age 19 and moved to Los Angeles to pursue his broadcasting career.

Seacrest at the 2008 Emmy Awards

Television hosting

In 1993, Seacrest hosted the first season of ESPN's Radical Outdoor Challenge. He also hosted three children's game shows, Gladiators 2000 from 1994 to 1996 (a spin-off of the television show, American Gladiators), Wild Animal Games in 1995, and in 1997. He appeared as the host of the fictional game show Lover's Lane on Beverly Hills, 90210 in "The Final Proof". In the fall and winter of 2000, he was the host of the NBC Saturday Night Movie. During commercial breaks he offered trivia on the film and a chance to win prizes by answering online on NBCi. In 2001, he hosted a reality television program, Ultimate Revenge, where elaborate practical jokes were played on family and friends instigated by their own relatives and friends. It was shown on TNN from 2001 to 2003.

In 2002, Seacrest accepted the position as co-host of a new Fox reality television series American Idol with comedian Brian Dunkleman. The following year he became the sole host after Dunkleman resigned. The show increased in popularity and was seen by an average of 26 million viewers weekly; Seacrest became recognizable around the world. In 2003, he hosted the spin-off show, American Juniors. In July 2009, he signed a deal with CKX for $45 million to continue to host American Idol which made him the highest paid reality television host at the time. In April 2012, he signed a two-year $30 million deal to continue as host of American Idol. In May 2014, Deadline Hollywood reported that he had signed a one-year deal with the option of signing for another year. He remained host of the series until the end of its original run in April 2016. The following May, it was announced that ABC had won a multi-network bidding war for the rights to the show. On July 20, 2017, he announced on Live with Kelly and Ryan that he would be the host of an Idol revival. His initial multi-year deal was reported to be worth over $10 million.

Seacrest in 2013

In August 2005, it was announced that Seacrest would become executive producer and co-host of ABC's Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve. On December 31, 2005, Seacrest performed much of the show's hosting duties; Dick Clark's role was limited by speech and mobility issues due to his recovery from a stroke.

In 2009, ABC renamed the program Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve With Ryan Seacrest, paying attention to Seacrest's role. He co-hosted the show delivering ABC's biggest New Year's numbers in twelve years, with 22.8 million viewers.

When Clark died, Seacrest publicly remembered his mentor's impact on his life in a special tribute in The Hollywood Reporter. After Clark's death, Seacrest hosted the 2013 edition of Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve with co-hosts Jenny McCarthy and Fergie paying tribute to Clark in the pre-show. In October 2013, Seacrest signed a multi-year contract extension with Dick Clark Productions to continue as host and executive producer of Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve. In 2017, Seacrest hosted Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve for the 13th consecutive year alongside McCarthy, who had co-hosted for eight years. The show had 25.6 million viewers, the highest in six years. The 2019-20 edition of Rockin' Eve marked his 15th consecutive year as the host and Lucy Hale also hosted. Recently, he received a multi-year deal extension to continue hosting the show.

In January 2006, American cable channel E! announced a three-year, $21-million deal for Seacrest to host various programs, including and its red-carpet awards show coverages. In April 2012, Seacrest signed a deal with NBCUniversal expanding his on-air role beyond E! to NBC. He contributed to the Olympics coverage, entertainment programming, as well as news and other special events. Seacrest remains as managing editor of E! News and hosts and produces its red-carpet awards show coverage.

In September 2012, Seacrest left E! News and was replaced by Terrence J.

Seacrest was an NBC correspondent for the 2012 London Olympic Games and co-hosted the closing ceremony with Bob Costas and Al Michaels. In 2016, Seacrest hosted NBC's live late-night coverage for the Rio Olympic Games.

Live with Kelly and Ryan

After a year-long search, on May 1, 2017, it was announced that Seacrest would join Kelly Ripa as host of Live with Kelly and Ryan as her new permanent co-host and executive producer. Seacrest succeeded Michael Strahan, who left the show the previous year. Seacrest started work on the day of the announcement. By December 2017 the show was averaging over 3 million viewers.

On February 16, 2023, Seacrest announced that he would be leaving Live with Kelly and Ryan after six years in April 2023, primarily due to traveling as his primary residence is in Los Angeles, while the show tapes in New York City. Seacrest made his last appearance as full-time host on April 14, 2023. Mark Consuelos, husband of Kelly Ripa, replaced him full-time on April 17, 2023.

Seacrest has stated, however, that he would return to guest host whenever Consuelos is unavailable.

On June 27, 2023, The New York Times reported that Seacrest would become the new host of Wheel of Fortune to replace Pat Sajak, who announced his retirement from hosting two weeks earlier, starting with the show's 42nd season in fall 2024, citing "two people familiar with the plan". Seacrest and Sony would later confirm the news in separate releases. Seacrest began hosting duties on September 9, 2024. Despite this, Sajak remained as host of Celebrity Wheel of Fortune in its fifth season. Seacrest took over hosting duties for the following season.

Other shows

Starting in 2003, Seacrest occasionally served as a substitute host on the CNN television program Larry King Live, and co-hosted Larry King's final show with Bill Maher on December 16, 2010. In 2013, Seacrest hosted The Million Second Quiz which was an interactive game show on NBC. Seacrest hosted Knock Knock Live in 2015, which premiered on Fox. The show featured celebrities arriving at the door of ordinary people who have done something special and giving them a prize. However, the show was cancelled after two episodes.

Radio hosting

In January 2004, Seacrest became the new host of the radio program American Top 40, a syndicated weekly countdown show, created and formerly hosted by Casey Kasem. The show was syndicated by Premiere Radio Networks. In February 2004, Seacrest became host of Los Angeles radio station KIIS-FM's morning show, replacing long-time host Rick Dees. The show, On Air With Ryan Seacrest, since 2017, Seacrest has been broadcasting from a studio at the facilities of WABC-TV in New York City, where Live with Kelly and Ryan is produced. Seacrest renewed his contract with Premiere and KIIS parent company iHeartMedia in September 2021, a contract that will last through the end of 2025.

In 2018, Seacrest was inducted into the Library of American Broadcasting Foundation's 16th Annual Giants of Broadcasting & Electronic Arts.

Television producing

Seacrest speaking at the Hollywood Walk of Fame in September 2012

Seacrest's three-year hosting deal with E! included executive producing credits on various programs, including and its red-carpet awards show coverages. In the same year, Seacrest launched Ryan Seacrest Productions (RSP). In August 2008, Seacrest named his longtime William Morris agent Adam Sher as CEO. Through 2012 Comcast had first-look rights for all RSP shows. Clear Channel acquired a minority stake in RSP in early 2012, but RSP no longer has a first look deal with any network.

Seacrest remains managing editor of E! News and executive produces its red-carpet awards show coverage but no longer hosts E! News since 2012.

An Associated Press profile portrayed Seacrest as using both the deal with E! and Dick Clark's New Year's Rockin' Eve as springboards to a long-lasting career in television production and ownership.

Seacrest produced the hit series Keeping Up with the Kardashians, the highest-rated show on the E! network, and the spin-offs Khloe and Lamar, Kourtney and Kim Take New York and Kourtney and Khloe Take Miami. RSP also produced the Emmy Award-winning ABC reality series Jamie Oliver's Food Revolution. RSP also produced two new reality series in 2012 including Melissa and Tye, which aired on CMT and Shahs of Sunset for Bravo. Bravo announced a second season of Shahs of Sunset on April 18, 2012. RSP's new show Married to Jonas premiered on August 19, 2012, on E! and was renewed for a second season.

On January 31, 2012, Thomas H. Lee Partners and Bain Capital announced they would invest up to $300M in Ryan Seacrest Media. A consortium headed by Seacrest (with partners AEG and CAA) agreed to rebrand Mark Cuban's HDNet television network as AXS TV.

In 2017, Seacrest signed a multi-year overall deal between Ryan Seacrest Productions and ABC Studios in which the company's scripted division would develop scripted projects for ABC Studios exclusively.

In 2018, Seacrest joined the Paley Center for Media's Board of Trustees.

Business ventures

Seacrest was a principal investor in the Typo keyboard, which aimed at cloning the BlackBerry physical keyboard for use with iPhone devices that launched in 2014. The Typo keyboard was discontinued in a 2015 patent settlement with Blackberry Ltd. He is also an investor and partner at Pathwater, a brand of purified water offered in a refillable aluminum bottle.

Seacrest worked with Burberry's Christopher Bailey who designed Seacrest's suits for red carpet events as well as New Year's Eve since 2009 and American Idol starting in 2010. Seacrest wore close-fitting suits and decided to make something similar for a wider audience at an "accessible" price point.

In 2013, in conjunction with Randa Apparel & Accessories, Seacrest developed his own clothing and accessories collection, "Ryan Seacrest Distinction." The Randa/Seacrest partnership signed an exclusive retail deal with Macy's to sell the brand and it successfully launched in 2014. It consists of suit separates, sports coats, and evening wear manufactured by Peerless Clothing International; accessories including ties, pocket squares, belts, wallets, cufflinks, and jewelry produced by Randa Accessories; and dress shirts from PVH (produced later by Itochu Prominent which added sportswear in September 2017).

Seacrest partnered with dermatologist Harold Lancer to produce the men's skincare line Polished. The line has five items and they are designed for easy use. Seacrest announced the line in August 2017 on The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon.

Philanthropy

In 2010, Seacrest launched the nonprofit Ryan Seacrest Foundation. The foundation has fourteen Seacrest Studios: at Children's Healthcare of Atlanta (opened 2010), Children's Hospital of Orange County (2013), Children's Hospital of Philadelphia (2011), Children's National Hospital in Washington, D.C. (2015), Levine Children's Hospital (2013), Cincinnati Children's Hospital Medical Center (2013), Children's Medical Center Dallas (2012), Boston Children's Hospital (2014), Children's Hospital Colorado (2014). Monroe Carell Jr. Children's Hospital at Vanderbilt in Tennessee (2016), Arnold Palmer Hospital for Children in Florida (2020), Le Bonheur Children's Hospital in Tennessee (2023 May), Cohen Children's Medical Center in New York (2023 September), and Primary Children's Hospital in Utah (2023 December). Apparently there was a location at Children's Hospital Los Angeles, but it isn't included in the Foundation's map in 2023. In April 2012, Seacrest named Selena Gomez Ambassador of the Foundation. In February 2017, the foundation partnered with the Atlanta Braves to promote the non-profit at SunTrust Park. Seacrest did voice overs for the Braves' "Welcome Home" broadcast media campaign.

Seacrest serves on the board of trustees of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, and honorary co-chair of the GRAMMY Foundation board, which later merged with the GRAMMY Museum and became the GRAMMY Museum Foundation.

The day before Georgia's special election in 2018, Seacrest, a Georgia native, urged voters in the state to visit the VoteRider's site or call or text the nonpartisan voter advocacy organization's helpline to find out what ID is required to vote.

Personal life

Seacrest had a two-year on-and-off relationship with model Sara Jean Underwood, which was revealed on The Howard Stern Show in 2009. He began dating dancer and actress Julianne Hough in April 2010. In March 2013, it was announced that their relationship had ended. He dated model Shayna Taylor from 2017 until 2020.

In May 2016, Seacrest returned to the University of Georgia to serve as the commencement speaker at the graduation ceremony and receive an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters.

In November 2017, it was reported that a former E! wardrobe stylist had accused Seacrest of sexual harassment and that he was under investigation. Seacrest denied the allegations and said, "This person who has accused me of horrible things offered, on multiple occasions, to withdraw her claims if I paid her millions of dollars. I refused." In February 2018, the investigation was closed due to insufficient evidence.

Source

Television

References

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Ryan John Seacrest (born December 24, 1974) is an American television host and producer. Seacrest is the host of Wheel of Fortune , having hosted since replacing long-time host Pat Sajak in September 2024.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
(1) Mr Vincent Kearney (2) British Broadcasting Corporation V (1) Chief Constable Of The Police Service Of Northern Ireland (2) Chief Constable Of Durham Constabulary (3) Security Service (4) Government Communications Headquarters (5) Secretary Of State For Northern Ireland (6) Secretary Of State For The Home Department (7) Secretary Of State For The Foreign Commonwealth And Development Office (8) Commissioner Of Police Of The Metropolis - The Investigatory Powers Tribunal

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
(1) Mr Vincent Kearney (2) British Broadcasting Corporation V (1) Chief Constable Of The Police Service Of Northern Ireland (2) Chief Constable Of Durham Constabulary (3) Security Service (4) Government Communications Headquarters (5) Secretary Of State For Northern Ireland (6) Secretary Of State For The Home Department (7) Secretary Of State For The Foreign Commonwealth And Development Office (8) Commissioner Of Police Of The Metropolis - The Investigatory Powers Tribunal

# data[].attributes.headline
A case where a borough council used RIPA to conduct surveillance on a family amid concerns that the mother had lied on a school admissions

# data[].attributes.subject
A case where a borough council used RIPA to conduct surveillance on a family amid concerns that the mother had lied on a school admissions

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
A case where a borough council used RIPA to conduct surveillance on a family amid concerns that the mother had lied on a school admissions form received national media coverage. Anya Proops looks at the tribunal ruling and spells out the key lessons for local authorities to learn.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Councils were given permission to carry out more than 55,000 days of covert surveillance over five years, including spying on people walking dogs, feeding pigeons and fly-tipping, the Guardian can reveal.

A mass freedom of information request has found 186 local authorities - two-thirds of the 283 that responded - used the government's Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (Ripa) to gather evidence via secret listening devices, cameras and private detectives.

Among the detailed examples provided were Midlothian council using the powers to monitor dog barking and Allerdale borough council gathering evidence about who was guilty of feeding pigeons.

Wolverhampton used covert surveillance to check on the sale of dangerous toys and car clocking; Slough to aid an investigation into an illegal puppy farm; and Westminster to crack down on the selling of fireworks to children.

Meanwhile, Lancaster city council used the act, in 2012, for "targeted dog fouling enforcement" in two hotspots over 11 days.

A spokeswoman pointed out that the law had since changed and Ripa could only now be used if criminal activity was suspected. The permissions for tens of thousands of days were revealed in a huge freedom of information exercise, carried out by the Liberal Democrats. It found that councils then launched 2,800 separate surveillance operations lasting up to 90 days each.

Critics of the spying legislation say the government said it would only be used when absolutely necessary to protect British people from extreme threats.

Brian Paddick, the Lib Dem peer who represents the party on home affairs, said: "It is absurd that local authorities are using measures primarily intended for combating terrorism for issues as trivial as a dog barking or the sale of theatre tickets. Spying on the public should be a last resort not an everyday tool."

He argued that the 2016 Investigatory Powers Act, which will take in Ripa powers alongside a raft of new measures, would restrict the ability of local authorities to monitor people's communications.

But he also said it would give "mass surveillance powers to a huge number of government bodies".

"As with any legislation, there is a significant risk that authorities will use powers in a way that parliament never intended," added Lord Paddick, calling for proper oversight to ensure any surveillance is targeted and proportionate.

Midlothian council used the powers to monitor dog barking. Photograph: Graeme Robertson/The Guardian

The freedom of information request also revealed a number of examples of councils using Ripa as a way of checking up on benefit claimants. One example was checking up on those claiming to be single parents.

Other local authorities drew on the powers to crack down on the distress caused by anti-social behaviour.

The London borough of Bromley gave one example in which it considered using a CCTV mobile unit to target three households that were causing "harassment, alarm and distress", by holding parties on a communal green with loud music blaring out through amplifiers, shouting, screaming, smashing windows and riding motorbikes around in circles.

The local authority also detailed the use of Ripa following a complaint about the accumulation of rubbish in a rear garden, claiming that the perpetrator was a "serial fly tipper". The council deployed a "covert camera" in the upstairs bedroom window of another property, which gathered evidence of what was happening.

More recently, it has used the law to monitor the sale of alcohol, tobacco and fireworks to people underage, and capture those illegally dumping waste in recycling centres.

The deputy leader of the London borough of Bromley said he believed the legislation was far too restrictive, arguing that the victims of crime understood filming evidence that could aid prosecutions was a "minor infringement of the perpetrators so called civil liberties".

Cllr Colin Smith said: "Council officers deal with complaints day in and day out about thoroughly disgusting socially inadequate individuals fly-tipping waste and preying on the weaker, more vulnerable members of our society, normally the elderly, and this technology is key to bringing their worst excesses to heel."

He said the council kept to the letter of the law to prevent any "so called 'spying' taking place on law-abiding individuals".

"I'm frankly far more concerned about the rights and civil liberties of the victims and wider council tax-paying public, who are currently having to pick up the tab, than the small minority criminal element who continue to treat the rest of us with open contempt."

Lincolnshire county council had requested permission for the largest number of days - close to 4,000 - with a major 2012 operation to prevent cigarettes and alcohol being sold to underage teenagers, and attempts to stop counterfeiting at car boot sales and markets.

Lib Dem peer Brian Paddick warned the powers could be used in a way parliament did not intend without proper legislation. Photograph: Linda Nylind/The Guardian

Mark Keal from Lincolnshire Trading Standards said: "Without this evidence it is incredibly difficult to get successful prosecutions and get these products off the street."

The council, alongside a number of others, stressed that while they had sought permission for a large number of days, the operations usually spanned a much shorter period.

The next highest number of days requested was Birmingham, where the acting strategic director, Jacqui Kennedy, said the powers had been used to crack down on "serious fly-tipping, rogue trader operations and trading standards investigations looking at scams and counterfeiting".

"We only use Ripa when it is proportionate and reasonable and each application is agreed and signed off by a judge," she added, insisting that it had helped catch out criminals. "And as the largest local authority in the country we frequently top statistics lists that are based solely on raw numbers."

The Home Office insisted that permissions were only granted for such covert surveillance after a rigorous authorisation procedure and independent inspection.

A spokesman said: "Ripa powers are an important tool that local authorities can use to address the issues that affect many people's lives, like consumer protection, environmental crime and benefit fraud.

"The legislation makes clear that public authorities may use these techniques only when it is both necessary and proportionate to do so.

"Any local authority use of these powers must be independently authorised by a magistrate, who is an independent judicial figure.

"The Investigatory Powers Act goes further by ensuring that in future the use of these powers will be overseen by the Investigatory Powers Commissioner, who will be a serving or former senior judge."

The act, which has been described as a snooper's charter by critics, faced difficulties after the EU's highest court ruled that "general and indiscriminate retention" of emails and electronic communications was illegal.

Only targeted interception of traffic and location data in order to combat serious crime, including terrorism, is justified, according to a long-awaited decision by the European court of justice.

Ironically, the finding came in response to a legal challenge initially brought by the Brexit secretary, David Davis, when he was a backbench MP, and Tom Watson, Labour's deputy leader, over the legality of GCHQ's bulk interception of call records and online messages.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Revealed: British councils used Ripa to secretly spy on public

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Councils were given permission to carry out more than 55,000 days of covert surveillance over five years, including spying on people walking dogs, feeding pigeons and fly-tipping, the Guardian can reveal.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The Protection of Freedoms Bill, which curtails local authorities’ powers to conduct surveillance under RIPA, continues to make its way through Parliament. But, asks Ibrahim Hasan, in light of revelations from the Leveson inquiry into the media, has the government picked a soft target?

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Poole council loses school catchment ‘spying’ tribunal

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
A council in Dorset which spied on a family to see if they lived in the right school catchment area loses a landmark ruling over its actions.

# data[].attributes.body
GREAT USE OF RIPA

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
It has been a mixed day for the media’s entanglements with the judiciary. Chris Knight posted earlier today about the unhappy outcome for Mirror Group Newspapers before the Court of Appeal in the Gulati privacy damages litigation arising from phone-hacking.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Introduction

The Government recently submitted the Covert Human Intelligence Sources (Criminal Conduct) Bill to Parliament. This Bill seeks to put the ability of undercover operatives to commit criminal offences in the course of their deployment on a statutory footing. It will be achieved by amending the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 (RIPA) to allow a diverse range of state agencies to authorise their Covert Human Intelligence Source (CHIS) to commit criminal offences where necessary for protecting national security, preventing or detecting crime or disorder, or protecting the economic wellbeing of the UK. This will have the effect of making such activity "lawful for all purposes", which, without providing so explicitly, effectively means full civil and criminal immunity for those who act within the terms of the authorisation.

Background to the Bill

There is of course nothing new about the use of CHIS by law enforcement agencies, which has been regulated by s.29 of RIPA since its enactment. It is also a matter of record that the Security Services have long used covert agents as part of their domestic operations, which has often involved those agents engaging in criminal activity. The use of agents and informants in proscribed terrorist organisations such as the IRA and Loyalist groups during the Troubles are an obvious example. Simply by being members of such groups those agents were committing an offence, but history shows that involvement often went well beyond simple membership - see for example the tragic case of Pat Finucane the solicitor murdered in front of his children by loyalist paramilitaries with the collusion of the Security Services. There are also numerous examples where the use of such operatives and their participation in crime have been essential to disrupt potentially deadly plots or violent criminal activity.

For some time, those acting for the foreign branch of our Intelligence Service (MI6) have been permitted by statute to commit criminal offences in the course of their operations on foreign soil (s.7 Intelligence Services Act 1994). The CHIS Bill, however, is the first time that legislation has been drafted to allow offences to be committed in the UK. Perhaps more importantly, the Bill allows for authorisation of such activity, not just for those working for MI5 seeking to disrupt terrorist activity but, as alluded to earlier, for a very wide array of state agencies engaged in law enforcement activity. The National Crime Agency (NCA) and the Serious Fraud Office may seem like the more obvious users of such techniques, but the Home Office, Department of Health and Social Care and Food Standards Agency may not. Yet all these agencies and more will now have explicit authority to allow their CHIS to commit criminal offences "In the course of, or otherwise in connection with, the conduct of a covert human intelligence source" (s.8(a) CHIS Bill).

A number of pertinent questions are raised by this new legislation, but first, the motivation for its introduction needs to be touched upon. The principal reason that the Government seeks to enact this legislation is a ground-breaking case before the Investigatory Powers Tribunal (IPT) last year. In Privacy International & Ors v Foreign & Commonwealth Office [2019] UKIPTrib IPT_17_186_CH the claimants (a group of NGOs) challenged the lawfulness of a policy ('The Third Direction') written by the Prime Minister that permitted MI5 to authorise criminal activity on the part of its covert agents. The existence of that policy had only come to light in separate litigation regarding the bulk collection of personal data. As the name suggests it was the third version of such a policy, having been renewed by Prime Ministers including David Cameron and Theresa May.

It was agreed by all parties to the litigation that RIPA did not cover such activity, therefore the legal basis for it had to be found somewhere else. Ultimately, the IPT held by a majority of 3-2 that the Security Service Act 1989, which placed MI5 on a statutory footing, gave an implied power to authorise its agents to engage in criminal activity in order to carry out its statutory functions, which range from protecting national security to safeguarding the economic well-being of the country as well as supporting law enforcement agencies in the prevention and detection of serious crime. The core of this reasoning was essentially that s.1 (1) of the 1989 Act says there shall " continue " to be a Security Service. Therefore, in view of the fact it was well known by Parliament that the Security Service ran covert agents amongst terrorist groups, it must be taken to have intended that such activity be allowed to continue. Further, on the basis of the public law principle that provides public authorities with implied powers necessary for them to carry out their primary statutory functions, there must be a power to authorise agents to engage in criminal activity in the way they had been.

The reasoning of the majority raises a number of issues that are beyond the scope of this piece. However, as is plain from the fact it was decided on a 3-2 majority, it is not a certainty that it will survive an appeal. The judgment also touched upon the fact that there have been calls over the years for such controversial activity to be explicitly governed by statute, not least so that those undertaking it can know where they stand. So, it emerges that the idea behind the Bill is a sensible one, but the breadth of its application and the inbuilt safeguards should be properly scrutinised.

Safeguards and Human Rights

Legal commentators in the Twittersphere and elsewhere have rightly pointed out that in going beyond the traditional agencies that investigate the most serious criminal activity such as the Security Service, NCA and some sections of the police force, the Bill is assuming the same level of institutional capability and safeguards for a much wider set of actors. Agencies with years of experience of running undercover agents are by no means immune to making errors, but those whose primary functions are entirely different are likely to have far less experience and robust procedures to handle such activity.

The Bill does not define or limit what types of criminal offences might be authorised by the relevant agency. This means that in theory, for example, violent or sexual crimes may be subject to authorisation. The Home Office explanatory briefing note that accompanies the Bill states that this is not a problem. First, it is said it would be dangerous to specify prohibited crimes as it might encourage those being infiltrated to force a suspected agent to commit one of them in order to expose him or her and; secondly, that any agency authorising criminal activity remains bound by s.6 of the Human Rights Act (HRA) and so cannot act in a way that is incompatible with the rights contained within it.

There are inherent difficulties with such arguments. In Canada, for example, the list of crimes that a CHIS cannot be authorised to commit is set out in statute and includes murder, torture and sexual offences. Presumably criminals in Canada are as likely to employ the same methods the Home office fears, yet the legislature there felt it necessary to be clear about what can and cannot be done in the pursuit of evidence gathering or crime prevention. Further, the implication is that no agent could infringe one of the unqualified rights protected under the HRA, such as the right to life or the right to freedom from torture, inhuman or degrading treatment. On that basis homicide or violence against the person would be prohibited. If that is so then why not say so explicitly? Surely if the criminals in question are savvy enough to read the legislation as the Home Office suggests then they will be astute enough to recognise the limitations this Bill apparently places on the activity of a CHIS. In any event, as former DPP, Ken McDonald pointed out in the Times (5th October 2020) - it is not as if criminal gangs were not already aware that undercover agents won't kill to order. Setting it out in statute would provide clear limits to this extraordinary power.

The Home Secretary's assertion that the Human Rights Act will be a sufficient safeguard raises further problems. First, by not defining which crimes may not be authorised each agency is left with a series of potentially very difficult judgments to be made. Surely the rule of law at least demands that decisions to authorise serious criminal activity not be left solely to police officers (or other officials), even if they have attained a particular rank, and certainly not in the huge range of agencies covered by this bill.

Secondly, we only need to look at recent history to see the abuse to which this kind of power is open. The discovery of the 'Special Demonstration Squad' ('SDS') and its team of undercover officers placed in climate and anti-capitalist activist groups was a shocking revelation into the misuse of State power to monitor those who dare to advocate for a different approach to running our society. But of course, it went beyond mere monitoring or evidence gathering. Identities of dead children were stolen, and female activists tricked into relationships and even having children with officers who, all the while, were living double lives. Years later, after being uncovered by journalists and some of those affected, and the public scandal that followed, some of the victims have received pay outs and the Metropolitan Police has accepted some degree of wrongdoing. However, lives remain shattered and the Inquiry set up to get to the bottom of the activity (the Undercover Policing Inquiry) is mired in delays and extreme restrictions on public disclosure. An attempt by one of those affected to pursue a claim in the IPT moved at a glacial pace and remains subject to the extraordinary rules of secrecy that the Tribunal is required by statute to adhere to. Despite the proposed safeguards in the CHIS Bill this, it should also be remembered, remains the only Tribunal in which any claim that a CHIS has breached a complainant's human rights can be brought.

Threshold and Oversight

The Bill allows the authorisation of criminal conduct for three reasons including, where "necessary to prevent crime or disorder". Such a low threshold for authorisation will sound all too familiar to those individuals who suffered at the hands of the SDS. Entirely peaceful activist groups often temporarily create what might be termed as 'disorder', but does that justify commission of crimes by state agents as they seek to prevent it? The Bill requires the criminal activity authorised "must be proportionate to the aim to be achieved", but that proportionality will be determined solely by the authorising officer and their supervisor. Clearly, those operating the SDS thought it a proportionate response. It is hoped the position would be different today but ensuring that depends on robust oversight.

In that regard, the explanatory note trumpets the role of the Investigatory Powers Commissioner (IPC) under s.229 of RIPA in overseeing the grants of this type of authorisation. This is to be welcomed but the IPC's role extends to having to keep the use of the powers "under review (by way of audit, inspection or investigation)" and in certain circumstances to inform a relevant person if a serious error is uncovered and a public interest test met. Effectively this means that random requests to view a particular agency's past or present authorisations for criminal activity can be made and an audit carried out. It does not, however, require mandatory referral or for the IPC to pronounce on the legality of such authorisations. Most fundamentally, it does not require any prior judicial authorisation for the use of the powers in the CHIS bill in any circumstances (in contrast to obtaining a warrant to intercept phone calls or search a property).

Where the deployment of a CHIS results in a criminal prosecution there may be a greater prospect of being able to challenge the lawfulness of an authorisation to commit criminal conduct, provided that full disclosure is made to the CPS and defence. In R v Barkshire [2011] EWCA Crim 1185 a group of protestors had their convictions for occupying a power station quashed after it emerged that an undercover officer had played an instrumental role (beyond the scope of his authorisation) in the operation and had even given evidence at trial without the defence ever being informed of his existence. But discovering such incidents of wrongdoing after the event, sometimes many years after, is unacceptable. Particularly when attempts to gain a public understanding of the extent of any such failings are inevitably met with resistance and secrecy as the experience of the UCPI suggests.

Conclusion

There is ultimately no substitute for oversight that is at least capable of ensuring that unlawful decisions are identified before they cause harm. Nor is there any better means of maintaining public trust and confidence in a system then allowing a robust and open challenge by those wrongly affected by such activity in court. This attempt to legislate for criminal activity carried out by those acting for the state appears to provide neither. None of that is to say these are not important powers for those genuinely trying to prevent serious crime and threats to the nation. Clearly the utility of informants and undercover operatives cannot be underestimated, but this Bill does not suggest that historical failures of law enforcement agencies to police themselves have been taken into consideration.
Jacob Bindman, Barrister, Garden Court Chambers
06.10.2020

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Covert Human Intelligence Sources (Criminal Conduct) Bill 2020 | Garden Court Chambers

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Blog post by Jacob Bindman of the Garden Court Chambers Criminal Defence Team.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.provider_name
Committee on the Administration of Justice

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.authors[].name
Committee on the Administration of Justice

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Policing You Don’t See - Committee on the Administration of Justice

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Covert policing and the accountability gap: Five years on from the transfer of ‘national security’ primacy to MI5 No.-62-The-Policing-you-dont-see-November-2012 The participants believe it essential that policing structures and arrangements are such that the police service is professional, effective and efficient, fair and impartial, free from partisan political control; accountable, both under the law for its […]

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The United Kingdom has been found in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights due to the methods for bulk interception of online communications operated by the intelligence agency GCHQ under the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000.

In a unanimous ruling in the case brought by Big Brother Watch and other human rights organisations and journalists, the Grand Chamber (17 judges) of the European Court of Human Rights held that there had been a violation of both article 8 (right to respect for private and family life, and communications) and article 10 (freedom of expression) of the Convention in respect of the bulk intercept regime, and the regime for obtaining communications data from communication service providers.

However the court also decided, by 12 votes to five, that there had been no violation of either article 8 in respect of the regime for requesting intercepted material from foreign Governments and intelligence agencies.

The judgment is the final ruling in a legal challenge begun in 2013. The legal powers in question have since been replaced by the Investigatory Powers Act 2016.

Applications were lodged with the court after former US National Security Agency (NSA) contractor Edward Snowden revealed the existence of surveillance and intelligence sharing programmes operated by the intelligence services of the USA and the UK. The applicants believed that the nature of their activities meant that their electronic communications and/or communications data were likely to have been intercepted by the UK intelligence services or obtained by them from either communications service providers or foreign intelligence agencies such as the NSA.

The court ruled that, owing to the multitude of threats states face in modern society, operating a bulk interception regime did not in itself violate the Convention. However, adapting its ordinary approach towards targeted surveillance regimes to reflect the inherent risk of abuse and a legitimate need for secrecy with a bulk interception regime, such a regime had to be subject to "end-to-end safeguards".

This meant that, at the domestic level, an assessment should be made at each stage of the process of the necessity and proportionality of the measures being taken; that bulk interception should be subject to independent authorisation at the outset, when the object and scope of the operation were being defined; and that the operation should be subject to supervision and to independent review afterwards.

In relation to article 8 it identified these deficiencies in the UK regime:

bulk interception had been authorised by the Secretary of State, and not by a body independent of the executive;

categories of search terms defining the kinds of communications that would become liable for examination had not been included in the application for a warrant;

and search terms linked to an individual (specific identifiers such as an email address) had not been subject to prior internal authorisation.

Although valuable oversight and a robust judicial remedy were provided by the (then) Interception of Communications Commissioner and the Investigatory Powers Tribunal, these safeguards were not enough to offset the shortcomings in the regime or to keep the "interference" with citizens' rights to private life to what had been "necessary in a democratic society".

Breach of article 10 arose because the interception regime did not contain sufficient protections for confidential journalistic material. There was no requirement that the use of selectors or search terms known to be connected to a journalist be authorised by a judge or other independent and impartial decision-making body. Nor, when it became apparent that a communication contained confidential journalistic material, were there safeguards to ensure that it could only continue to be stored and examined by an analyst if authorised by a judge or another independent decision-making body.

As regards the regime for obtaining communications data from communication service providers, the Government did not contest an earlier chamber ruling that this had not been "in accordance with the law". However, the regime by which the UK could request intelligence from foreign governments and/or intelligence agencies had had sufficient safeguards in place to protect against abuse and to ensure that UK authorities had not used such requests as a means of circumventing their duties under domestic law and the Convention.

The judges who dissented in part considered that the ruling did not go far enough, for example in considering whether there was an adequate definition of the "interests of national security", and what constituted "effective guarantees" in relation to requesting data from foreign states as a means of circumventing domestic law or obligations under the Convention.

The applicants did not seek damages, but were awarded €91,000 as expenses of the proceedings.

Megan Goulding, who acted for Liberty, one of the applicants, commented: "Bulk surveillance powers allow the state to collect data that can reveal a huge amount about any one of us - from our political views to our sexual orientation. These mass surveillance powers do not make us safer.

"Our right to privacy protects all of us. Today's decision takes us another step closer to scrapping these dangerous, oppressive surveillance powers, and ensuring our rights are protected."

Liberty now intends to proceed with a challenge in the UK courts to the 2016 Act, which was stayed pending the Strasbourg court's decision.
Click here to view the judgments.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
RIPA surveillance regime held a breach of human rights | Law Society of Scotland

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The United Kingdom has been found in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights due to the methods for bulk interception of online communications operated by the intelligence agency GCHQ under the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000.

# data[].attributes.body
Multiple councils in have used RIPA to combat low level offences such as fly-tipping and benefit fraud.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Councils have used controversial surveillance legislation to combat "low-level" offences, such as the misuse of blue badge parking permits, fly-tipping and benefit fraud, an Observer investigation has found.

The Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act ( Ripa) 2000 gives certain public bodies the right - under limited circumstances - to conduct surveillance activities, including for crime prevention and national security purposes.

At least 70 councils in England and Wales were authorised to use Ripa powers between January 2018 and March 2021 to gather evidence via cameras, street surveillance and informants or undercover officers.

The law restricts local authorities in England and Wales to use the surveillance powers only to investigate crimes that carry a prison term of at least six months, unless they relate to the sale of alcohol or tobacco products to underage buyers.

However, as revealed through a bulk of freedom of information (FoI) requests, a number of councils used the legislation to clamp down on what privacy campaigners described as "low-level offences'' that did not result in custodial sentences.

In 2018, Wandsworth council used the act to launch three undercover operations into people deceitfully using a lost or stolen blue badge permit to park in a controlled parking zone. The offenders were prosecuted and given community orders, fined or ordered to do unpaid work. A council spokesman said all three cases impacted disabled and vulnerable elderly people and involved serious offences of fraud, which carry a maximum sentence of 10 years.

Sandwell council, meanwhile, deployed covert surveillance tactics to monitor "physical locations" and scour Facebook to try to identify the suspected sellers of counterfeit Nike training shoes worth £900. The suspect was cautioned and no criminal charges were brought.

Elsewhere, Ripa powers were used by Anglesey county council to investigate the sale of "possibly dangerous cosmetics", while other local authorities were authorised to check whether people were fraudulently claiming benefits. For example, in 2019, Blackpool council granted the Department for Work and Pensions access to its CCTV system to try to identify suspected "benefit fraud".

Blackpool council granted the Department for Work and Pensions access to its CCTV system to try to identify suspected benefit fraud. Photograph: Ian Davidson/Alamy

Dozens of other operations were related to fly-tipping, with a number of councils using cameras to catch individuals dumping waste at known hotspots.

Critics of the spying legislation have said some local authorities have been too quick to use Ripa powers to tackle more minor crimes - involving relatively low sums of money - which could have been dealt with less intrusively. "Ripa was introduced in the context of counter-terrorism, so it is strange how the powers are sometimes being used for low-level offences," said Eva Blum-Dumontet, senior research officer at Privacy International. "On the question of benefits, there is no justification for that sort of surveillance being required for people who are by default in vulnerable situations."

Rosalind Comyn, Liberty's policy and campaigns manager, added: "We should all be able to trust our local authorities, and feel safe in the knowledge that they exist to serve and support us, not spy on us. But these findings reveal that some authorities are undermining this basic premise, with some councils actively disregarding our right to privacy."

There is no suggestion the councils unlawfully used the powers. A Home Office spokesperson said Ripa rules state that councils in England and Wales must not use directed surveillance for investigations that do not involve criminal offences or to investigate low-level offences. The use of directed surveillance powers by local authorities is inspected by the independent Investigatory Powers Commissioner to ensure it is lawful, the statement added.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Revealed: anti-terror snooping law used for fly-tippers and parking

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Councils have used controversial surveillance legislation to combat "low-level" offences, such as the misuse of blue badge parking permits, fly-tipping and benefit fraud, an Observer investigation has found. The Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act ( Ripa) 2000 gives certain public bodies the right - under limited circumstances - to conduct surveillance activities, including for crime prevention and national security purposes.

# data[].attributes.body
RIPA is not upheld well enough and does not protect people

# data[].attributes.attachment_caption
Swindon has now put in extra training for use and getting permission for future situations