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A drawing based by the description of JingWei in the Classic of Mountain and Seas

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Jingwei Fills the Sea 精衛填海 - A Bird of Kindness

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Jingwei Fills the Sea 精衛填海 - A Bird of Kindness

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A tribe leader’s smallest daughter named Nuwa (Not the Nuwa who creates humans), dies by sinking into the sea and becomes a bird called Jingwei. She then starts to take branches and stones to try to fill the sea. This story is explained as an example of persistence and kindness in all areas.

To know more about Pangu

https://mythlok.com/jingwei/

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Fu, a distinctive genre of Chinese poetry, Originated during the Han Dynasty. Fu poems are characterized by their complex language and vivid imagery. Fu poems typically explore diverse themes, from nature and landscapes to political and social commentary. Today, Chinese Fu remains a valuable part of literary heritage

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fu, Chinese literary form combining elements of poetry and prose. The form developed during the Han dynasty (206 bc-ad 220) from its origins in the long poem ("On Encountering Sorrow") by Qu Yuan ( c. 339- c. 278 bc). The fu was particularly suitable for description and exposition, in contrast to the more subjective, lyrical sao. Its prosody was freer than that of the sao, the rhyme pattern being less restrictive. The elements of the fu form include a long line, caesura, and the use of balanced parallel phrases. The use of rhyme places it somewhere between poetry and prose.

While some Han writers used the form quite skillfully, it was often abused for purposes of trivial and hackneyed description and was generally characterized by an endless piling up of words. Hundreds of years later, during the Song dynasty (960-1279), the fu was enriched by the skill of Ouyang Xiu and Su Dongpo, who used it to express philosophical concerns.

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Fu, Chinese literary form combining elements of poetry and prose. The form developed during the Han dynasty (206 bc-ad 220) from its origins in the long poem Lisao ("On Encountering Sorrow") by Qu Yuan (c. 339-c. 278 bc). The fu was particularly suitable for description and exposition, in contrast

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“China,” or “Fine China,” are synonyms for porcelain, a ceramic that gave rise to beautifully painted pots and bowls during the Shang Dynasty. They became highly prized possessions all over the world as they were traded, particularly in England and the Islamic world. The material itself is kaolinite, glass, bone ash, and even quartz.

here is a photo gallery of the China with some explanation:

(photo gallery)

https://theme.npm.edu.tw/exh111/ArtisticStyle/en/page-4.html#main

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The subject of Chinese ceramics is so incredibly vast that we do not claim to be experts in our understanding or academic in our approach. Instead, we prefer to think of ourselves as enthusiasts, privileged to have a large array of fine examples under our care.

Our collection of Chinese ceramics mostly dates from the 18 th and 19 th Centuries although we do have some wonderful examples dating back to the reign of Emperor Kangxi, (1661 - 1722). Chinese porcelain is a delicate yet resilient, bright white ceramic, so synonymous with its country of origin that in most English speaking countries, we simply refer to it as China.

A very brief history of Chinese ceramics

China has an incredibly long and rich history of producing ceramics. Early examples date back more than 20,000 years, (predating Europe by at least 5,000 years.) The Majiayao culture, (3300 - 2200BC) displays an incredibly high level of craftsmanship with fine, thin walls, complex decoration and no sign of imperfections or defects.

One of the most famous, iconic and impressive examples of Chinese pottery is the remarkable Terracotta Army of Xi'an. Discovered by farmers in 1974 it contains more than 8,000 life sized terracotta warriors, horses and attendants, all unique and individual in their design.

The terracotta army was entombed with the first Emperor of China Qin Shi Huang in 210BC with the purpose of protecting and serving him in his afterlife. It is the largest pottery figurine group ever found and a museum has since been constructed over the area.

The first Chinese porcelain (a Kaolin based clay heated to very high temperatures) is believed to have been made in Zhejiang Province during the Han Dynasty (206BC-220AD). Examples include Hunping (soul jars) often decorated with relief polychrome enamels of phoenix and dragons.

The Tang Dynasty (581-907) followed on from the coloured glaze innovations of the Ha Dynasty and used them to decorate the famous earthenware Tang Dynasty tomb figures that many people today will recognise.

Perhaps one of the most artistically important time periods for Chinese ceramics was the Song Dynasty (907-1276). Items from the 'Five Great Kilns' are greatly coveted for their fine glazes and beautiful forms. Good examples from the Song Dynasty consistently fetch extraordinary prices at Auction. In 2017 a perfect bowl reached a staggering $38 million dollars in auction at Sotheby's.

Many people will be aware of Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) porcelain. It was an age of great innovation with the development of many new forms, colours and glazes. The Ming Dynasty also marked the start of China's export empire with porcelain leaving China for all corners of the globe via the Silk Road.

Families and types of Chinese Porcelain

There are many styles of export Chinese porcelain. Generally, they are grouped into families or categories by colour or subject. We have written a useful (and brief) summary of some of the most commonly sought after groups:

Blue and White:

Classic and simple. Blue glaze on a white ground. There is a huge array of subjects and patterns with some of the most popular featuring figures in battle, rural and village scenes, dragons, blossom, flora and fauna.
A stunning QianLong blue and white vase
Famille Rose:

Normally on a white ground, with delicate pink floral decoration. The pink colour will often feature in other areas of the decoration, (figures, clothing, creatures, borders etc.)

This pair of 19th Century vases are a great example. See more here.

Famille Verte:

A palette of mainly green colours often with orange and blue highlights. This pair of 19th Century vases is a great example of Famille Verte style with different shades of greens alongside vibrant oranges and blues. See more here.

Canton:

Canton or Cantonese is a style of porcelain decoration produced in Guangzhou, Guangdong from the early 19th Century onwards. It is typically decorated with panels of figures, birds and insects on complicated grounds usually in palettes of green and pink, gold and blue. This stunning punch bowl, (59cm across) featured in the Financial Times in 2020. See more images here.

Powder Blue

Powder blue is a glazing technique that originated in the Ming Xuande Period (1425-1435). The cobalt blue would be blown through a tube with gauze on the end, (not dissimilar to airbrushing) onto unglazed porcelain it would then be glazed and fired, creating a mottled blue effect. Powder Blue ground is often accompanied with gold decoration to create a striking effect.
A recently sold pair of dramatic 18th Century Powder Blue vases
Monochrome

These are vases of one solid or graduated colour. Common and famous examples include Sang de boeuf (Ox blood) and simple black vases.

This pair of 19th Century black Monochrome vases are a great example and you can see more by clicking here.

Wucai (Five colours)

Five colours' uses a limited range of colours on a white ground. Decoration often has images of figures or animals and it can be seen as the precursor to famille verte.

The colours that normally feature are blue, green, orange, yellow and white.) This pair of early 19th Century jars are a great example. Click here to see more

Clobbered

Another really interesting subject, the term "clobbered" or "clobber ware" refers to Chinese export porcelain that has had its original blue and white under glaze added to at a later date usually with coloured enamel decoration. The practice originated in Holland and spread through Europe.

Other groups of Chinese export porcelain include Tobacco Leaf, (inspired by Indian textiles and dating from 18 th Century onwards, tobacco leaf features large bright coloured leaves.) Cabbage Leaf, (often used for dinner services and depicting large cabbage leaves along with flowers and butterflies) and Shipwreck Porcelain (salvaged ceramics from ancient ship-wrecks) but we don't really deal in these.

Marks and "signatures"

The subject of "Marks" on Chinese porcelain is incredibly complex but we will try to provide a top-level summary in just a few lines. There are actually relatively few marks and they usually simply describe the reign of a specific Emperor. It is incredibly rare to have a historic Chinese ceramic with the signature of an actual artist. Unfortunately, the name of the Emperor that appears on an object doesn't necessarily help to date the piece. Not all pieces marked are of the time-period they appear to be. This doesn't mean that they are fakes. In historic China, items imitating the style of a previous ruler may be marked with that seal in order to honour the previous Emperor. This was well known and accepted at the time and was by no means, an attempt to be dishonest or misleading. The term "mark and period" means that a piece is identified as having the correct reign mark of the period in which it was made. A further consideration is that not all imperial standard pieces were marked with a seal. It is possible for pieces to be unsigned and of imperial standard.

Confusing, isn't it?

If you are not sure, we would recommend showing your piece to a good, reputable auction house as they should be able to reassure you if a piece is Mark and Period.
The mark of Emperor Qianlong (1736 - 1795), on the base of a pair of 19th Century Wucai jars.
What else to look for:

Perfect examples of Chinese porcelain and Mark and Period pieces regularly and consistently fetch incredibly high prices in auction so, if you are looking to buy a piece for a private collection or simply to enjoy at home or in the work-place, it may be better to look for pieces with a small amount of damage or minor restoration.

Considering the age of antique Chinese porcelain and that it will likely have travelled thousands of miles on more than one occasion, it is almost to be expected to find some wear and damage. All antique Chinese porcelain will have been originally made by hand so even matching pairs are likely to have minor differences and there may be some flaws in the original firing that are not to be regarded as damage. Firing cracks should be seen more like birth-marks than damage.

In time, "perfect" pieces will become incredibly hard to find, but the appetite to acquire authentic Chinese porcelain will continue to grow so pieces with minor damage and sympathetic/honest restoration could represent sound investment opportunities.

Here are a few things (and commonly used terms) to look out for in terms of damage and restoration:

Frits: Small nibbles of glaze and body of the piece breaking away around the edges, often seen on the rims of vases, plates and teacups.

Glaze Flaking: With age and sometimes use the glaze of an item can sometimes become brittle and flake away taking decoration with it, these are fairly easy to spot with the naked eye or by running your fingers over a piece.

Hairline Cracks: Incredibly fine cracks (named after the width of a strand of hair) can be hard to spot, especially if they are recent. Tapping the body of an item can be a helpful indicator. If there are no hairlines it will make a 'ringing' noise, if it makes a dull noise it is likely to have hairline cracks for that such imperfections have been restored.

Pieces Missing: Generally, fairly obvious to spot. If a missing piece is present (albeit not as present sa it should be), it may be possible to put it back with the help of an expert restorer.

Restoration:

Good restoration, when done to a very high quality can be very difficult to spot, even to the trained eye. As well as returning the piece to its original aesthetic, it can also help to stabilise the integrity and physical stability of the piece.

There are different types of restoration to consider:

Museum restoration: Normally the restoration has been done very well but the restorer will make no attempt to hide the work that has been done. If a piece is missing, it will be filled with plain clay so you can see cracks where it has been glued back together.

Amateur restoration: Using materials like super glue is, unfortunately, common and rarely done well. It is possible and likely to cause further damage so we strongly advise not to attempt amateur restoration on a piece of any real value.

Very old restoration: You will sometimes see large metal staples on objects such as jardinieres and larger vases. This normally means that the restoration work was done not long after the piece was first made. This can actually be desirable as it proves age and displays an extra form of historic skill and craftsmanship.

We do have some pieces in our collection that have damage or have been restored (to a very high standard). We will always ensure that this information is transparent and when we have worked with a restorer, it will have been done to the highest possible standard.

We hope that this has been an interesting read. You can browse through a selection of our collection of antique Chinese Porcelain by clicking here

For a similar read, you can see read " The Satsuma Story ". Our short history of the popular Japanese earthenware pottery.

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The Story Behind: An Intro To Chinese Porcelain | Kevin Page

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Discover the rich history behind oriental art in our 'Behind the art' series. Here's a brief introduction to Chinese export porcelain.

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Zheng, also known as Guzheng, Hanzheng, and Qinzheng, is an ancient plucked string instrument of China. It originated from the Han ethnic group and has high significance for Chinese culture. The name Zheng comes from its sound. It has a constant timbre and has lots of techniques to form strong expressiveness. Therefore, it got the title, “The King of All Instruments” and “The Chinese Piano”

GuZheng Playing:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qWUMxKSmnxA

Famous traditional pieces of Guzheng:

https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201206/01/WS5a29f94da3101a51ddf8e09b.html

To know more about Guzheng:

https://guzhengalive.com/guzheng-in-90-seconds

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Yangqin 揚琴 - The Foreign "Chinese Instrument"

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Yangqin 揚琴 - The Foreign "Chinese Instrument"

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Yangqin, a member of the hammered dulcimer family, plays an important role as the main accompaniment in Chinese orchestra. It is played by a bamboo beater, which has a leather or rubber head. People describe Yangqin’s timbre as marbles falling onto jade plates when it plays fast, and when it plays slowly it sounds like mountain spring. It does not originate from China but from Persia. However, it spread in China, and became a “Chinese instrument”.

Yangqin Playing：

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O7ukAzupF_Y

To know more about Yangqin:

https://omeka-s.grinnell.edu/s/MusicalInstruments/item/2102

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Riddle is a cryptic allusion to things or words for people to guess, originating from ancient Chinese society. In ancient times, the people sometimes had political thoughts that they couldn’t say out loud for their safety, so they used riddles as a tool to spread their thoughts. After many centuries of development, the culture of riddles slowly became a game for some people to play.

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Riddles are a special form of folk literature in China. In ancient times, they were called "thin words" or "enigmas". Riddles can be interpreted in both broad and narrow senses. Literal riddles are a general term of riddles, including literal riddles (i.e. lantern riddles) and thing riddles (i.e. folk riddles). Riddles in narrow sense only refer to folk riddles.
It originated in the spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period. At that time, ministers often used hints and metaphors to map things and persuade monarchs to adopt their own ideas, which gradually formed a riddle.
At first, the riddle is just a way for people to joke, and finally gradually evolved into a riddle culture. In the Han Dynasty, some literati often used poetry and allusions to make riddles. There were riddles of things with wonderful metaphorical characteristics and character riddles of character form, sound and meaning.
In the northern and Southern Dynasties, scholars often used riddle making and guessing to fight wisdom and courage, and the skills of riddle making became more and more mature. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, riddles entered the court from the people, and many emperors liked to guess riddles.
During the Northern Song Dynasty, with the economic development of the city and the enrichment of citizens' cultural and entertainment life, guessing puzzles became a great pleasure for citizens. In the Southern Song Dynasty, on every Lantern Festival, people hung their own riddles on lanterns for fun while watching the lanterns. The lantern riddles in Lin'an, the capital of the Southern Song Dynasty, rank first in the country and are known as the "hometown of lantern riddles".
During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Lantern Festival riddles became more and more popular, and there were special institutions to study the production of riddles. At present, our country has the folk League organization of the Chinese lantern riddle Academic Committee of the China folk literature and Art Association.

The follow is a Chinese Riddle a bout one fruit.

yuǎn kàn xiàng lán qiú

远 看 像 篮 球，

shēn zi lǜ yóu yóu

身 子 绿 油 油。

dù zi hái zi duō

肚 子 孩 子 多，

gè ge hēi liǎn jiá.

各 个 黑 脸 颊。

Chinese Riddle

please guess a fruit in Summer.

From a distance it looks like a basketball,

Body is green.

The belly has many children,

All black cheeks.

can you find the fruit in the follow picture. if you can, answer us!

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Riddles are a special form of folk literature in China. In ancient times, they were called "thin words" or "enigmas". Riddles can be interpreted in both broad and narrow senses. Literal riddles are a...

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Erhu is a bowed stringed instrument that originated from the Xi ethnic group in China. It has the name because it is a Hu, a big family of bowed stringed instruments in China, with two strings (Er means two in Chinese). It has a timbre that is close to human singing and speaking and makes a cantabile effect. Most Erhu is made of wood, scaly skin, and strings. Some of them replace wood with ivory, jade, or plastics.

Erhu Playing：

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yUnZZEqhjD4&t=4s

To know more about Erhu

https://www.lantungmusic.com/erhu/

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ChineeErhu I Demo -horse race by Greg Schlaepfer by KONG AUDIO LLC

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ChineeGuZheng II demo track demo track by Dongsheng Shan

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Suona 嗩吶 - The First Double-reed Instrument

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Suona 嗩吶 - The First Double-reed Instrument

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Suona is a double-reed woodwind instrument that originated from West Asia, and income to China in the 3rd Century. After development in China, it became a representative wind instrument of China. It has a lot of variety in its timbre, and people use it to simulate birdsong, cry, and lots of other sounds, it has complex techniques to increase the variety. It is made of Silver/Copper and wood.

To know more about Suona:

https://web.northeastern.edu/music-chinese/suona/

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ChineeGuZheng II demo track demo track by Dongsheng Shan

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Burr puzzle 魯班鎖 - "architecture structure puzzle"

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Burr puzzle 魯班鎖 - "architecture structure puzzle"

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Burr puzzle is a wooden puzzle created by the famous carpenter “Lu Ban” during the Zhou Dynasty. The structure of this puzzle is such that wooden blocks fit perfectly into each other. The structure of this puzzle inspired the architecture and civil engineering of ancient buildings. Today, the Burr puzzle is still used widely as a representation of Chinese culture as a gift and toy.

https://chinesepuzzles.org/interlocking-burr-puzzles/

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“Go” is an ancient board game that originated in China 4,000 years ago. Historians consider “Go” to be one of the oldest board games that has ever been discovered. However the origin of the game cannot be proven, so there are only some hypotheses of the origin. Nowadays, Go is still one of the most famous board games and still a lot of competition exists.

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go, board game for two players. Of East Asian origin, it is popular in China, Korea, and especially Japan, the country with which it is most closely identified. Go, probably the world's oldest board game, is thought to have originated in China some 4,000 years ago. According to some sources, this date is as early as 2356 bce, but it is more likely to have been in the 2nd millennium bce. The game was probably taken to Japan about 500 ce, and it became popular during the Heian period (794-1185). The modern game began to emerge in Japan with the subsequent rise of the warrior ( samurai) class. It was given special status there during the Tokugawa period (1603-1867), when four highly competitive go schools were set up and supported by the government and go playing was thus established as a profession. The game became highly popular in Japan in the first half of the 20th century; it was also played in China and Korea, and its following grew there in the latter decades of the century. Play spread worldwide after World War II.

Traditionally, go is played with 181 black and 180 white go-ishi (flat, round pieces called stones) on a square wooden board ( goban) checkered by 19 vertical lines and 19 horizontal lines to form 361 intersections; more recently, it has been played electronically on computers and on the Internet. Each player in turn (black moves first) places a stone on the point of intersection of any two lines, after which that stone cannot be moved. Players try to conquer territory by completely enclosing vacant points with boundaries made of their own stones. Two or more stones are "connected" if they are adjacent to each other on the same horizontal or vertical line, as are the white stones in group e in the figure. A stone or a group of stones belonging to one player can be captured and removed from the board if it can be completely enclosed by his opponent's stones, as white is by black in groups a, f, and g and prospectively in groups b and e in the figure. A stone or group of stones is "live" (not captured) as long as it is connected to a vacant intersection, as are the black stones in groups c and d and the white stones in b and e. A stone cannot be placed on a point completely surrounded by enemy stones unless it makes a capture by so doing, as white does in group c. Groups of stones are in effect invulnerable if they contain an "eye," which consists of two or more vacant points arranged such that the opposing player cannot place his stone on one of the points without that stone's itself being captured. The black stones in group d possess such an eye. The black stones in group c in the figure, however, do not possess an eye, and a white stone placed on the indicated point would result in the complete enclosure and thus the capture of the black stone group. A player's final score is his number of walled-in points less the number of his stones lost by capture.

Go demands great skill, strategy, and subtlety and is capable of infinite variety, yet the rules and pieces are so simple that children can play. Special handicap rules allow players of unequal skill to play together. Aspiring professionals typically begin apprenticeships at a young age and train for years. A Japanese Go Association, founded in 1924, supervises tournaments and rules and ranks players, both professional and amateur. The European Go Federation was founded in 1950, and other regional and national organizations subsequently appeared. The first annual world go championship was held in 1979, and in 1982 an International Go Federation was established in Tokyo.

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Go, board game for two players that is popular in China, Korea, and especially Japan, the country with which it is most closely identified.

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Xun is a wind instrument that originated from China, it was first used to simulate the hoot of beasts. After development, it has more holes and is able to make more sounds. It is mostly made of clay, and some of them are made of bones or stones. It has a mellow timbre and is an important instrument in Zhou Dynasty’s palace.

Xun playing:

https://www.youtube.co m/watch?v=4c36P2oOFi4

To know more about Xun:

https://www.britannica.com/art/xun

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Chinese chess is a strategy board game that originated in China during the Tang dynasty. After centuries of development, the rules of Chinese chess are what we now are familiar with. Nowadays, Chinese chess is still one of the most popular strategy games in China that have international competitions.

here is a famous Chinese chess champion's biography:

(biography)

https://www.jendow.com.tw/wiki/Xu%20Yinchuan

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History

Chinese chess has a long history. Though its precise origins have not yet been confirmed, the earliest indications reveal that the game has been played as early as the 4th century BC in China. . Some claimed that it was invented in the Tang Dynasty (around 700 A.D.); then in the South Song Dynasty (around 1,200 A.D.), it evolved into the form and rules that we now are familiar with.

Chinese Chess or Xiangqi is a traditional board game that has been around for thousands of years. Xiangqi is a popular board game especially in countries in the Far East: China, Taiwan, Thailand, Singapore, Vietnam, Hong Kong, and others. Asserting the exact history of Xiangqi is difficult, as there remains some disagreements among the few historical texts and scholars.

Distinctive features of Xiangqi include the unique movement of the pao ("cannon") piece, a rule prohibiting the generals (similar to chess kings) from facing each other directly, and the river and palace board features, which restrict the movement of some pieces.

It is believed that Xiangqi has the same ancestor as Western Chess (International Chess), an old Indian game of Chanturanga, very popular in Europe, America and elsewhere. Xiangqi is recorded to have been played from at least the first century AD, but no one knows exactly when it begins.

Chinese Chess or Shiang-Chi or Siang K'i is a considerably modified form of Shatranj, the first reference of which has been found in a book called 'The Book of Marvels' by Nui Seng-ju who died in 847 AD.

The pieces are simple disks with Chinese characters on them to differentiate and are played on the points of the board rather than within the squares. The un-checkered board consists of 10 x 9 points with two notable distinguishing features. Firstly, dividing the players in the middle is the 'River', an open area. Also, each player has an area of 9 points in the middle at the nearest edge called the 'Fortress'.

In Xiang Qi, the concept of Stalemate does not exist. If a player cannot move, that player has lost which serves to remove one of the more tedious aspects found in the European game.

It is often quoted that Xiang Qi is the most popular game in the world which is true but this is, of course, largely due to China's great population (European Chess is more ubiquitous but Europeans should not be smug about this either since it has little to do with the qualities of the game and everything to do with European military and political dominance during the latter half of the second millennium AD).

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History Chinese chess has a long history. Though its precise origins have not yet been confirmed, the earliest indications reveal that the game has been played as early as the 4th century BC in China. .

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Mahjong is a four person board game that originated in China in the 18th century. The game of Mahjong contains 34 types of tiles with different suits, such as dots, bamboo, and characters. Nowadays Mahjong is still a famous board game in a lot of Asian countries, and it's also a form of gambling.

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Few parlor games have left a larger global imprint than mahjong, which is at once a mainstay at immigrant family gatherings, a safe haven for outcast communities, and a source of political consternation. During the mid-20th century, it became so associated with capitalist corruption that China banned it for more than 40 years.

Though it was created in the "Middle Kingdom," the beloved game took root around the world. In the U.S., it exploded during a high point of anti-Chinese sentiment. The longest recorded contest was held in Russia, lasting more than 33 hours.

Here's the story of how it became a staple in a diverse array of communities.

Understanding mahjong's customs

Mahjong is a four-player game that, like poker or gin rummy, operates on the interplay between chance and skill. Chinese icons are visible in tiles' "suits," which include bamboos and circles, which represent ancient Chinese currency; arrows or "dragons," which symbolize the ancient art of archery; and flowers, which represent the four Confucian plants, including chrysanthemum and orchid.

There are more than 40 iterations of the game across the world, according to Annelise Heinz, author of the bestselling Mahjong: A Chinese Game and the Making of Modern American Culture. She says the material connection and core tile design keep it recognizable.

The rhythms of mahjong are especially conducive to building community, Heinz says. Whereas the shuffling of cards in between poker games takes mere seconds, mahjong players must sit through extended pauses to reset tiles after every round. The interval of respite encourages conversation.

Mahjong-related superstitions abound, as expected in a game where luck is paramount to victory. It's taboo to tap a player on the shoulder lest it derails a winning streak. Players on a losing streak might opt for a bathroom break to "wash away" bad luck. Other beliefs are culturally specific. Books, for example, are banned from the table because the Chinese word for "book" is phonetically identical to that for "lose." The four tiles bearing the Chinese character for 'west' (西) should not be discarded in succession at the start of a game, as the proximity of "four" and "west" may portend death for all involved.

The research of Keis Ohtsuka, a senior lecturer in psychology at Australia's Victoria University, focuses on gambling cognition in mahjong. Interestingly, he's found that mahjong players who subscribe to superstitious beliefs are more prone to gambling addiction.

"Mahjong relies more on luck than skill compared to poker," he says. "Asserting that traditional beliefs in luck and fate may be the basis of one's destiny predisposes players to gambling."

A Chinese game's complicated American story

Mahjong was developed in Southern China in the mid-1800s toward the end of the Qing Dynasty, one of many male-dominated gambling games that emerged at the time, says Heinz. The word "mahjong" means "sparrow" in southern Chinese dialects, referring to the bird-like clacking sound the tiles make during reshuffling. It's widely believed to be derived from the ancient Chinese card game madiao.

"There's a certain level of adaptability inherent in mahjong," Heinz says, "Poker tends to always be a gambling game; Bridge almost never so. It's unusual for a game to be played for very, very high stakes or for pennies, or even no money at all."

In the early 1920s, American businessman Joseph P. Babcock brought the game to the U.S., where it became an "enormous national fad" that Heinz says reflected the country's shifting gender and cultural norms. Dubbed "the game of a hundred intelligences" and "the gift of heaven," the first imported mahjong sets quickly sold out at Abercrombie & Fitch in New York City.

Mahjong, Heinz says, was particularly popular among "wealthy society matrons" who were attracted to the "feminine exoticism" of dressing up in Chinese costumes and using Chinese words during play. She says it's ironic that such an "explicitly Chinese game" exploded in popularity during a period of intense anti-immigrant sentiment that resulted in escalating restrictions against people of Asian descent. During World War II, the game was frequently referred to as " the new yellow peril."

What held together this racial tension and "the intensity of the fad," Heinz says, was the false marketing of mahjong as a game played thousands of years ago by members of the "ancient Chinese court." (A famous but debunked theory has it that Confucius himself created the game.)

"By creating this origin myth-which became really widespread and lasting-about the game," she says, "marketers separated it from contemporary Chinese immigrants and elevated it in terms of class and status."

Who plays mahjong today?

Over the past century in the US, mahjong has morphed into a staple that extends far beyond the Chinese diaspora. Heinz says the game has served as a crucial community building exercise for many marginalized groups of people, including African American clubwomen in the urban North and Midwest, suburban Jewish women (who formed the National Mah Jongg League in 1937) and incarcerated Japanese Americans during World War II. While the fad among white Americans evaporated by the end of the "roaring twenties", the game remains a favorite pastime among Chinese and Jewish families.

More recently, the record-shattering 2018 romantic comedy Crazy Rich Asians, which features a pivotal mahjong scene, brought the game back into popular culture, fueling interest among Asian American millennials and Gen Zers.

Mahjong's lasting popularity, Heinz says, speaks to rapid cultural changes that have unfolded over the past century.

"It also offers a kind of hopeful vision of positive identity building and community building that this game can be a part of into the future," she says.

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The story behind this game will surprise you-it's not as old as you'd think, and its American roots are just as strong as its Chinese ones.

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Zongzi is a food made from steamed rice wrapped in leaves, and it originated during the late Han Dynasty. In China, Zongzi is considered one of the most representative traditional foods in China. Nowadays, Zongzi is traditionally eaten during the Dragon Boat Festival, an event that celebrates the myth of Qu Yuan.

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, a traditional Chinese food, is made of sticky rice stuffed with special fillings and wrapped up in Argy-wormwood leaves. Chinese people eat Zongzi during the Dragon Boat Festival to memorialize Qu Yuan, a famous Chinese poet who lived 2300 years ago in State of Chu inWarring States Period. An interesting legend of Zongzi has been passed down through generations from ancient China. Qu Yuan was a versatile government official at that time, and he was highly esteemed for his wise counsel among the common people. Qu Yuan was also the creator of Zongzi.

However, the King did not like his straightforwardness, and some jealous officials said bad words behind his back. Sentenced by slander, Qu Yuan was exiled by the King. After his banishment to the remote countryside, Qu Yuan helplessly watched the gradual downfall of Chu and grieved that he could no longer serve his people. Out of despair, Qu Yuan plunged himself into the Miluo River. In order to keep his body safe in the water, many people threw Zongzi into the river to prevent the fishes from eating his body.

It is said that Qu Yuan appeared in a fisherman's dream, saying a flood dragon was in the River, and most of the Zongzi were eaten by the dragon instead of the fishes. He told the fisherman that the dragon feared Argy-wormwood leaves and five-color strings, and as long as those special materials would be added to Zongzi, his body would be protected. As a result, later generations celebrate the day of Qu Yuan's death at every 5th day of May of the lunar calendar. Nowadays, Zongzi has become a symbol for Chinese people to express their homage to Qu Yuan's spirits, such as his patriotism, selflessness, and righteousness; the festival of eating Zongzi and racing dragon boats help pass on the tradition of death ritual and filial piety to future generations. The legend, also, represents the heritage of dragon-worship that has deeply rooted in Chinese society.

First, Zongzi is notable for education influence of Qu Yuan's spirits. As a symbol of traditional Chinese patriotism, Zongzi is a moral heritage from the ancients. Chinese people cherish their time-honored traditions, and they show their respect for virtues such as righteousness, selflessness, and patriotism by eating Zongzi. As an advisor, he was upright to fight against the rampant corruption that plagued the government. He was so loyal to the State of Chu that he even risked his life trying to maintain the autonomy of his country.

To articulate his grand love of his motherland, he began to compose beautiful patriotic poems that are now held as masterpieces. He swore to die or live together with the country, and he fulfilled his promise when the fall of the capital burst his last hope. More than a tasty food, Zongzi has turned into a national belief and a moral beacon in Chinese community. When families celebrate the festival and enjoy Zongzi, parents tell the story of Qu Yuan to children. In this way, Zongzi helps pass Qu Yuan's spirits and traditional virtues to future generations, and he has been revered by Chinese people for two thousand years.

Second, the legend of Zongzi reveals a unique aspect of Chinese culture - the relationship between death ritual and filial piety, as preserving the body intact was paramount to show respect to parents in ancient China. The focus of Qu Yuan's story shows that people at that time tried to save him by preserving his body in the river, which explains the importance of protecting human body after death in Chinese society. For one thing, it is unfilially to die without intact body. An old saying goes in China "Our bodies - from a single hair to a bit of skin - are derived from our parents; we must not in the least injure of wound them. This is the beginning of filial piety."

Chinese people value their bodies as a way to protect their parents' heritage, so it is disrespectful to the dead people if the body is eaten by animals. For another, many people believe that there's another world for dead people's soul, and the only way to come back from death is preserving the body intact. If one's body were destroyed, his soul would become a wandering ghost and have no chance to reincarnation, which is very bad for ancient Chinese. Therefore, it would be extremely ominous and not filial if Qu Yuan's body was eaten by fishes.

Third, dragon-worship is at the heart of Chinese culture, which even pervades into culinary traditions such as eating Zongzi. Zongzi has become a medium to convey people's admiration of dragon-worship. In China, the Gods of water are dragons, which are legendary creatures with auspicious powers such as providing timely rain for thirsty fields. The four dragon kings ruled the seas and rivers and controlled rains and snows. In Zongzi's legends, a flood dragon is depicted as a powerful creature living in the river. Some said that Zongzi is a gift for propitiating the dragon and beseeching protection for Qu Yuan's body. Some said that Zongzi with Argy-wormwood leaves and colorful strings was created to scary dragons and feed fishes.

It is interesting for controversies arising from those legends. We cannot figure out which one is the real version, but one thing for sure is the popularity of dragon-worship in Chinese society. During the Dragon Boat Festival, people also celebrate their reverent honor of dragons by racing boats and throwing Zongzi into rivers. Today, dragon-worship has become a unique culture phenomenon in China. Zongzi and Dragon Boat Festival help transmit the reverence of dragons and the active yang energy associated with it to next generations.

Eating Zongzi has become a symbolic act for Chinese people to express their homage of Qu Yuan's patriotism, advocacy of tradition of filial piety, and admiration of dragon-worship. Although the authenticity of the legend is uncertain, the spirit of Zongzi has deeply ingrained in Chinese culture. Zongzi itself does not have superpower, but the inheritance of Zongzi reflects how important Qu Yuan is in people's mind and how valuable his spirits in Chinese community. Since 2008, the Dragon Boat Festival has become a Chinese statutory holiday, giving modern people a chance to better appreciate the culture and social meanings of the festival. Also, Dragon Boat Festival has grown into an international, celebrating event as many countries around the world are also taking on the tradition of eating Zongzi and racing dragon boats.

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Zongzi, a traditional Chinese food, is made of sticky rice stuffed with special fillings and wrapped up in Argy-wormwood leaves.

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Chrysanthemum, Chongyang Cake, and Chrysanthemum Wine

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Double Ninth Festival 重陽節 - The Festival for Elders.

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Double Ninth Festival 重陽節 - The Festival for Elders.

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Nine is the largest Positive number (odd single-digit number), and this has been seen as an auspicious day. Also, nine has a homophonic of long times, therefore, this makes the festival for elders. This also contains a tradition of harvest celebration, chrysanthemum appreciation, and mountain climbing. People drink chrysanthemum wine eat Chongyang Cake, and climb mountains (or other activities) with the elders at home.

To know more about Double Ninth Festival:

https://www.chinahighlights.com/festivals/the-double-ninth-festival.htm

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Dumpling 餃子- " representative traditional food in China"

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Dumpling 餃子- " representative traditional food in China"

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A dumpling is a food that uses thin, fried or steamed dough to wrap meat and vegetables. Dumplings originated in China 2,600 years ago in Xinjiang. Nowadays, dumplings are one the most well-known Chinese cultural staple, and this food has already spread all over the world in the form of fast food.

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How Did Dumplings Come About?

Everyone loves dumplings! They're chewy, delicious, and offer just the right amount of bite in the mouth. Best of all? These little pockets of joy are incredibly convenient to eat-just pop them into your mouth and enjoy. Utensils are probably not even a necessity if the occasional mess doesn't bother you. Given the amount of unadulterated happiness dumplings bring you, have you ever wondered... "How did dumplings come about, anyway?" Think about it: who thought of wrapping meat, vegetables, and all kinds of fillings in flour?

Curious? Good. You've stumbled upon the right article. Here, we explore the history of how dumplings came about-so you can better appreciate these delectable treats the next time you stuff your face with piping-hot dumplings.

The 'Medicine Saint': Zhang Zhongjing

Legend traces the history of dumplings back to a man called Zhang Zhongjing-also known as the Sage of Traditional Chinese Medicine-in the Eastern Han Dynasty (206 B.C. to 220 A.D). The idea of dumplings supposedly struck Zhang when he returned to his ancestral village during the winter after a long period of absence. Many villagers were unable to cope with the harsh cold and suffered from frostbite, especially around their ears. Spurred into action, Zhang cooked up lamb, black peppers, and a few medicinal herbs, shredded them, then wrapped them in scraps of dough. He folded the dumplings to look like little ears and boiled them.

While nobody knows for sure if the dumplings were indeed useful for frostbite, one thing was clear: the villagers loved the taste of Zhang's creation so much that they began imitating Zhang's recipe with additional ingredients like vegetables and other kinds of meat. And even ate them long after spring began.

A traditional Chinese New Year food

These days, the Chinese are much less bothered about eating dumplings to cure frostbite, obviously, but dumplings still do play an essential role in Chinese traditions. And that's because they're shaped like the ingots of the ancient Chinese currency (during the Ming dynasty; 1368 to 1644 A.D.); these juicy little pockets are, therefore, seen to symbolize prosperity and wealth. That's why many Chinese families eat dumplings at midnight on New Year's Eve. It's believed that doing so helps bring good luck for the new year.

This might surprise you, but many Chinese families make their dumplings from scratch. Why? Well, because it makes for a great bonding activity, especially for family members who've been away from home the past year. So, if you visit a Chinese family during Chinese New Year, you'll often find every member gathered around the table, each performing their duties in a highly coordinated system-making the filling, rolling out the dough, and wrapping the stuffing in the skin. Warms your heart, doesn't it?

Experience the familial comfort of dumplings

Congratulations! You now know the history of how dumplings came about and their significance to many Chinese families around the world. Craving for some good old familial comfort? Well, here's a secret: you don't have to make dumplings from scratch with our easy recipe - if you don't want to. Check out our offerings. We won't tell if you don't!

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How Did Dumplings Come About? Everyone loves dumplings! They're chewy, delicious, and offer just the right amount of bite in the mouth. Best of all? These little pockets of joy are incredibly convenient to eat-just pop them into your mouth and enjoy. Utensils are probably not even a necessity if the occasional mess doesn't bother [...]

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Mooncakes, originating over 3,000 years ago in China, symbolize unity during the Mid-Autumn Festival. This cake has a dense filling, often lotus seed or red bean paste, encased in a thin, decorative crust. Originally an offering to the moon, mooncakes now serve as a traditional mid-autumn festival representative treat.

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Mooncake History: 3,000 Years’ Timeline, Starting from Taishi Cake

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Mooncake originates from Taishi Cake 3,000 years ago. Eating mooncake on Mid-Autumn Festival began in Tang Dynasty and got popular since Ming Dynasty.

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Cold Food Festival 寒食節 - The Festival of Loyalty

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Cold Food Festival 寒食節 - The Festival of Loyalty

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The Festival started by state leader Chong’er, is to commemorate and honor his loyal subordinate Jie Zitui. Since Jie Zitui died in a forest fire, Chong’er banned fire. However, there are no limits nowadays, but the tradition of eating cold food has been handed down. Therefore, people eat Hanshi Porridge (Cold Porridge) with maltose. After development, different activities, such as willow appreciation, outings, and poetry composition.

To know more about Cold Food Festival:

http://www.chinatoday.com.cn/ctenglish/2018/cs/201905/t20190506_800166869.html

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Hanfu is a traditional Chinese clothing that originates back thousands of years. Hanfu is characterized by its flowing, loose-fitting design. Typically composed of layered garments, it includes robes, skirts, and jackets adorned with intricate embroidery. Hanfu not only shows historical aesthetics but also serves as a symbol of cultural heritage. Nowadays Hanfu only shows up in traditional celebrations.

here is a interviews of the 200 Hanfu experts:

(audio file)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Em5QnW_mTvg

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Hanfu (meaning clothing of the Han people) is a name for pre-17th century traditional clothing of the Han Chinese, which are the predominant ethnic group of China. Hanfu appeared in China more than three thousand years ago and is said that it was clothing of the legendary Yellow Emperor, a great sage king of ancient China. The basic of Hanfu was developed in time of Shang Dynasty, from 1600BC to 1000BC. Hanfu consisted of a yi, a narrow-cuffed, knee-length tunic tied with a sash, and a narrow, ankle-length skirt, called chang, worn with a bixi, a length of fabric that reached the knees. They were made of silk and painted in red and green. From the first appearing Han-Chinese clothing had changed and evolved with the fashion.

With the beginning of Western Zhou Dynasty hanfu begins to be method of distinction between classes. Height of one's rank influenced the level of decoration of a dress, length of a skirt and the wideness of a sleeve. Sleeves were also made wider than in the time of the Shang Dynasty and yi tunic is also closed with jade decorations or with a sash tied around the waist. The collar were crossed and tied to the right while skirts and trousers varied in length from knee-length to ground-length.

Eastern Zhou Dynasty invented shenyi - "the deep robe", which is a combination of tunic and skirt. It was cut separately but sewn as a piece of clothing with left side of the costume shaped into a corner which was used for closing the shenyi by fastening on the chest. Shenyi could be worn by anybody regardless of gender, profession or social class. Technology was advanced enough at the time that many complicated and magnificent patterns appeared on Hanfu.

A complete Hanfu garment developed in time with addition of other parts of clothing. Now, it is considered that it consists of several pieces of clothing: Yi - which is any open cross-collar garment and is worn by both men and women; Pao - any closed full-body garment, it is worn only by men; Ru- open shirt with cross-collar; Shan - open cross-collar shirt or jacket which is worn over the yi; Qun or chang -a type of skirt which is worn by both women and men and Ku - a type of trousers or pants. It is also considered traditional to decorate hanfu with tassels and jade pendants or various ornaments hung from the belt or sash, which are known as pei. Hats for men and hairpieces for women could also be traditionally worn in combination with Hanfu. This headwear also marked profession or social rank.

Hanfu disappeared at the beginning of the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) which was founded, not by Han Chinese who form the majority of the population of China, but by the Manchus, a semi-nomadic people which first rose to prominence in Manchuria. Qing Dynasty fell in 1911 and Manchu dress disappeared quickly in favor of western-style dress. Most of the Han Chinese wear western-style clothing today and hanfu is worn rarely. The hanfu is now worn during some festivals, ritualistic ceremonies (such are coming of age or rite of passage), by historical re-enactors and by monks and priests.

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Hanfu - History of Hanfu - Traditional Dress of Han-Chinese People

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Hanfu (meaning clothing of the Han people) is a name for pre-17th century traditional clothing of the Han Chinese, which are the predominant ethnic group of China. Hanfu appeared in China more than three thousand years ago and is said that it was clothing of the legendary Yellow Emperor, a great sage king of ancient China.

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Lunyu is a book in which Confusious students record what Confusius talks about when they are having classes. Lunyu shows the ideology, ambition, and behavior of the Confucious, which made it become an important classic of Confucianism. It has twenty chapters, each about different things of Confucius. Most paragraphs start with “Confucius said” or “(student) said”, which is a discussion between the teacher and students.

Lunyu:

https://ctext.org/analects

To know more about Lunyu:

http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Classics/lunyu.html

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Classic of Mountains and Seas 山海經 - The Collection of Unusual Things

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Classic of Mountains and Seas 山海經 - The Collection of Unusual Things

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Classic of Mountains and Seas does not have an author, it can be seen as a collection of many people’s knowledge, information, and experience. The book describes animals, plants, myths, and other unusual landscapes categorized into “mountain” and “sea”. This has become a huge inspiration for people creating artwork.

To know more about Classic of Mountain and Seas:

https://open.muhlenberg.pub/chinasmagicalcreatures/chapter/classic-of-mountains-and-seas/

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Sweet wine is a traditional Chinese Hunan drink that has a long history. When Emperor Qianlong traveled to the south of the Yangtze River, he caught a whiff of the sweet wine and decided to give it a try. Following this event, sweet wine gained widespread popularity in China, with even the famous poet Li Bai expressing his love for it. However, throughout many centuries, the traditional recipe for sweet wine has changed, and the flavor of the wine is no longer the same.

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'Jiuniang' 酒酿, also known as 'Laozao' 醪糟, is a traditional homemade Chinese sweet rice liquor. Unique to the Han Chinese population, this practice is popular in ethnic Han communities in central, northern and western parts of China, as well as in migrant Han enclaves such as the Hakkas 客家 in southeastern coastal China and on Taiwan island.

Jiuniang 酒酿 is very similar to the Sikhye 식혜 in Korea and the Amazake 甘酒 in Japan.

Jiuniang 酒酿 tastes sweet and has a low alcohol content of 1.5 to 2 percent. It is made by fermenting cooked glutinous rice for about 5 days, hence it is a young rice alcohol. Further fermentation will either result in a full rice wine or rice vinegar, depending on the temperature and yeast content. To make and preserve jiuniang, the fermentation has to be halted by storing the liquor at 10 degrees celsius.

What is the history of Jiuniang 酒酿?

The ancient name of Jiuniang 酒酿 is Li 醴. The earliest records of the term date to the 2nd to 3rd centuries AD:

"又野王岁献甘醪膏饧。"
On the birthday of Lord Youye, tributes of sweets and Li were made.
History of the later Han, Volume 32" 《后汉书·樊传》 (6-189 AD)

It was claimed that during the Western Han Period, citizens were made to build the Mausoleum of Maoling (汉茂陵) for the then Emperor Wu, located in Shaanxi, over 53 years. Jiuniang 酒酿 was said to have been developed here to feed the hungry builders, by combining alcohol and rice. By the Tang Period (618 to 907 AD), this quickly became a staple drink and condiment all over the country.

My ancestor, the renowned poet, Du Pu 杜甫 (712-770 AD) left a poem 《孟仓曹步趾领新酒酱二物满器见遗老夫》 ( Meng the Granary Manager gave me two jugs of newly-brewed Jiuniang) about his love for Jiuniang 酒酿:

楚岸通秋屐，胡床面夕畦。
藉糟分汁滓，瓮酱落提携。
饭粝添香味，朋来有醉泥。
理生那免俗，方法报山妻。
《孟仓曹步趾领新酒酱二物满器见遗老夫》

You were trodding through a path by the River Chu that cuts through the autumn's debris, When I looked up from my chair, facing the open fields, one evening. Carrying full jugs that were dripping With the wine, freshly separated from the rice residue. Oh, it adds such fragrance to my coarse meals and drunken joy to visiting friends! I don't think I can ever live without this new habit. Please teach my unskilled wife how to make it.

How do you consume Jiuniang 酒酿?

Jiuniang Wanzi 酒釀圓子 (Jiuniang Rice Balls)
The Chinese has the habit of eating a dessert composed of pasta-like balls made with rice flour called Tang Yuan 湯圓 in a light syrup. When you add Jiuniang 酒酿 to a portion of rice balls, it is called Jiuniang Wanzi 酒釀圓子.

Jiu Cao Ji 酒糟鸡 (Jiuniang Chicken)
This is a very common Han Chinese dish. It is basically stir-fried chicken braised in Jiuniang 酒酿 towards the end of the cooking process.

Nailao'er 奶酪兒 (Jiuniang Yoghurt)
This is a typical Beijing snack. Jiuniang 酒酿 is added to milk at room temperature and left overnight. The process will coagulate the milk to become a yoghurt-like snack. It tastes sweet and alcoholic.

Apart from these dishes, Jiuniang 酒酿 is used in Han Chinese cuisines wherever you use rice wines like Shaoxing wine. It helps to get rid of odours, soften fats in meat and increase the umami of dishes.

What are the health benefits of consuming Jiuniang 酒酿?

Jiuniang 酒酿 contains glucose, antioxidants and Vitamins B1 and B2.

In Chinese medicine, it is not suitable for pregnant women but it is often eaten after delivery to help new mothers produce milk.

Traditionally, Jiuniang 酒酿 is consumed a lot more in autumn and winter to help promote blood circulation. People who feel cold all the time or older people who suffer from fatigue and lethargy should consume warm Jiuniang 酒酿 to increase energy levels.

What is Jiuqu 酒麴?

Often translated into English as ' wine yeast', - or sometimes written as - is an alcohol starter.

You absolutely need this in order to make your own Jiuniang 酒酿. Jiuqu 酒麴 contains either Rhizopus oryzae and/or Aspergillus oryzae as well as other yeast types. Different starters influence the fermentation period and process. So you may have to experiment with starters of different brands and origins to find the one you like best.

About this recipe: Using rice cooker

Traditionally, making Jiuniang 酒酿 requires you to soak the glutinous rice overnight. This is because compared to white rice, glutinous rice cook less easily. The traditional way to cook glutinous rice is by steaming. Hence the soaking process is required in order to first soften the rice.

This recipe however uses an electric or microwave rice cooker. This makes sure your rice is cooked thoroughly without having to be soaked. This really makes the process faster and more efficient!

This recipe also recommended placing your fermentation pot in an oven. Once heated, the enclosed environment makes sure that the temperature does not plunge below 20 degrees celsius. Of course, if you are living in the tropics, the fermentation pot can be placed just anywhere in a dark corner of your house.

Ingredients:

500g 'round' glutinous (sticky) rice

500ml filtered or mineral water

250ml filtered or mineral water

1 piece Jiuqu starter 酒饼/酒麴

Electric rice cooker

Oven

Glazed earthern/Ceramic pot, with a cover

Food-grade plastic freezer bag

Plastic wrap

Glass container with airtight cover with a 750ml or 1l capacity

Instructions

1. Wash your rice cooker pot with soap. Rinse with boiling water. Then wipe clean.

2. Rinse your glutinous rice repeatedly until the water is relatively clear.

3. Place your rice in your rice cooker with 500ml water. Mix well, and let it cook.

4. Once the rice is cooked, let it to cool down until around 30 degree celsius. Not warmer and not when the rice is completely cold.

5. During this time, place your Jiuqu starter inside a fresh, never-used-before, food-grade plastic bag (normally used to store food in a freezer). Crush it finely with a pestle or a rolling pin.

6. In a sterilised bowl, add 250ml room temperature water and mix in the crushed Jiuqu starter with a sterilised tablespoon.

7. Once the cooked rice is cooled to around 30 degree celsius, use a sterilised spoon to transfer it into the fermentation pot.

8. Pour the Jiuqu starter solution evenly onto the rice.

9. Turn the freezer bag you have used before to crush the Jiuqu starter inside out and massage the starter solution into the rice using your hand through the bag.

10. Once done, make a well hole in the centre of about 5cm in diameter, for you to check the fermentation process later.

11. Cover the fermentation pot completely with plastic wrap. Make sure it is completely airtight! Place the pot cover on top to make sure light doesn't go through.

12. Warm your oven to around 30 degrees celsius, switch it off, and place your fermentation pot in there.

13. Wait for 5 days.

14. If you do not have an oven or an oven that can be used over 5 days, place your fermentation pot in a dark, warm spot (between 22-28 degreee celsius) of your house.

15. You can check from time to time through the plastic, whether alcohol has developed inside the well in the centre. This should happen by Day Two. DO NOT remove the plastic even for a second to check the fermentation.

16. If you notice the rice turning black or there is mold growing on the rice, that means there has been a leak and the yeast has been overcome by other organisms. The fermentation has thus failed.

17. After Day Five, you can already transfer your wine and some of the rice into an airtight sterilised glass container with a 750ml or 1l capacity. Place it immediately in the fridge to stop the fermentation. It would keep the Jiuniang 酒酿 fresh for up to one year.

18. Or you can wait until Day Eight or Ten to have a stronger liquor, which is less sweet, quite sour, a lot more bubbly, and has a higher alcohol content.

Very important tips to note:

Do not soak your rice overnight.

Traditionally, the glutinous rice is first soaked overnight to facilitate the cooking by steaming for about 30 minutes. Because the fermentation can only happen when the rice is fully cooked. Using the rice cooker method, your glutinous rice will have been fully cooked. Overcooking the rice will result in very soft rice, and create a very thick murky liquor full of rice taste. So you may have Jiuniang 酒酿, but it cannot be used because of the texture.

Mix in your Jiuqu starter at the right temperature.

The yeast needs heat to be activated. Pouring the yeast solution into cold or room temperature rice, will not activate the fermentation. Conversely, rice that is still steaming or too hot will kill the Jiuqu starter, which will not result in any fermentation.

Keep it airtight until the liquor is ready.

I failed midway in my fermentation process because I peeled back the plastic to smell the liquor for 5 seconds. That killed the fermentation process halfway when bacteria got in during that very short period of time and my Jiuniang 酒酿 was spoiled the very next day. Also, do not trust some websites or Youtubers who claim you need to leave a small hole or loosely covered top supposedly because fermentation needs oxygen and it releases a lot of gas. Well, that basically turned my whole pot into a mold farm! Sometimes, Youtubers do things to attract views by claiming their method is the most foolproof or easiest. That is simply irresponsible.

Keep it warm at a constant temperature.

I also failed in the beginning because it is now autumn in Europe where I live, and my kitchen is too cold. I placed my fermentation pot above my fridge thinking it is enough because my room temperature is around 19 or 20 degrees celsius. Nope, it did not even ferment because that is too cold for the yeast to be active even though they were activated in the beginning. That is when I discovered the oven. I also fired up the oven from time to time during fermentation to give the yeast a nice temperature boost. Note that you should remove your pot before heating up the oven and wait for the oven to reach maximum 30 degrees celsius before putting the pot back in. Whatever it is, do not let your fermentation pot go below 20 degrees.

Do not ever touch the rice with your hands.

Your fermentation will spoil because there is oil OR any bacteria other than the Jiuqu starter. Which is why all utensils need to be first washed with soap to get rid of any form of grease and then sterilised with hot boiling water before being used. Do not think of touching the rice or wine with your fingers or hands even for a short while, as this will contaminate your rice with bacteria harmful to the yeast.

Use round glutinous rice.

Both long and round glutinous rice can be used, but round glutinous rice is said to produce a sweeter Jiuniang 酒酿.

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Jiuniang 酒酿 : Homemade Chinese Sweet Rice Liquor

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'Jiuniang' 酒酿, also known as 'Laozao' 醪糟, is a traditional homemade Chinese sweet rice liquor. Unique to the Han Chinese population, this practice is popular in ethnic Han communities in central, northern and western parts of China, as well as in migrant Han enclaves such as the Hakkas 客家 in southeastern coastal China and on Taiwan island.

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Suanmeitang is a Chinese beverage that has been celebrated for its digestion benefits for at least 1,000 years. Made from preserved sour plums to serve people in the Qing royal courts, enthusiasts now make it at home with ingredients like hawthorn, liquorice , and brown sugar. It is said to be far tastier if you make your own rather than buying it.

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In the vast market of dazzling beverages, traditional Chinese drinks have never lost their appeal. When Sichuan hotpot becomes too spicy to handle, a glass of chilled sour plum drink is an immediate rescue.

Traditional Chinese beverages are usually made of everyday fruit or vegetables combined with medicinal herbs and spices to boost the health benefits, and additional sugar and flavorings such as osmanthus flower to elevate the taste.

In general, the original recipes are usually on the sweet side with a lot of rock sugar or brown sugar added during cooking, so modern adaptations would cut down the amount of sugar significantly for health reasons, and it's still recommended to drink in moderate quantities despite the great taste.

Suanmeitang, or sour plum drink, is a traditional Beijing-style summer drink with benefits including quenching the thirst and expelling phlegm. In the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), street peddlers were selling drinks by knocking two small copper bowls together to attract people's attention. As the sweet-and-sour drink was so appetizing just by thinking about the flavor of the plum, the passengers could feel cool even when hearing that sound.

A traditional sour plum drink is made by boiling and simmering the natural ingredients in a large pot of water: dried dark plum, dried hawthorn fruit, aged tangerine peel, licorice, osmanthus flower and rock sugar. The classic technique requires two rounds of stewing to fully extract the flavor and nutrition from the ingredients, and premium quality ingredients are preferred to achieve the desired purity. Some TCM ingredients may carry some residue from the drying process that would disturb the taste and texture.

Today, people are also adding ingredients such as roselle flower tea and jujube into the sour plum drink for richer flavors. The sugar is added to taste, and can be substituted with honey.

The sour plum drink's distinct herbal taste may take some time to get used to, but it's a perfect remedy to cleanse the palate after eating strong-flavored and rich dishes. It's also better enjoyed chilled or over ice to tone down the sourness, which is more obvious when served hot.

In addition to the fresh sour plum drink made by boiling the ingredients directly, there are ways to make the drinks more efficiently at a much cheaper price - by mixing sour plum paste or extract in water with food flavorings. While authentic sour plum drink has a thick, dark brown color with a glistening finish, the lesser version has lighter color and dull, astringent taste.

There are many brands of sour plum drink products, and the label would indicate if the drink is made of original ingredients or sour plum paste and food flavorings. The former usually has a shorter shelf life (around a month) and is usually sold chilled. A carbonated version is also available for those who wish to bring in some fizz.

Winter gourd tea is another traditional summertime drink that's caffeine-free, sweet and herbal. Winter gourd is an everyday Chinese vegetable that can be cooked in stir-fries or added in braised dishes and soups. The gourd itself packs minimum flavor, and it's one of the most popular vegetables in summer because of its properties of expelling heat and swelling as well as improving bowel function.

Winter gourd tea can be very sweet, and the first step is to make a concentrated winter gourd syrup by stewing the peeled and sliced vegetable with lots of brown sugar and water over a low heat. The entire process can take three hours, and the concentrate can be sealed and stored for a longer time.

The seeds of the winter gourd are usually added into the tea, and it's better to choose the gourds with "white frost" on the skin, which soften more quickly. Apart from brown sugar, rock sugar also works in the recipe. Some people would also add ingredients such as ginger into the beverage to boost the health benefits.

When serving winter gourd tea, simply add water and stir well. The drink is best served over ice as well to balance the sweet flavor, but it can also be served hot in colder months.

Another traditional Beijing-style drink is xiaodiaolitang, which translates into "small hanging pear soup." In Chinese culinary culture, the pear is regarded as a very beneficial fruit to hydrate the body, provide vitamins and nourish the lungs, as well as promoting gut health and boosting the heart.

Pear soup is often used to relieve throat discomfort and coughing, stewing the fresh, juicy large pears with skin on, and seasoning with rock sugar. A secret ingredient to elevate the flavor of the pear soup is a couple of preserved plums, which add a hint of sourness and saltiness to make the soup more refreshing.

White fungus and goji berries can also be incorporated into the pear soup for improved textures, flavors and medicinal benefits. When making the soup, add enough water at the beginning to avoid refilling water later which would dilute the taste.

A classic pairing for pear is monk fruit, or luohanguo, which is a very sweet Chinese herb known for properties of soothing a cough and toning the lungs.

Bamboo cane and couchgrass root drink is a classic Cantonese-style liangcha (herbal tea) recipe. Bamboo cane is the green-skinned cane that looks like bamboo, known for its hard skin and pure juice.

The drink is popular in spring and summer, with additional ingredients such as water chestnut, chunks of fresh carrot and candied winter gourd to boost the flavor and texture. No additional sugar is required as the ingredients are already quite sweet.

Job's tears, a cereal that's commonly used in making congee, is also a classic ingredient in Chinese beverages. The plain Job's tears water made by boiling the soaked cereals is a mild, tasty drink known for the property of dispelling dampness from the body. It can be flavored with fresh lemon slices and served with ice in summer.

An upgraded version of the Job's tears drink is toasting the Job's tears and whole red beans in the pan over a low heat, then using them to make hot tea.

On the sweeter side, five-red soup, or wuhongtang, is a TCM drink recipe incorporating five red-colored ingredients: jujube, goji berries, brown sugar (known as hongtang or red sugar in Chinese), red beans and red-skinned peanuts. The drink is quite tasty and known for its property of replenishing the blood.

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Let's drink to this tradition: ancient recipes still prove popular

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What better than a glass of sour plum drink to cool you down when Sichuan hotpot becomes to hot to h

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Journey to the West 西遊記 - The Jouney of a Monk and Three Animals

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Journey to the West 西遊記 - The Jouney of a Monk and Three Animals

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The novel talks about a Monk taking his three disciples, who are different creatures, going to India from China to find the scripture of Buddhism. At the time, the government was corrupt, therefore, the Author uses this book to express his anger at the unappreciation of his talent. It is the first fantasy novel in China and also the first to use a novel to express the thought of resisting the feudal society.

To know more about Journey to the West:

https://www.asianstudies.org/publications/eaa/archives/journey-to-the-west/

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Tea is an internationally-celebrated beverage that originated in China almost 5,000 years ago. Legends say that Emperor Shen Nung sat beneath a tree with boiled water from his servant when leaves accidentally blew in his cup. Many generations of Chinese people have drunk tea for its pleasure and medicinal benefits, including reducing inflammation.

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Last month, we celebrated the Lunar New Year and with it, the start of the Year of the Pig. Did you know that in Chinese culture pigs are signs of good fortune? We hope that the first weeks of this Chinese New Year have brought you luck but if you ask us, our greatest fortune remains the discovery of tea in China.

How did one country create a beverage that is still going strong hundreds of years later? Let's learn about the history of Chinese tea and what it looks like today.

Sips by is a personalized tea discovery subscription. Each month, we match tea drinkers across the U.S. with delicious teas from over 150 global tea brands that we're sure they'll love. Members receive 4 teas chosen just for them in every box. Learn more about our tea subscription service.

What Is the History of Chinese Tea?

The origins of tea may have started in China, but now it's enjoyed around the globe. We actually have China to thank for many of our favorite teas.

The Origins of Chinese Tea

The history of tea dates back to ancient China, almost 5,000 years ago. According to legend, in 2732 B.C. Emperor Shen Nong discovered tea when leaves from a wild tree blew into a pot of boiling water in his garden. Finding the flavor enjoyable, he is said to have begun researching the plant. Still, tea was originally enjoyed for its medicinal benefits.

This legend is likely a fable. Still, since we have no hard evidence regarding how tea came to be, we'd like to believe it's the truth.

From the 4th to 8th centuries, the popularity of tea in China grew rapidly. No longer used for medicinal properties alone, tea became valued for everyday pleasure and refreshment. As tea plantations spread throughout China, tea merchants became rich and expansive, elegant tea wares became the banner for the wealth and status of their owners.

The Chinese empire tightly controlled the preparation and cultivation of the crop. It was even specified that only young women, presumably because of their purity, were to handle the tea leaves. In fact, these young female handlers were not to eat garlic, onions, or strong spices in case the odor on their fingertips might contaminate the precious tea leaves.

Tea Travels to Japan

Shortly after tea became popular in China, the Japanese discovered this delicious hot drink. The Japanese brought tea back to Japan, where Buddhist monks used the drink to stay awake and focused during their meditations.

Rather than use green tea leaves whole, these monks used powdered green tea leaves to create a frothy tea drink. We now know this concoction as matcha.

The Japanese revered Chinese culture and modeled much of their own tea practices after Chinese practices. This is why Japanese and Chinese tea cultures are so similar.

In the 1200s, tea drinking slowly asserted itself as an important part of Japanese culture. The practice of tea drinking became a popular pastime not only for royalty but also for lower-class citizens.

Japanese and Chinese Tea Ceremonies Arise

The Japanese revered tea so much that they created the tea ceremony. During a traditional Japanese tea ceremony, artistic elements like tea, gardens, artwork, and floral design are enjoyed in complete silence.

The Chinese people had their own form of tea ceremony, too, with both versions emphasizing the spiritual nature of tea and its effects on community and harmony.

As tea ceremonies grew in popularity, so did ceramics. This is because the tea ceremonies used ceramic bowls and ornate pots in their tea brewing activities. Both Japanese culture and Chinese culture disdained lavish displays of wealth, so they gravitated toward an art movement known as wabi-sabi. Wabi-sabi essentially refers to the appreciation of impermanence and imperfection, especially related to beauty.

This is a Japanese term, but it refers to an imperfect and rustic type of aesthetic that both the Chinese and Japanese favored. The Japanese took this farther than the Chinese did, but even the Chinese preferred simplistic bowls and utensils.

Tea Enters Europe

Tea began to make its way westward, and it eventually found its way to Holland. The Dutch and the Portuguese alike loved tea, but it was the Dutch who first negotiated a trade with China.

At this time, China was the sole producer of tea. Tea was also expensive to import, which meant that it was a drink largely enjoyed by the upper class.

In the 1660s, a Portuguese princess married into the British royal family and brought her tea drinking habits with her. At first, the royal family enjoyed tea in solitude, but eventually, the drink made its way into the streets of Britain. Once it did, tea mania struck fast and hard.

Citizens of Britain clamored over tea, but the price was still the same. In fact, the country's great love for tea began to cause serious damage to its economy. Britain was hemorrhaging money into the tea industry and decided to take action.

The East India Company

The East India Company had a monopoly on tea imports from China at the time. However, Britain officially banned this monopoly in the 1830s.

This left the East India Company scrambling to regain market control, especially as other tea houses and importers began to spring up. To re-establish control, the East India Company did two things: It started the Opium Wars and infiltrated Chinese tea production.

The East India Company contracted Scottish horticulturist Robert Fortune to steal Chinese tea secrets. To do this, Fortune posed as a Chinese citizen and slowly took note of Chinese tea production practices.

In his time there, Fortune discovered that all teas were made from the same plant but exposed to different oxidation processes. Of course, we know now that harvest conditions and growing season also have a ton to do with creating distinct types of tea, but Fortune was definitely onto something.

Fortune also stole tens of thousands of tea plants and tea plant clippings and sent them to the East India Company.

The Company used these secrets and plants to start their own competing tea production farms in India, which is today's second-largest producer of tea in the world. Once this happened, China was no longer the only country that could produce tea.

What Is Chinese Wedding Tea?

In Chinese culture, tea is closely tied to weddings. We may think of today's wedding drinks as wines and cocktails, but Chinese weddings typically see guests drinking tea.

Before marriage, there's betrothal. In traditional Chinese culture, the groom's family would present the bride's family with gifts in good faith, typically including tea in one form or another. The bride's family would then send a dowry if they accepted the offer.

Although wedding tea was common in the Tang Dynasty, the tradition of gifting tea was solidified during the Song Dynasty from 960 to 1279 BCE. The Song Dynasty encouraged tea drinking amongst Chinese citizens, so tea became a staple in every bride and groom's dowry. The guests would even drink tea at the weddings.

Before the guests drink, the happy couple traditionally engages in the Chinese tea ceremony. In a traditional Chinese wedding tea ceremony, the bride and groom bow or kneel and serve tea to their immediate families. This signifies that these families have now become relatives of the happy couple. This is not to be confused with the gongfu tea ceremony which focuses more on the slow and ritualistic practice of making tea.

Modern Chinese weddings look a lot like Western weddings, but tea still plays an incredibly important part in Chinese wedding culture today. In fact, many Chinese couples still include the Chinese wedding tea ceremony in their weddings.

Types of Chinese Tea

All types of Chinese tea come from the dried and fermented leaves of the Camellia sinensis plant, which grows natively in both China and India. Each type of tea has a different oxidation process, harvest condition, and growing season that results in varied flavor, color, and caffeine content.

Green Tea

Up to the mid-17th century, all Chinese tea was . This resulted in green tea. As foreign trade increased, though, the Chinese growers discovered that they could preserve the tea leaves with a special oxidation process black tea, which kept its flavor and aroma longer than the more delicate Chinese green teas and was better equipped for the export journeys to other countries.

Green tea comes from tea plant leaves that are dried and oxidized a little longer than white tea leaves. Green teas are typically very floral, often paired with other floral flavors to bring out their light texture.

There are many types of green tea that can come from various regions of China, such as Dragon Well or Longjing tea from Hangzhou.

White Tea

White tea is harvested first before the leaves have much time to develop deep flavors and rich colors. As a result, white teas are often low in caffeine and have incredibly light tastes and textures.

One of our favorite white teas is Made of Tea Organic Bai Mudan White Tea. This quality tea provides a refreshing mid-day pick-me-up that is lovely for any on-the-go professional.

Oolong

Oolong tea is a mix between red tea and green tea. Its color can vary, but it typically lands between red and green tea, and it is not to be confused with yellow tea. Oolong tea is known for its distinct floral flavor and light texture.

We recommend Davidson's Organic Teas Quilan China Oolong for a rich oolong tea. This tea comes from Quilan tea leaves and has a woodsy flavor that is sure to be a favorite.

Red Tea

This may be confusing, but Chinese red tea actually refers to black tea. The Chinese call it red tea due to its deep amber hue, which makes sense.

We recommend Bare Leaves Golden Yunnan Black for anyone interested in trying Chinese red tea. This tea is made from plants grown in the Yunnan province, which is highly forested. The unique soil chemistry in this region gives the tea a surprisingly floral taste, which we love to pair with milk and sugar for a mid-afternoon treat.

Pu-Erh Tea

Pu-erh or pu-er tea is a dark and musky tea that is made from fermented green tea leaves. This tea differs from red tea in that the leaves are left in a damp environment for extended periods of time to enrich the flavor.

Final Thoughts

Tea has remained an integral part of Chinese culture for thousands of years; it was popular before the Egyptians built the great pyramids, and was traded with Asian countries even before Europe left the dark ages. The importance and popularity of tea in China continues in the modern-day and has become a symbol of the country's history, religion, and culture.

While Emperor Shen Nung might have discovered tea in the first place, Sips by is here to help new and experienced tea drinkers discover their favorite cups of tea. Click the button below to create a tea profile, take the tea profile quiz, and get a personalized monthly tea box matched to your unique tastes. Or if you already know your tea tastes choose your favorite tea bags and get them shipped to your door.

Need help getting your tea collection all set? Sips by can help with that too. We have teapots, tea pitchers, mugs, and tools for steeping to create your own personalized tea set. Happy sipping!

Sources:
History of Tea | UK Tea and Infusions Association History of Tea Culture in China and Japan | Blog | Museum of World Treasures Chinese Wedding Tea Ceremony | China Highlights
Interested in trying these teas and others? Subscribers receive 4 teas chosen just for them in every box. Learn more about our tea subscription box or explore the loose leaf tea shop.

About Sips by: We're a female-founded and led startup that makes discovering tea fun, personalized, and affordable. The Sips by Box is the only multi-brand, personalized tea subscription box. Each month, we match tea drinkers across the U.S. with delicious teas from over 150 global tea brands that we're sure they'll love. Based out of Austin, Texas, we are adept at savoring a hot mug even when it's seasonally inappropriate.

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Last month, we celebrated the Lunar New Year and with it, the start of the Year of the Pig. Did you know that in Chinese culture pigs are signs of good fortune? We hope that the first weeks of this Chinese New Year have brought you luck but if you ask us, our greatest fortune remains the discovery of tea in China.

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Content of the Investiture of the Gods (Text-Based)

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Investiture of the Gods 封神演義 - A Mortal Canonized the Gods

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Investiture of the Gods 封神演義 - A Mortal Canonized the Gods

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It talks about a war between two powers. One is the old Shang Dynasty and the other is the new Zhou Dynasty, and the Zhou took over the territories and became the ruler of China. It expresses a kind of fatalism, which is different from the traditional Chinese culture at that time. The novel has a massive influence on people at that time, and lots of dramas are inspired by it.

To know more about Investiture of the Gods:

https://ultimatepopculture.fandom.com/wiki/Investiture_of_the_Gods

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Investiture of the Gods - Wikisource, the free online library

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Peking Opera is a traditional Chinese performance of singing, combat acrobatics, dance, and elaborate costumes. Telling stories based on folklore from across many regions, the performances began in the late Qing Empire and solidified into a custom by the 1840’s. The four main types of characters include women, gentlemen, rough men, and clowns.

here is a video of the peaking opera (video file): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wzBDB-u1pRg

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Since the 18th century jingxi (or jingju), popularly known as Peking opera, has arisen as the principal form of Chinese music-drama. Credit for the beginning of jingxi is given to actors from Anhui (now a province in eastern China) appearing in Beijing (then called Peking) in the 1790s. However, jingxi really combines elements from many different earlier forms and, like Western grand opera, can be considered to be a 19th-century product. In addition to all the instruments mentioned above, many others may be found.

The most common melodic instrument for opera is some form of fiddle, or bowed lute (huqin). It comes in several different forms, such as the small, shrill-voiced jinghu and the larger, more mellow-toned erhu. Although the shape of the body may be different, all traditional Chinese fiddles exhibit certain structural characteristics. The small body has a skin or wooden soundboard and an open back. The two strings pass over a bridge and then are suspended above a pole to the pegs, which are inserted from the rear of the pegbox (not from the sides as on a Western violin). Such a system places one string above the other rather than parallel to it (as on a banjo or a pipa). Because of this, the bow passes between the strings, sounding one string when the player pulls the hairs of the bow toward the body of the instrument and the other when the player presses back against the bow's stick. The fingerings of tunes are done by sideways pressure, along the strings; they are too far from the pole for it to serve as a fingerboard, which, because of the vertical stringing, would be a nuisance in any case. It is this unique manner of fiddle construction that helps one determine the source of many of the bowed lutes of Southeast Asia.

Barrel drums with tacked heads (gu) and a double reed with a conical bore and bell (suona) are used in military scenes, along with cymbals (bo) and large flat gongs. The most common percussion instruments are a small flat gong (luo), a drum (bangu), and clappers ( paiban). The small gong is some 8 inches (20 cm) in diameter; the face is slightly curved except for a flat centre spot. It is designed in this manner in order that the tone and pitch of the gong will rise quickly each time it is hit. This "sliding" gong effect is characteristic of the Beijing sound. The bangu or danpigu is equally unique in construction. The skin is stretched over a set of wooden wedges strapped in a circle with only a small spot in the middle that is completely hollow. This allows the performer to produce a very dry, sharp sound. Such a tone is practical as well as aesthetic, for the bangu often leads the ensemble, and its signals are essential to the coordination of the performance. The drummer frequently plays the clapper as well-with the left hand-while playing the drum with a narrow bamboo stick held in the right hand.

Harmony and harmonic progression are parts neither of Chinese nor of other East Asian traditional music. The functions of harmony-such as underlining expression, providing sonic contrast, and creating a sense of forward motion-are handled with equal efficiency by rhythm in East Asia, although the methods and sounds are very different from their Western counterparts. In both traditions, the choices are not arbitrary, and with cultural exposure one comes to recognize the musical intention, even though it is not necessary to know precisely what chord or what rhythm pattern produces an appropriate musical effect. For example, very few Western music listeners know that a doubly diminished chord (C-E♭-G♭-A) played tremolo means danger, although all would recognize the danger signal by ear. By the same token, a jingxi audience hearing the large gong played alone in the rhythm

would know that the situation is a similar moment of confusion, but probably most would not know that the pattern is named the "scattering hammer" ( luanchui). Pattern names are for specialists, but pattern sounds and "meanings" are for attuned listeners.

Like any theatrical music, the tunes of jingxi must conform to the text structure and the dramatic situation. In the latter case, one finds that a majority of jingxi aria texts are based on series of couplets of 7 or 10 syllables each. Although there may be several verses set in strophic form (i.e., music repeated for each strophe, or stanza), part of the musical tension is maintained by the interjection of comments or short dialogue between the two lines of each verse. These leave the listener waiting for the completion of the line. The tune aids in this forward motion and tension by playing what could be considered an incomplete melodic cadence (point of resolution) at the end of line one, which is brought to a final resolution at the end of the second line. From a dramaturgical standpoint, the arias of jingxi can be categorized into different types whose style is recognizable in the same way that one can tell, without language ability, the mood of a love, farewell, or vengeance aria in Italian opera.

Jingxi melodies themselves tend to fall into two prototypes called xipi and erhuang. Within each of these general types there are several well-known tunes, but the word prototype has been used to define them, as each opera and each situation is capable of varying the basic melody greatly. The two basic identifying factors are the mode of the melody and the rhythmic style of the accompanying percussion section. In general, serious and lyrical texts are performed to an erhuang melody and xipi tunes appear in brighter moments, though in such a large genre there are many other possibilities. In actual performance the fiddle may be tuned lower for erhuang melodies. Both the erhuang and xipi tune types emphasize a pentatonic (five-tone) core with a "changing" tone of B (its pitch is actually between the Western B and B♭), but their modes differ. Xipi are said to emphasize (in the context of a scale starting on C) E and A and erhuang G and C. Xipi melodies are often more disjunct. Although both examples are set at a standard tempo ( yuanban), the erhuang is faster and rhythmically more dense, as it is a male aria, while the xipi is female and slower. Both pieces could be played at a slower ( manban) or faster ( kuaiban) tempo, however, or could be accompanied by other special rhythms. Such choices often cause changes in the melody itself. In general, the choice of both tune and rhythm style is guided by the text and the character. In most arias each sentence is separated by an instrumental interlude.

Jingxi is also characterized by colourful costumes and striking character-identifying makeup as well as acrobatic combats and dances. These conventions of Chinese opera are similar to those of 18th-century European traditions, though the sounds are certainly quite different. The need to communicate in music or in theatre requires the repeated use of aural and visual conventions if an audience is to understand and be moved by the event.

Other vocal and instrumental genres

Aside from opera there are many other popular forms of music from the Ming and Qing periods. One is storytelling ( shuoshu). This tradition, which is virtually as old as humankind and is noted in China's earliest books, continues in China in a purely narrative form, in a sung style, and in a mixture of the two. Until the advent of television and government arts control, there were narrators who recounted traditional stories in nightly or weekly segments. Their idiom was like that of surviving tellers of shorter stories. The text is usually in rhyme and is spoken in rhythm. Chinese storytellers may perform unaccompanied, but generally at least a clapper rhythm is present. One string instrument, such as a three-string long-necked lute (sanxian) or a four-string short-necked lute (pipa), is also common. Songs accompanied by a drum ( dagu) are the best-known. The narrator not only relates the story but usually plays the clappers and a drum as well. Because the text is the core of the genre, standard melodies are used. Additional accompaniment may be provided by a string ensemble like that of opera. Various shadow- and hand-puppet plays, which may be considered subsets of storytelling, use a similar ensemble. In those traditions, the manipulator of the puppets often performs the role of singer-narrator.

Like many regional opera forms, storytelling is often performed on temporary street stages and is eclectically creative. Saxophones and other Western instruments may combine with the ubiquitous Chinese fiddles and percussion instruments. Topical popular tunes and well-known Western music can appear among opera melodies as the drama unfolds. Recordings mix with live music so that, for example, a battle scene may be accompanied by Chinese percussion sounds, firecrackers, and a recording of Nikolay Rimsky-Korsakov 's lively orchestral interlude "The Flight of the Bumble Bee."

Leaving the many forms of vocal and theatrical music, it is appropriate to turn briefly to the instrumental. The 25-stringed se zither, with movable bridges, and the seven-stringed qin, with permanent upper and lower bridges (like a piano), were well known for solo music in ancient times. During the last dynasty, collections of qin music and instruction books flourished as part of certain neo-Confucian revivals. Many musical notations were developed, perhaps the most interesting variety for the qin being one in which Chinese characters were artificially constructed by combining symbols for the notes with indications of fingering technique, such as upstrokes, downstrokes, or harmonics ( overtones). Although most of the music was based on vocal pieces or evoked some scene, there were several examples of variation forms that had an important influence on Korean and Japanese forms that followed. The pipa likewise developed an extensive repertoire of solo pieces, many of them quite virtuosic and pictorial. For example, anyone hearing a pipa battle piece needs to know very little Chinese to recognize the musical interpretations of the action. Since the mid-20th century there has been a considerable revival of solo repertoire for the zheng, a zither with 16 strings and movable bridges whose popularity spreads as far south as Vietnam, where it is generally known as a dan tranh. The strings are apparently influenced by the dulcimer (yangqin), for they are metal.

Chamber music exists in many styles, functions, and locations. Some of it can be considered folk music played by farmers or other working people for festivals or private entertainment. Music of this type can still be heard at weddings or funerals in Chinese communities all over the world. During the Ming and Qing periods, small ensembles of courtiers or professional musicians could be found at palaces, but the major sources for this kind of chamber music were in the world of the musically inclined business professional or trader. Because of this, certain regional forms of chamber music such as the Xiamen (Amoy) "southern pipe," or nanyin (also called nanguan or nanyue) tradition survive in such locations as Taiwan, Manila, Singapore, and San Francisco. In this context it is noteworthy that, even during Japan's isolation period from the 17th to the 19th century, Chinese vocal and chamber music, known in Japanese as minshingaku ("Ming and Qing music"), was played in Nagasaki, the only open port in Japan. Examples of such dispersed regional music are of great value in the study of the oral history of Ming and Qing music and of the distribution and development of various musical instruments. Much of the repertoire of such stylistic groups is derived from theatre music, but there are many examples that may imply the sounds of older lost traditions.

There are a variety of notation systems for Chinese music, particularly for the solo repertoire. The one most commonly used in tune books of the last dynasties is gongche, which uses characters to indicate the various pitches. Although the gongche system is still widely used, mainland sources generally prefer the number system, which is based on the 19th-century French chevé system (which used numerals 1-7 for the notes of the scale). Unlike other Chinese notations, the numeric system shows rhythm by the use of dots and beams borrowed from Western 8th and 16th notes. Percussion accompaniments also can be found in a similar style, as can larger ensemble scores, but both are more characteristic of 20th-century China.

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Chinese music - Jingxi, Peking Opera: Since the 18th century jingxi (or jingju), popularly known as Peking opera, has arisen as the principal form of Chinese music-drama. Credit for the beginning of jingxi is given to actors from Anhui (now a province in eastern China) appearing in Beijing (then called Peking) in the 1790s.

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Content of Romance of the Three Kingdoms (Text-Based)

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Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義 - Wars for New Dynasty

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Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義 - Wars for New Dynasty

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This is a novel written by Luo GuanZhong based on the history of the Three Kingdoms periods. It is the first historical fictional novel in Chinese history, and it has about 70% of real historical events and settings. This caused people to think of the characters' property as they were in the novel but not in history since the novel has a very high influence in China. The novel expresses the pattern of Dynasties’ and Kingdoms’ rise and fall.

To know more about Romance of the Three Kingdoms:

https://www.britannica.com/topic/Romance-of-the-Three-Kingdoms

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Romance of the Three Kingdoms - Chinese Text Project

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Romance of the Three Kingdoms (三國演義) - full text database, fully browsable and searchable on-line; discussion and list of publications related to Romance of the Three Kingdoms. In English and simplified and traditional Chinese.

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Photo-gallery for the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors (PPT, Photogallery)

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Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors 三皇五帝 - The Base-stone of China

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Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors 三皇五帝 - The Base-stone of China

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There are several versions of the sovereigns and emperors, and in every version, they are the base-stones for Chinese culture. The sovereigns are people who represent three important innovations of ancient China, for example, the building of houses is represented by the Suiren. The five emperors are five great emperors in the Myth-period of China

To know more about Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors:

https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Three_Sovereigns_and_Five_Emperors

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Glove Puppetry is a performance art that originated in the 1600’s in which hand puppets made of elaborate wood carvings and embroidered outfits tell folklore stories. For example, one common tale tells the story of an honest and responsive judge during the Song Dynasty, Bao Gong, while another tells the story of a pilgrimage to find ancient Buddhist texts.

here is a video about the glove puppetry:

(video file)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=emQY-ohQxRg

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Taiwanese Glove Puppets (2022.005) – Museum of Chinese in America

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Nuwa and Fuxi 女媧和伏羲 - The Ancestor of All Humans

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Nuwa and Fuxi 女媧和伏羲 - The Ancestor of All Humans

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They are two myth figures in Chinese history, and they are siblings. Nuwa is the sister and Fuxi is the brother. In myth, Nuwa creates humans with mud and also mends the sky when the God of Water breaks the pillar supporting the sky. The Fuxi is the ancestor of humanities in China, for example, he draws the Bagua which is an important part of the philosophy, divination, and ideology of China.

To know more about Fuxi:

https://mythopedia.com/topics/fuxi

To know more about Nuwa:

https://mythopedia.com/topics/nuwa

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Houyi and Chang'e 后羿與嫦娥 - The Most Famous Couple in China

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Houyi and Chang'e 后羿與嫦娥 - The Most Famous Couple in China

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Houyi is the husband of Chang'e in Chinese Myth. Yi, according to scholars' speculation, is a tribe leader. Then, in myth, Yi becomes a hero of all humans by shooting down nine suns when there are ten, and a word is added to its name, and called Houyi. Chang’e eats an immortal pill when Yi’s student wants to steal it, and fly to the moon, and live in a palace called Guanghan.

To know more about Hou Yi:

https://mythopedia.com/topics/hou-yi

To know more about Chang'e:

https://mythopedia.com/topics/chang-e

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Nunchaku are thought by many historians to have originated in Okinawa, Japan as a weapon made up of two sticks combined with a chain. However, one legend claims that the Chinese Emperor Jiu Hong Jun retreated to a small village after a defeat only to find that the farmers were using nunchaku to remove the husk of crops. He believed –so legends say– they could be adapted as a weapon.

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If you've ever watched martial arts movies or cartoons, you've seen nunchaku in action. In the hands of experienced fighters and trained actors, they deliver movement that's fluid, graceful, and even artistic. Bruce Lee popularized the weapon in America in the 1960s thanks to his famous films such as "Enter the Dragon." Yet well before the master himself demonstrated its techniques on the silver screen, this legendary instrument had an awesome history that's several centuries long.
Possible Origins in Okinawa
Scholars aren't entirely clear on where this instrument originated. However, some claim that the birth of the nunchaku took place in Okinawa. As one popular story goes, King Sho Hashi founded the kingdom of Ryukyu during the 1400s by uniting Okinawa's provinces. Fearing a revolt, he prohibited most citizens from owning weapons. Yet nobility, including those who served the government, were allowed to have swords.

During the early 1700s, serving nobles' wages dropped sharply and they were permitted to become farmers, fishers, and craftspeople. However, this meant giving up their weapons. Now they had no means to fight thieves or angry neighbors. They grabbed anything they could to defend themselves, including common farm implements. Connecting two sticks with a rope was how the nunchaku was born.

Other story variants hold that the nunchaku were developed by the original Okinawan peasant class, and were, again, based on farm implements.
Other Stories Point to China
Agricultural flails, used to remove the husks on various grain crops, were popular throughout Asia. They consisted of two sticks connected by a flexible joint, allowing the user to hold one end and strike the harvested plants. One story claims that the Chinese emperor Jiu Hong Jun retreated with his army to a small village after a massive defeat by Mongolian conquerors. Upon arrival, he tasked his soldiers with helping with farm labor. When the emperor witnessed an agricultural flail in action, he believed it could be used for fighting.

Was the nunchaku born from the emperor's invention? It's unclear, but this tale insists that he and his soldiers defeated the Mongolians when armed with the flails. Later modifications resulted in a weapon resembling the modern version. After the 10 th century, its use eventually spread throughout Asia to Japan, Korea, India and other neighboring countries.
Bruce Lee and Martial Arts Cinema
It's said that martial arts cinema history was made when Guru Dan Inosanto handed Bruce Lee this iconic weapon back in 1964. According to Inosanto, Lee instantly liked it for its versatility and cinematic value. His nunchaku would become a constant companion in quite a few films, including "Enter the Dragon," "Fist of Fury" and "Game of Death."

Of course, you know what happened next. After filmgoers saw Lee's slick moves, the popularity of this weapon skyrocketed. It became a staple in martial arts films throughout the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, even appearing in other genre films like "Black Dynamite." Eventually, it made its way to cartoons such as "Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles" and "G.I. Joe: A Real American Hero." Out of concerns over violence, many localities banned or restricted its use. However, some of these statutes have since been overturned.
Which Martial Arts Use Nunchaku?
These lightweight and graceful instruments are used in many martial arts disciplines. They're part of the extensive weapons system in Okinawan Kobudo alongside the bo, sai, kama and tonfa. You'll also see them frequently in karate as well as Taekwondo, Hapkido, Kung Fu and to some degree in Jeet Kune Do. The Filipino version, Tabak-Toyok, uses shorter handles and a longer chain. Dan Inosanto teaches Tabak-Toyok techniques today, and it was this weapon that eventually ended up in Bruce Lee's hands. There's even a martial art form dedicated solely to its use, nunchaku-do, and freestyle performance incorporates skills that show off its capability for visually stunning displays.
An Instrument for Every Practitioner
We may never be able to sort out the most accurate account of nunchaku history. What we do know is that there are a few different variations of the basic design that's in use today. You may notice that the classical Chinese instruments have handles that are shorter and round, while traditional Japanese editions are slightly longer and use octagonal handles. However, that's not a completely hard-and-fast rule. No matter what your particular discipline, you'll find many different versions of this instrument crafted to suit your needs.

Need a guide to finding your perfect nunchaku? Check out this post!

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From East to West: A Quick History of the Nunchaku

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The history of the nunchaku: From Okinawa to Bruce Lee to sport karate, this weapon has a rich history.

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The crossbow is a traditional weapon that has existed since the Spring and Autumn Period. The design of the crossbow combines knowledge of traditional bows and advanced physics into a lethal weapon. During the Warring States Period, armies used the crossbow as a long-distance weapon. Nowadays, the crossbow has evolved into a worldwide sport that many people enjoy.

here is a ppt slides of crossbow: (ppt slides)

https://www.slideshare.net/Simofie/chinese-cross-bow

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The Crossbow

by Emily Nichols, '00

The earliest representations we have of the crossbow date from 400 BCE, in China. By 209 BCE the Chinese army had 50,000 crossbowmen who fought with mass-produced bronze weapons. These crossbows, which were an important weapon in war until rifles were invented, were usually mounted and could fire up to 650 feet. The first pictorial evidence of European hand-held wooden crossbows, like the one shown here, dates to about 1200 CE. Introduced from the East during the Crusades, they were initially outlawed by religious leaders who considered them to be inappropriate for Christian warfare, but their effectiveness in battle soon prevailed over theological concerns. Crossbows, used in war until the 17th century, are still usedfor sport today.

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Smith College Museum of Ancient Inventions: The Crossbow

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by Emily Nichols, '00 The earliest representations we have of the crossbow date from 400 BCE, in China. By 209 BCE the Chinese army had 50,000 crossbowmen who fought with mass-produced bronze weapons. These crossbows, which were an important weapon in war until rifles were invented, were usually mounted and could fire up to 650 feet.

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Taoism 道教 - The Religion of Metal Eating

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Taoism 道教 - The Religion of Metal Eating

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The Religion of Taoism comes from the combination of the Ideology of Taoism and the School of Naturalists, and it is the only influential religion that originated in China. After development, a complete system of god in heaven has formed. As a religion, it makes people self-cultivate and punish evil. However, it developed alchemy, which let people eat metals and achieve longlive, and this kind of action was maintained until the modernization of China.

To know more about Taoism

https://education.nationalgeographic.org/resource/taoism/

Wang Chongyang (Biography):

Wang Chongyang (1113-1170), the founder of the Quan Zhen branch of Taoism. He has a significant status in the history of China since the Quan Zhen is the largest branch of Taoism.

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Wang Chongyang - Founder of Quanzhen Sect

Wang Chongyang was born into a rich family in 1112. When he was young, he was able to study and practice Wushu(martial arts) well under superior conditions. At the age of 20, he took the selective examination for civilians, but failed due to his offence to the examiner. However, Wang Chongyang was good at martial arts, so he went to take the examination for military officers, and this time he succeeded. It is for this reason that he has been depicted as a Taoist with marvelous feat in novels or folk tales. As the initiator of a sect he is usually called Zushiye(founder of the sect) in Taoism, Wang Chongyang is therefore regarded as the Zushiyein Quanzhen Sect.

1159 was an extremely important year for Wang Chongyang, for he met an immortal by Ganhe River , who taught him some Taoist arts. From then on, he began to practice Taoism intently. Ever since he met the immortal, he abandoned his family by committing them to his father-in-law, and went to Zhongnan Mountain for self-cultivation. He also dug a grave there, and named it "the tomb of the living dead". On the one hand, through practicing Taoism there, he hoped to acquire a new life; on the other hand, he refused to live under the same blue sky with the invaders by living in the grave. Three years later, he came out of the grave, filled it up with earth, and established Quanzhen Sect. Thereafter, his pupils set up a Taoist temple at the place where the tomb once stood.

Through all sorts of hardships and strenuous work, he got more and more disciples and strengthened the influence of QuanzhenSect a great deal. Among his pupils, seven were well known as Quanzhenqizi(true seven), some of whom were even adored and given preferential treatment by emperors at that time.

The story about Wang Chongyang and his disciples has become a main topic of the later folk tales and popular literature.

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Wang Chongyang - Founder of Quanzhen Sect

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Wang Chongyang - Founder of Quanzhen Sect Wang Chongyang was born into a rich family in 1112. When he was young, he was able to study and practice Wushu(martial arts) well under superior conditions. At the age of 20, he took the selective examination for civilians, but failed due to his offence to the examiner.

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Interview and Documentary about Chinese Folk Beliefs (Video)

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Chinese Folk Beliefs 民間信仰 - The Trading Beliefs

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Chinese Folk Beliefs 民間信仰 - The Trading Beliefs

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Chinese folk beliefs contain a huge amount of gods, which are formed by both Daoism and Buddhist gods. In folk beliefs, only a small amount of people have a fanatical belief, and most people keep an attitude of trading with gods. They pray for the god controlling the specific category, and people will give offerings to the god if their wish comes true. For example, people pray to the Elder of the Moon for marriage and love. This is the main kind of belief of Southern China and Taiwan.

To know more about Chinese folk beliefs:

https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/folk-religion-china

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Chanzong Budahhism 禪宗佛教 - The Religion of Equality

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Chanzong Budahhism 禪宗佛教 - The Religion of Equality

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The Religion of Buddhism originated in India, and Bodhidharma founded a branch called Chanzong and brought it to China. Then, as the Chanzong developed, more people started to believe it. Several dynasties made Buddhism its state religion. It has become a significant part of Chinese Culture. It brings the belief of mercy, ahimsa, and equality.

To know more about Buddhism:

https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/buddhism-chan/

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Gilt bronze Shakyamuni Buddha

Mark of T'ai-ho reign 1st year, Northern Wei dynasty.

Buddhist Art of the Northern Dynasty

Emperors of the Northern Dynasties were Buddhists and used the religion as a system for unifying their rule. At the same time, they engaged in such religious activities as erecting temples and producing sculptures. Under the court's influence, the aristocracy and the rest of the people followed suit, believing that by performing these good deeds, they could gain more merit. Religious art became the essence of artistic creation at the time.

Buddhism of the Northern Dynasties mainly followed the Lotus Sutra, Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa Sutra and Mahāparinirvāna Sutra. Sculptures often depict stout Shakyamuni Buddha, Maitreya or Avalokitesvara figures. From the strong figures of the early period, those of the middle period became more delicate. Along with the complex ones of the late period and serene ones of the Eastern Wei and Northern Ch'i, these sculptures reflect not only the artistic sensibilities of the particular periods, but also the religious views.

Buddhist Art of the Sui and T'ang Dynasties

With an expanding empire and increasing royal patronage of Buddhism, contact with India was strengthened during the Sui and T'ang periods. T'ang monks went westward to India, and Indian monks made the reciprocal journey eastward, bring scriptures and injecting new life into Buddhism. With the emergence of educated monks and their ponderings on the nature of Chinese Buddhism, there emerged many different sects as Buddhism was gradually assimilated into Chinese culture.

Buddhist art reached a new peak during the Sui and T'ang dynasties. Models brought back from India inspired new decorative motifs and aesthetic concepts. The volumetric and aesthetic concerns of Indian sculpture were skillfully incorporated into the unique flowing lines of Chinese sculpture. In the spirit of realism, sculptors revealed not only the Buddhist inner spirit, but also physical appearances through full bodies, flowing drapery lines, and soft movements. The dignified spirit of the Buddha was eloquently integrated into the midst of human nature and expressed through beautiful art forms.

Gilt bronze Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva

Yünnan Ta-li Kingdom, 12th century

Buddhist Art of the Sung and Liao Dynasties and the Ta-li Kingdom of Yünnan

Since the 10 th century, intellectuals became the main advocates of culture, gradually replacing the aristocracy. Buddhist stories also increasingly became the basis for folk tales and a part of history. Buddhism completely permeated people's daily lives in China. Sung religious sculptures became more secular and closer to ordinary people. With the rise in importance of painting, sculptures also became more painterly in effect.

Buddhist practices performed in religious devotion occurred frequently in the imperial clan during the Liao dynasty. The aristocracy and commoners alike sponsored the printing of scriptures, constructing of temples, and production of sculptures. Departing from the T'ang style inherited previously, a more independent style developed in Liao sculpture during the 11 th century, where figures had strict, unsmiling visages and upright, stout torsos-expressing the unique power of the Khitan tribe.

The Ta-li rulers in Yünnan were devout Buddhists as well. In fact, 9 of the 22 kings became monks. Buddhist monks also took part in the civil service exams and became officials, reflecting the spread of the religion. Esoteric theology was the major sect. Influenced by Chinese beliefs, Taoism and local religions, it gained in complexity. Avalokitesvara was especially revered and many sculptures of this bodhisattva of compassion (known as Kuan-yin in Chinese) were carved. With myriad influences from neighboring Southeast Asia, a great regional style developed.

Buddhist Art of the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties

With the economic expansion of the Ming and Ch'ing, the spread of Buddhism no longer needed support from the court or the aristocracy. Believers focused their energy on producing copies of the scriptures, expanding further the reach of Buddhism. Though Buddhist theology did not experience major breakthroughs in this period, through religious occasions and activities, its basic beliefs permeated the lives of people and became an inseparable part of Chinese culture.

Ming and Ch'ing sculptures, reflecting the pursuit of longevity, having sons, and gaining wealth and prosperity, leaned toward more earthly goals, often representing the familiar motherly figure of Avalokitesvara or the large-bellied Maitreya. Sculptural forms became more uniform and static, with an emphasis on outer appearances and often stripped of spiritual context. The court also had some Tibetan sculptures, characteristically detailed and elaborately decorated with colors pleasing to the eye, yet without dedication to the inner spirit of the Buddha.

Stupa, Gilt Bronze

Ming dynasty, dated 1631 C.E. mark of Ch'ung-chen reign 4th year

Gilt bronze Shakyamuni Buddha

Tibetan Buddhist Art

Buddhism first reached Tibet in the 7 th century. During the 8 th century, the Vajra Vehicle gained prominence. In Tibet, the sects first studied were exoteric and then esoteric, the highest possible level. In later periods, a large portion of the Tantric scriptures was translated, allowing the establishment of the most complete and accurate Vajra Vehicle according to the original Sanskrit texts.

In Tibetan Buddhism, the esoteric Tantric vehicle was especially emphasized. Distinctive to their sculptures are double bodies or wrathful expressions. The style was influenced by the Kashmiri manner before the 14 th century, the Pâla style from eastern India during the 8 th to 12 th centuries, as well as Nepali, Khotan, and Tun-huang regional styles. After the 15 th century, Chinese art also exerted an influence on Buddhist art. Due to the dexterity of craftsmen and completeness of scriptures, the 14 th through 18 th century was the liveliest period for Tibetan Buddhism.

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Compassion and Wisdom: Religious Sculptural Arts

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Mark of T'ai-ho reign 1st year, Northern Wei dynasty. Emperors of the Northern Dynasties were Buddhists and used the religion as a system for unifying their rule. At the same time, they engaged in such religious activities as erecting temples and producing sculptures.

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Bride Teasing 鬧洞房 - A Tradition Causing Sins

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Bride Teasing 鬧洞房 - A Tradition Causing Sins

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This is a tradition that the friends and relatives will frolic with the bride. This tradition comes from a story about a devil tailgating a pair of brides, and a god saw it. Therefore, he tells the bride to let their friends and relatives enter the wedding room. Nowadays, people are using the chance of people being orderless, to rape or sexually harass others. Also, there are cases of people accidentally killing others when playing. However, most bride teasing is still positive and is a time for people to play.

To know more about Bride Teasing:

https://www.sixthtone.com/news/1001056

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Chinese calligraphy is an art style, creating written words as pictorial images as part of a composition. As a script, it likely began during the Shang Dynasty but finds even earlier roots as characters carved into bones and tortoise shells in ancient history. Calligraphy was an art form that scholars and government officials had to learn and practice in order to reprint Buddhist texts.

here is a ppt slides of crossbow: (ppt slides):

https://www.slideshare.net/supercooldarpan/introduction-about-chinese-calligraphy

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Chinese calligraphy | Description, History, & Facts

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Chinese calligraphy, the stylized artistic writing of Chinese characters, the written form of Chinese that unites the languages spoken in China.

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ZouHun is a special kind of tradition in YunNan’s MuoSuo Ethnic group. In this society, people do not marry each other. This tradition lets males go to the female's room and leave in the daytime. This tradition makes two people not monopolizing each other's sexual and economic relationship. However, the partners will still not replace someone with each other easily.

To know more about ZouHun:

https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20180612-chinas-kingdom-of-women

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Postpartum Confinement 坐月子 -  A Rest after Giving Birth

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Postpartum Confinement 坐月子 -  A Rest after Giving Birth

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Postpartum Confinement is a Chinese tradition that lets females rest for a while after giving birth. There are lots of activities that they cannot do and foods they cannot eat. Therefore, there are restaurants specialized in providing Postpartum Confinement foods. Also, there are some traditional taboos, such as watching television, tearing, or blowing winds. Most families will let the female do the Postpartum Confinement since the Chinese think rest is important after giving birth.

To know more about Postpartum Confinement:

https://edition.cnn.com/2023/05/07/health/chinese-postpartum-care-wellness/index.html

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Chinese painting is a classical type of painting that originates back thousands of years. Compared to western art, the materials for Chinese paintings are far simpler as the style only requires a brush and ink. Chinese painting has reoccurring themes, such as people, mountains, rivers, and birds. Nowadays, the culture of Chinese painting has been superseded by other types of painting, yet many collectors still like the style of Chinese art.

here is a photo gallery of the Chinese painting with some explanation: (photo gallery)

https://theme.npm.edu.tw/exh106/Donated10610/en/index.html

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Ai Qimeng (Ignatius Sichelbart, 1708–1780) Ink and color on paper, 24.5 x 29.3 cm The Palace Museum, Beijing

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Chinese Stone Appreciation 賞石 - The Art of Nature

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Chinese Stone Appreciation 賞石 - The Art of Nature

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Stone appreciation originated from the Stone Age, which goes through the process of practical objects into artistry objects. Then, with the development of the aesthetic, the Chinese developed a set of rules to distinguish if a stone has ornamentality. Also, the Chinese advocate stones without carving. This kind of culture has been applied to gardens, architecture, and a lot of other cultural items. This is a significant culture.

To know more about Stone Appreciation:

https://www.bonsai-bci.com/index.php/botanical-name-index/131-resources/stone-appreciation/stone-appreciation-aricles

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Chinese archery is a martial skill with artistic expression, also included in the "six art". Its origins can be traced back to ancient times. Chinese archery evolved into an art form during the Zhou Dynasty, gaining prominence not only as a means of warfare but also as an essential aspect of traditional Chinese culture. Much like calligraphy, it became revered, showing the synthesis of martial art and aesthetic.

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Origins of Traditional Chinese Archery

The practice of traditional Chinese archery has seen a revival in recent years, and it's origins within China go back to the earliest of recorded history. Archery has long been a part of Chinese culture and society. During the longest reigning dynasty in China ( Zhou Dynasty (1122-256 BCE), students were required to master the "liù yì" (六藝) ( Six Arts) which includes archery:

Confucius (551-479 BC) who lived during the time of the Zhou Dynasty was well studied in the Six Arts and was himself an archery teacher.

The practice of traditional Chinese archery is referred to as " The Way of Archery " after 17th Century Ming Dynasty archery manuals written by Gao Ying.

Warfare

Defending her borders from marauding nomads, the Chinese adopted the composite reflex bow and mounted archery into their military tactics. Much like the ancient Assyrians and Egyptians, firing the bow from chariots was the first major use of the composite reflex bow. Eventually, with the reforms of King Wuling of Zhao in 307 BCE, the ancient Chinese adopted the mounted archery tactics of the bordering Xiongnu tribes.

The crossbow was the preferred archery method for foot soldiers from the earliest of times. Despite this, foot archery still served an important role, especially in training. Military exams in the later dynasties included archery. Specially designed bows with extra heavy draw weights (approaching 200 pounds at full draw) were used to test the strength of the participant.

Shooting Techniques

Many archery schools and manuals coexisted in China throughout history all emphasizing concentration and focus. Like most eastern archery techniques for drawing a bow, traditional Chinese archery uses a thumb draw. Utilizing a thumb draw typically requires a thumb ring to protect the digit from repeated stress. Thumb rings from ancient China came in a variety of shapes and materials including horn, Jade, various metals and leather thumb tabs.

If you would like to learn more about practicing traditional Chinese archery, it is highly recommended you check out http://www.thewayofarchery.com/tutorials.html for some fantastic videos and other resources.

Traditional Chinese Bows

Traditional Chinese archery incorporates a variety of bows. Archeological and written records indicate the use of mainly wood/horn/sinew composite bows were the primary bows used, but wood composites and selfbows were also used. Some of the bow types used in ancient China include:

Scythian Horn Bows. Scythian style bows have been found in burials in China some dating to around 600 BCE. It is surprising to find these style bows so far east as the bow was more well known to the Greeks and other areas of Western Europe. Nevertheless, the shape of the Scythian bow is unmistakable and these bow discoveries in China are a testament to the geographical widespread use of this style of bow.

Longbows (selfbows). Longbows and bows constructed from composites of wood were known and used more extensively in more humid and warmer areas of Southern China. Humidity is not good for horn bows and the humidity could affect the adhesives that held the layers of material together.

Long-siyah Horn Bows. Many later model traditional Chinese bows have relatively large siyahs (the siyah is the non-bending end section of an Asiatic recurve). Later Chinese bows also feature prominent string bridges.

Qing Dynasty Bow (Manchurian Bow) - The Manchu bow is a large long-siyah horn bow with prominent string bridges. The emphasis of placed on shooting very long and heavy arrows with maximum penetrative effect. Modern Mongolian bows such as those used in the Nadaam festival are heavily influenced by the Qing bow.

Resources & Links

http://www.thewayofarchery.com - an excellent resource for those interested in getting involved in traditional Chinese archery. Techniques rely primarily on the 17th Century Ming Dynasty archery manuals written by Gao Ying.

https://www.cinnabarbow.com - Traditional Chinese archery equipment

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Traditional Chinese Archery - An Ancient Art - Archery Historian

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The practice of traditional Chinese archery has seen a revival in recent years but archery has long been a part of Chinese culture and society.

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The four arts of Chinese are music, Chinese chess, calligraphy, and painting. The music is by a kind of zither, which looks like Guzheng. Chinese chess is divided into two, one is the XiangQi and the Go, both are chess that has a long history in China. The literates of China think that these four arts are the most sublime, and become the symbol of “Gentlemen”.

To know more about the Four Arts

https://www.comuseum.com/culture/four-arts/

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In the hunter-gatherer era, animals are hard to obtain. Therefore, after development, bushmeat, especially with a great amount, has become a symbol for the rich and noble. Also, Chinese people have a nature worship, and they think wild animals can have miraculous benefits on their bodies. Therefore, a habit of eating bushmeat has formed. For example, the Manchu–Han Imperial Feast of the royals contains several dishes of bushmeat.

To know more about Bushmeat:

https://kids.kiddle.co/Yewei

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Agriculturalism, a crucial ideology in ancient China, focused on emphasizing the importance of people as the foundation for societal prosperity. The ideology originated during the Warring States Period, it believed that all humans are essential for creating a stable society. Agriculturalism laid the groundwork for fundamental democratic principles.

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Agriculturalism, also known as the School of Agrarianism, the School of Agronomists, the School of Tillers, and in Chinese as the Nongjia (simplified Chinese: 农家; traditional Chinese: 農家), was an early agrarian Chinese philosophy that advocated peasant utopian communalism and egalitarianism.

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School of names is a crucial ideology in ancient China, focused on separating language and fact, redefining the natural world, and achieving a state of unity between heaven and earth. The ideology originated during the pre-Qin dynasty. Nowadays, the school of names impacts the evolution of philosophical speculation.

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Han dynasty archivists associated seven figures with the "School of Names": Deng Xi, Yin Wen, Hui Shi, Gongsun Long, Cheng-gong Sheng, Huang Gong, and Mao Gong ( Han History 30, "Bibliographical Treatise"). To these we can add one further figure, Huan Tuan, whom China's earliest history of thought, "Under Heaven," Book 33 of the , pairs with Gongsun Long. About the last four of these men virtually nothing is known. About the first four, we know more, but not much. There is little first-hand evidence about what they thought, since nearly none of the writings attributed to them by Han bibliographers survive. With the exception of a few brief texts attributed to Gongsun Long, everything we know comes from quotations or anecdotes in other texts, including the Zhuangzi, Xunzi, Annals of Lü Buwei, Hanfeizi, and several Han dynasty anthologies. These second-hand accounts typically date from long after the lifetime of the figures they describe, and they may be embellished or dramatized, warped to fit their writers' agenda, or even fictional.

Contemporary studies sometimes treat these disputers together with the later Mohists. Topics associated with them are addressed in Mohist texts, and "Under Heaven" depicts sects of Mohists engaged in "disputes about the hard and white and the same and different," two central themes of the disputers. The later Mohists probably respected the individuals identified with the School of Names but were critical of them. Numerous passages in the Mohist Dialectics appear to be either rebuttals of their ideas or defenses of Mohist doctrines against their arguments. On the other hand, insofar as 'the School of Names' is simply a label for early thinkers interested in language and dialectics, the later Mohists themselves largely fit under this label.

Hui Shi, Gongsun Long, and the others have been described as Chinese "sophists," and there are indeed superficial similarities between them and the Greek sophists, at least as the two groups were characterized by their respective enemies. Their social role and the subject matter of their inquiries were generally quite different. But both were interested in language and philosophical issues inspired by reflection on language. Both taught rhetoric and argued lawsuits. Both were attacked for arguing purely to win, for being willing to argue either side of any issue, and for propounding paradoxes, all without regard for the facts. Their inquiries led a few thinkers in each tradition toward relativism. At least some members of both groups were itinerant, the Greeks moving from place to place giving public exhibitions and offering instruction, the Chinese typically seeking to win the ear of rulers and influence political policy.

Disputation could be pursued for a variety of ends, some extolled by ancient writers, some condemned. Constructively, it could be a means of clarifying and defending the right way ( dao). Through it, one could lead others to distinguish shi/fei (this/not-this, right/wrong) correctly and thus obtain knowledge. Of disputation in this sense, Xunzi says that "the gentleman must engage in disputation" and The Annals of Lü Buwei remarks that in the course of study, one must occasionally engage in "disputation and persuasion" ( bian shuo) in order to expound the Way ( dao). This would also be the sense in which Mencius explains that he has no choice but to engage in disputation, since as a follower of the sages he must attempt to rectify people's hearts and refute the pernicious sayings of Yang Zhu and Mo Di ( Mencius, 3B:9).

But disputation could also degenerate into a superficial game of trying to outtalk the opponent, an idle contest of wits aimed at defending sophistries, or even a simple quarrel. This side of disputation explains Mencius's chagrined response when told he has a reputation for being "fond of disputation" (3B:9). Early texts are uniformly disparaging about such empty or flippant disputation. The Annals of Lü Buwei complains that "Those in the world who study engage in much disputation. Their sayings are facile and expressions are upside-down. They don't seek the facts ( shi, the actual things, what is real). They strive to demolish each other, with victory as their [sole] purpose" (15.8/368). "Under Heaven" says that disputers "exaggerate others' hearts and change others' intentions. They can defeat others' mouths, but cannot persuade their hearts." As to Hui Shi, "He took opposing others as the substance of his activity and desired to make a name for himself by defeating others; that's why he couldn't get along with people" (cf. Graham 1981: 284-85). Sima Qian, the Han historian who may have coined the label "School of Names," says in his account of the six schools that the disputers "determine things only by names and neglect people's feelings." They twist words so "people cannot get back to the thought" they were trying to express ( Shi Ji, Book 130). Practitioners of this sort of antagonistic or frivolous disputation cared only for victory, even at the cost of distorting the opponent's point, and they defended bizarre claims without regard for the facts.

For further discussion of disputation in the context of early Chinese philosophy, see the supplementary document.

Disputation in Context

The next section will briefly explore the general themes that early texts associate with the disputers. We will then look more closely at the doctrines of the four known figures the Han History assigns to the School of Names.

Early texts regularly associate the disputers with four themes. "The same and different" ( tong yi) and "hard and white" ( jian bai) are mentioned almost invariably. "Deeming so the not-so, admissible the inadmissible" ( ran bu ran, ke bu ke) and "the dimensionless" ( wu hou) appear slightly less often. A good example is this excerpt from "Autumn Waters," Book 17 of the Daoist anthology Zhuangzi, in which Gongsun Long himself is depicted mentioning three of these themes:

When young, I studied the way of the former kings. When I grew up, I understood the practice of benevolence and righteousness. I united the same and different, separated hard from white, made so the not-so and admissible the inadmissible. I confounded the wits of the hundred schools and exhausted the eloquence of countless speakers. I took myself to have achieved the ultimate. (cf. Graham 1981: 154)

What are "uniting the same and different," "separating hard from white," and "making so the not-so and admissible the inadmissible"? Given the limited evidence, we cannot be completely sure what these phrases-along with "the dimensionless"-allude to. But most likely they denote types of sophisms or paradoxes, not specific statements or doctrines. And early texts, especially the Mohist Dialectics, do give us enough information to make reasonable conjectures about the general issues they involve. (See the entry on the Mohist Canons.)

As we saw above, "same" ( tong) and "different" ( yi) are central concepts in ancient Chinese theories of language, knowledge, and disputation, as represented by the Mohists and Xunzi. According to the Mohists, "sameness" can refer to at least four types of relations: identity; part-whole relations; being grouped together or co-located; and having some intrinsic similarity and thus being part of the same "kind". This last variety of "sameness" is probably most important for our purposes here. Names names for "kinds" ( lei)-one type of general term- are regarded as denoting all things or stuff ( shi) that is "the same" in one or more respects, such as all horses, which share the same shape (xing) and appearance (mao). Speakers can use language to communicate because they are familiar with the kinds of similar things that words refer to, and thus upon hearing a word know what the thing referred to "is like." The relations of "same" and "different" determine what counts as correct matching of names and stuff and thus what knowledge is. Disputation is fundamentally a process of debating whether the thing in question is "this" ( shi) or "not-this" ( fei), the same as or different from some model, paradigm, or analogy. The issue of how to distinguish "same" from "different" is thus pivotal to Chinese philosophy of language, epistemology, and disputation.

Some references to the disputers' interest in "the same and different," then, may allude to legitimate, if widely misunderstood, inquiries into the foundations of language and knowledge. Gongsun Long's "uniting the same and different," on the other hand, probably refers to manipulating standards for distinguishing different kinds in order to produce sophisms. The disputer could cite features of different kinds of things by which they could be treated as the same or features of things of the same kind by which they could be treated as different. (This strategy is suggested by the fifth thesis of Hui Shi, to be discussed below.) Such shifting of criteria for distinguishing sameness from difference is illustrated by many of the disputers' sophisms. Among other examples, Hui Shi's "The sky is as low as earth, mountains are level with marshes" deems different things similar; some of the arguments for Gongsun Long's "A white horse is not a horse" treat things of the same kind-horses and white horses-as different, playing largely on the ambiguity between "same" in the sense of being of the same kind and "same" in the sense of identity.

Manipulating the same and the different alters the distinctions that ground our use of words and thus our standards of knowledge. (In the most extreme case, uniting everything into a "Great One" would leave us unable to communicate linguistically and eliminate all conceptual or propositional knowledge.) The notion that we can realign the boundaries of the same and different without limit signals a radical skepticism about the existence of natural kinds. Indeed, it threatens to leave us without any knowledge at all, since the standards by which to judge whether one knows something are never fixed. It also provides an approach to winning any disputation: instead of seeking objective criteria that fix the correct distinctions between things, disputers just redraw the distinctions between things or kinds in whatever way needed to establish their claim.

In later Mohist thought, "hard-white" or "as hard to white" ( jian bai) is a technical term for the relation between two things or two features of a thing that are inseparable and "mutually pervasive"-that is, they completely coincide throughout the same spatial location. The paradigm of such features is the hardness and whiteness of a completely white stone. Another example is the length and breadth of an object (B4). Features that are "as hard to white" "fill" or "pervade" each other (B15). Thus they are in a sense "two," but unlike a pair of shoes, one cannot be taken away from the other (B4). The relation of "as hard to white" contrasts with that between two measured lengths, which cannot everywhere overlap without merging to form only a single length, instead of the original two, and with that between any two mutually exclusive features, such as being an ox and being a horse. No single object can be both an ox and a horse, but an object can be both hard and white.

"Separating hard and white," then, is treating mutually pervasive features as if they were separable or detachable, like two spatially distinct objects or two removable physical parts of a whole. (As Graham points out (2003: 173), in contexts where "hard and white" is mentioned alone, with no reference to "separating" the two, the phrase may simply be a metaphor for logic-chopping or hair-splitting debate in general.) A plausible example of "separating hard and white" is Gongsun Long's treating the color of a white horse as a thing separable from the shape, as when the text reads, "The white is not the horse. A white horse is a horse together with white" ("White Horse Discourse").

"So" ( ran) is frequently used to indicate that a predicate is true of a thing. It can also mean "the case" or "how things are." According to Mohist Canon A71, something is "so" when its features are similar to a model for a certain kind of thing. "Admissible" ( ke) refers to statements that are semantically or logically "possible"-that is, free of logical or pragmatic contradiction. In contexts concerning action, "admissible" refers to what is permissible by moral, social, prudential, or other standards. So "making so the not-so, admissible the inadmissible" refers to collapsing or reversing conventional distinctions governing language use, judgment, morality, and courtesy. The practical upshot is roughly the same as that of "uniting same and different," but the latter refers to kind relations between objects, "making so the not-so" to speech and action. "Making admissible the inadmissible" was the trademark of Deng Xi, the earliest figure associated with the School of Names, who became famous for his doctrine of "both sides admissible" ( liang ke).

Preventing the "not-so" from being treated as "so" is precisely the point of "correcting names":

If names are correct, order obtains; if names are misplaced, disorder. What cause names to be misplaced are dissolute explanations (shuo, also "persuasions" or "arguments"). If explanations are dissolute, then the inadmissible is deemed admissible and the not-so so, the not-right is deemed right and not-wrong wrong. (The Annals of Lü Buwei, 16.8/400)

Collapsing the distinction between so and not-so, admissible and inadmissible is a prominent topic in the famous "Discourse on Equalizing Things," Book 2 of the . Though generally critical of the disputers (among whom its author may nevertheless once have numbered), the text agrees that such distinctions can be collapsed or reversed, depending on what standards of judgment we choose to adopt. It is thus firmly opposed to the orthodoxy, represented by Analects (see the entry on the Confucius), the Mohists, Xunzi, and Lü Buwei, that clear, fixed public standards must be set for the use of names, since without them, patterns of use will vary and social chaos is likely to ensue. The Zhuangzi suggests that disorder does not invariably follow from "linguistic liberalism," and indeed that fixed standards are unattainable and unnecessary for communication.

The fourth theme, the dimensionless ( wu hou, literally "lacking thickness"), is more obscure, mentioned only once in the Xunzi and once in the Annals of Lü Buwei. The dimensionless probably refers to a geometric point. According to the Mohists, the dimensionless does not "fill" anything (A65). A starting point ( duan) is the dimensionless tip of a solid object (A61). Allusions to the disputers sometimes contrast the dimensionless with "the dimensioned" ( you hou, "having thickness"), which the Mohists explain as having something it is bigger than (A55). The dimensionless is probably associated with the disputers because of Hui Shi's paradox that "The dimensionless cannot be accumulated, yet its size is a thousand miles." (Points cannot be accumulated, yet a great girth or length is the sum of the points that constitute it.) In passages referring to the disputers and their sophistries, "the dimensionless" probably alludes to any paradox arising from the concept of a geometric point or an infinitesimal.

Deng Xi (d. 501 B.C.E.) was China's earliest renowned lawyer and rhetorician. He has been called the "founding father of the Chinese logical tradition" (Harbsmeier 1998: 286), though this is probably an overstatement, since we lack evidence that he undertook any explicit study of argumentation or that he influenced the theories of the Mohists or Xunzi. As Harbsmeier (287) rightly points out, however, Deng Xi epitomizes the roots of Chinese disputation in legal rhetoric. He establishes a link between disputation and litigation that continues throughout the classical period. Indeed, his reputation as a legal and political gadfly may have contributed to later authoritarian thinkers' attitude that litigators disrupt social order and should be banned.

All of our very limited information about Deng Xi is second-hand, comprising a one-line entry in the Zuo Commentary, curt attacks on him in the Xunzi, three anecdotes in The Annals of Lü Buwei, and a few stories in texts of later date. According to the Han History, he was the author of two scrolls ( pian) of writings, neither of which survives. The Zuo Commentary (Duke Ding, Year 9), the earliest and most reliable of our sources, reports that he composed a penal code on bamboo strips, perhaps drawn up as an alternative to the official code of his home state of Zheng. By the time of the Han dynasty, however, the code had been lost.

Xunzi alludes to Deng Xi's thought in three places, each time pairing him with Hui Shi, though the men were from different states and lived about 200 years apart. This incongruity suggests that the pair are being used iconically to represent a certain general intellectual style or orientation. Thus the sophistries Xunzi ascribes to them may not be their invention, or at least not Deng Xi's. Xunzi describes them as "fond of dealing with strange doctrines and playing with bizarre expressions" (6.6), of which he gives these examples (3.1):

1. Mountains and abysses are level.

2. Heaven and earth are alongside each other.

3. Qi [on the east coast] and Qin [in the far west] are adjacent.

4. Enter through the ear.

5. Exit through the mouth.

6. Hooks have whiskers.

7. Eggs have feathers.

The first two of these are similar to paradoxes attributed to Hui Shi in "Under Heaven" ( Zhuangzi, Book 33); we will discuss them in the section on Hui Shi. The seventh is also listed in "Under Heaven," but not attributed to Hui Shi there. This suggests that the list of paradoxes associated with him was still fluid at the time of Xunzi's writing. The third is similar to the spatial paradoxes of Hui Shi, also to be discussed below. The sixth is obscure; some commentators emend "hooks" to a similar graph for "old women." The fourth and fifth are puzzling, since they are not obviously paradoxes or sophisms. Commentators often combine them into a single sentence, but in the text all seven seem to be independent, three-word sentences.

Xunzi's fundamental complaint about Hui Shi and Deng Xi is that their "frivolous investigations" do not conform to traditional ritual propriety and righteousness (3.1), an unsurprising criticism given the Confucian's commitment to ritual training-and thus conventional standards for the correct use of names-along with his general disdain for science and intellectual curiosity (12.3). They are "incisive" and "clever," but their ideas are "useless," yield few concrete results, and have no application to government (6.6). They have "no regard for the facts about right and wrong, so and not-so" (8.3). In the eyes of a 3rd-century B.C.E. Confucian traditionalist, then, the 6th-century Deng Xi was emblematic of a bright, talented person who wastes his energy on pointless intellectual games and sophistry, perhaps with a deliberate disregard for the truth, instead of earnestly committing himself to moral training and political administration.

For an account of Deng Xi's legal and political career, see this supplementary document:

Deng Xi's Exploits

Little is known of Yin Wen (fl. late 4th century B.C.E.), and it is unclear why the Han History classifies him with the "School of Names." Perhaps the one scroll of writings by him mentioned in the "Bibliographical Treatise" was about language. What little information we have about him comes mainly from two sources, the "Under Heaven" essay and The Annals of Lü Buwei, both of which are considerably later than his lifetime and thus must be taken mainly to be reporting legend. Neither text attributes to him views on language or disputation. "Under Heaven" links him to Song Xing, his teacher or colleague, and the pair were among the many scholars who gathered at Jixia in Qi under the patronage of King Xuan (r. 319-301 B.C.E.). Xunzi rebuts several of Song Xing's doctrines at length but does not mention Yin Wen.

"Under Heaven" portrays Yin Wen and Song Xing as tireless crusaders devoted to saving the world by advocating non-aggression, a life of few, easily satisfied desires, and a tolerant, unbiased frame of mind. To promote these doctrines, they "traveled the world, persuading the high and instructing the low." In relations with others, to save people from fighting they taught that "to be insulted is no disgrace," and to save the world from war, they taught "forbid aggression and put troops to rest." (As the name suggests, the Warring States era was marked by frequent, catastrophic wars.) Concerning the self, they held that the inherent desires are few and shallow, a doctrine that, if true, would remove many potential reasons for conflict. "Their starting point in dealing with things was avoiding enclosures," or psychological barriers due to prejudice or dogmatic commitment which tend to result in biased or one-sided judgments. Such "enclosures" are frequently also a source of conflict, since they may prevent one from appreciating all relevant features of a situation or understanding others' point of view. Yin Wen and Song Xing emphasized that the heart itself has a kind of "conduct," independent of external conduct. In their anti-war stance and emphasis on benefit, they display affinities with Mohist thought: "If something was of no advantage to the world, understanding it was not as good as abandoning it." But the doctrines of tolerance and avoiding bias are genuinely novel, and are probably the reason Song Xing is singled out for praise in the Zhuangzi (Book 1).

The Annals of Lü Buwei depicts Yin Wen in an audience with King Min of Qi (r. 300-284 B.C.E.), defending the doctrine that to be insulted is not disgraceful. (Again, we should keep in mind that the details of the story may be mostly later invention.) The anecdote vividly illustrates several of the main techniques by which the disputers conducted their craft. Yin Wen identifies distinguishing features for calling things by a certain name and employs models and analogies to persuade the king. The context of the passage is a discussion of "correcting names." Because he failed to correct his own use of names, King Min knew enough to be fond of "officers" but not how to distinguish the sort of people properly referred to as "officers." ( Shi, "officer," was a social rank similar to "knight," but by this era it had lost most of its martial connotation.) Yin Wen proposes that "officers" are distinguished by four types of conduct: they are filial in serving their parents, loyal in serving their ruler, trustworthy toward friends, and brotherly toward neighbors. The king agrees, indicating also that this is just the sort of person he would appoint as a government official. Yin Wen asks whether the king would still appoint such a person supposing that, on being insulted in public, he did not fight. The king replies that to be insulted is a disgrace; he would not appoint a disgraced person.

Yin Wen said: "Though when insulted he does not fight, he has not strayed from the four types of conduct. Not straying from the four types of conduct, this is not losing that by which he is an officer. If, not losing that by which he is an officer, in the one case the King would appoint him an official, in the other case not, then is what we earlier called an 'officer' indeed an 'officer'?"
The King had no response.

Yin Wen said, "Suppose there is a man here, when governing his state, if people do wrong he condemns them, if people do no wrong he condemns them; if people commit a crime he punishes them, if people commit no crime he punishes them. Then would it be admissible for him to despise the people for being hard to govern?"

The King said, "Not admissible."

Yin Wen said, "...The King's command says: 'One who kills another dies, one who injures another is maimed.' The people, fearing the King's command, dare not fight even when deeply insulted; this is fulfilling the King's command. Yet the King says, 'Not daring to fight when insulted, this is a disgrace.' Now to call it a disgrace, it's this that's called 'condemning it'. In the one case to appoint a person as an official, in the other not, this is deeming it a crime. This is the King punishing someone when he has committed no crime."

The King had no response. (16.8/402)

King Min is presented as an example of someone whose use of names, such as 'officer', is incorrect: name and form do not "fit." As a result, "those he calls worthy are unworthy, what he calls good is depraved, and what he calls admissible is perverse." Interestingly, the text employs terminology that dovetails with later Mohist semantic theory and epistemology. It explains that the King did not know the "reason" or "basis" for deeming people "officers," using the same term as the Mohists- gu-and alludes to his poor ability to classify or "sort" ( lun) things into kinds, which in later Mohist epistemology is the mark of understanding. Though the Annals story does not make this point explicitly, we can link the King's erroneous "sorting" to Yin Wen's doctrine of "avoiding enclosures." The King's judgments about officers are "enclosed" by his dogmatic conviction that to be insulted is a disgrace and that an officer must answer challenges to his honor with violence.

Hui Shi (fl. 313 B.C.E.) is a complex figure, familiar and indistinct by turns. He is mentioned in at least eight early texts. Only two, the Xunzi and the Zhuangzi "Under Heaven" essay, give any information about his philosophical views, and they merely attribute a series of theses to him without recording his arguments. For a review of biographical information about him, see the supplementary document.

Life of Hui Shi

We have no direct evidence of Hui Shi's views on language and meaning. But as Graham points out (1989: 81), a story preserved in a Han dynasty text suggests that he may have held a view similar to that of the Mohists (Canon B70) (see the entries on Mohism and the Mohist Canons). Language enables us to communicate by indicating that the objects referred to are similar to things we already know, the kinds of objects conventionally denoted by those words.

A client said to the King of Liang, "In talking about things, Hui Shi is fond of using analogies. If you don't let him use analogies, he won't be able to speak." The King said, "Agreed." The next day he saw Hui Shi and said, "I wish that when you speak about things, you speak directly, without using analogies." Hui Shi said, "Suppose there's a man here who doesn't know what a dan is. If he says, 'What are the features of adan like?' and we answer, saying, 'The features of adan are like adan,' then would that communicate it?" The King said, "It would not." "Then if we instead answered, 'The features of adan are like a bow, but with a bamboo string,' then would he know?" The King said, "It can be known." Hui Shi said, "Explanations are inherently a matter of using what a person knows to communicate what he doesn't know, thereby causing him to know it. Now if you say, 'No analogies,' that's inadmissible." The King said, "Good!" (Shuo Yuan, Ch. 11; cf. Graham 1989: 81)

As we would expect from mainstream Chinese theories of language and disputation, Hui Shi is accustomed to explaining things by appeal to analogies. Indeed, his answer to the king is itself an analogy, or at least an illustrative example (the Chinese word for "analogy," pi, refers to both). We can also notice from the story that in seeking to learn about something unknown, one does not ask for a definition of the object, but for a description of what its features "are like." The standard response is to cite a familiar analogue and then point out the differences between the unknown object and the familiar one. Communication proceeds not by knowing "meanings," but by knowing how to distinguish similar from different kinds of things.

"Under Heaven" is overwhelmingly critical of Hui Shi:

Hui Shi daily applied his wits in disputation with the others, but only in comparison with the disputers of the world was he exceptional, that's the bottom of it....Weak in virtue, strong on external things, his path was crooked. Viewed from the perspective of the Way (dao) of Heaven and Earth, Hui Shi's abilities were like the labors of a mosquito or gnat. Even with respect to external things, what use were they? (cf. Graham 1981: 285)

The text concludes that he wasted his talents "chasing after the myriad things," in his many directions of inquiry, instead of concentrating on a single path. As a result, he only "ended with a name for being good at disputation." This dismissal is less an objective evaluation of Hui Shi's inquiries than an expression of the intellectual orientation of the essay's Han dynasty author, who values only moral cultivation and commitment to an ethical and political dao (way), not inquiry for inquiry's sake. It seems likely that we would have considered Hui Shi's explanations of "the myriad things" to be of great interest.

Our only detailed information about Hui Shi's doctrines comes from two sources: the seven statements attributed jointly to him and Deng Xi in the Xunzi (3.1), which we looked at briefly above, and the "Under Heaven" essay, which attributes ten theses to him, some paradoxical. "Under Heaven" was probably written long after Hui Shi's death, and only one of its ten theses appears in the much earlier Xunzi list. Hence we cannot be sure the ten theses were indeed Hui Shi's; some or all may have been the work of anonymous followers who adopted him as their figurehead. Fortunately, this historical issue is irrelevant to their philosophical interest. Either way, the theses are intriguing ideas formulated by one or more Chinese thinkers probably sometime during the late 4th or the 3rd century B.C.E. The arguments for the theses have been lost, and as a result some are extremely obscure. But others are reasonably clear or at least open to educated conjecture.

The ten theses revolve around the theme that distinctions are not inherently fixed, but relative to a perspective, and thus can be redrawn or collapsed as we like simply by shifting perspectives. Several of the paradoxes focus on negating commonsense distinctions, in particular spatial and temporal ones, partly by appeal to the relativity of comparisons and partly by appeal to indexicals (Hansen 1992: 262). (A high mountain is not high when seen from space; if I walk southward, a spot that is south of me now will in seconds be north of me.) The fifth thesis, on "the same" and "different," seems to provide a key to several, perhaps all of the others. It indicates that on some scale or another, anything can be deemed "the same" or "different."

The theses are presented in "Under Heaven" as follows:

Hui Shi had many directions (fang, also "methods"). His books filled five carts; hisdao (way) was contrary; his sayings did not hit the mark. Intending to tabulate things, he said:

1. The ultimately great has no outside, call it the Great One. The ultimately small has no inside, call it the Small One.

2. The dimensionless cannot be accumulated, its size is a thousand miles.

3. Heaven is as low as earth, mountains are level with marshes.

4. Just as the sun is at noon, it is declining. Just as things are alive, they are dying.

5. The same on a large scale but different from what is the same on a small scale, this is called "same and different on a small scale." The myriad things all being the same or all being different, this is called "same and different on a large scale."

6. The south has no limit yet has a limit.

7. Today go to Yue but arrive yesterday.

8. Linked rings can be disconnected.

9. I know the center of the world. It is north of Yan [the northernmost state] and south of Yue [the southernmost].

10. Universally care for the myriad things. Heaven and earth are one unit.

Hui Shi took these to be of great significance. He displayed them to the world to let the disputers know of them, and the disputers of the world enjoyed them with him.

It is unclear whether the order of the sequence is deliberate, but this seems unlikely, since the temporal paradoxes are not placed together, and it is hard to see how thesis 8, about the rings, fits into a deliberate, argumentative sequence. On the other hand, the last thesis, the only one with ethical import, reads like a grand conclusion and so probably belongs in the final position. The first forms a natural opening, with the "Great One" portending the "one unit" of the tenth, and the second may about one of the notions introduced in the first, the "Small One" or infinitesimal. The fifth is among the clearest and is probably the basis for several of the others. Some scholars have suggested that the list breaks into two parts, with the fifth thesis summarizing the first half, but this interpretation seems forced. The first, fifth, and tenth are of course neither paradoxes nor sophistries, but relatively straightforward philosophical theses. Thesis 3 is a variant of the first two paradoxes attributed to Hui Shi and Deng Xi in Xunzi (3.1), listed above in the section on Deng Xi. With those two exceptions, the paradoxes attributed to Hui Shi here are considerably more interesting philosophically than those Xunzi mentions.

The theses are obscure enough that, especially without knowing Hui Shi's original arguments, any close interpretation must be partly speculative. Different readers are bound to arrive at different conclusions. With the possible exception of theses 1, 5, and 10, there is simply not enough contextual information to offer an authoritative argument for any interpretation, though at least some readings can be ruled out for failing to cohere with any recognized issues or theories in early Chinese philosophical discourse. Here we will offer a tentative explanation of each thesis grounded in the philosophical context sketched in " Background and Overview " above. The theses divide fairly naturally into four groups, which we will discuss one by one.

Group 1: Basic Principles

The first group comprises theses 1, 5, and 10, which state philosophical doctrines about ontology and ethics, not paradoxes, and which are relatively easy to understand. All three deal with the plurality of possible ways to distinguish things, either as "the same" or "different" or as parts of a whole, ranging from the smallest possible part-the infinitesimal-to the largest possible whole, the "Great One," which includes everything in the cosmos. How we distinguish things is relative to the scale or perspective we adopt. Thesis 5 is slightly obscure, but it seems to describe the relative or perspectival nature of relations of similarity and difference. Two things can be the same on a large scale, or in some general respect, while at the same time being different on a smaller scale, or in some more specific respect. For example, two animals can be the same in being of the kind horse, yet be different in color. Anything can be similar or different on some scale or other. If we distinguish finely, every individual horse is different, while if we distinguish coarsely, horses are no different from other animals, or even from all other things. There seems to be an unlimited range of levels on which we can distinguish relations of sameness and difference, including deeming every individual different or the myriad kinds of things the same.

Because the same/different relation comprises both kind relations and part-whole relations, Thesis 5 can also be taken to include part-whole relations. Deeming all things "the same" is deeming them all parts of the same whole. Deeming them "different" can be understood as separating them off as individual parts of that whole. To the extent that the other theses are based on relations of sameness versus difference and part versus whole, then, thesis 5 may explain them all.

Thesis 1 is nearly self-explanatory. How we distinguish things-in this case, how we even count "1"-is relative to some standard of division. The thesis concerns summing and dividing. The whole cosmos can be summed into a whole to form the Great One. Or it can be divided down to the smallest possible unit, the Small One, probably a geometric point.

Thesis 10 presents an ethical principle tied together with an ontological one, which presumably is meant to justify it. Since everything can be summed into a whole-the Great One-heaven and earth and the myriad things contained therein can be considered a single "body" or "unit." (In classical texts, the expression 'heaven and earth' refers to the cosmos, including not only the sky and earth but the entire natural world.) The ethical principle follows intuitively. If everything is one unit, then any care ( ai, also "love") we have for ourselves should also be directed at all of the other myriad things ( wu, "things," or, perhaps more specifically, "creatures"), since fundamentally we are all parts of the same vast "unit" or "body." This ethical stance takes the ideal of impartiality even farther than the Mohists. Their position is that we must care inclusively for every person in the world. Thesis 10 advocates caring for every thing as well.

Group 2: Infinitesimals and Part-whole

The second group concerns infinitesimals and part-whole relations. Like all seven of the remaining theses, these are paradoxes. Thesis 2 is fairly clear. Geometrical points are dimensionless. The sum of two points is still a point; hence points cannot be added one to another to form an object with thickness or length. Yet anything with dimensions is somehow constituted by points and divisible into them.

In this group we can also include thesis 8, though with much less confidence, as it is the most obscure of the ten. We will tentatively suppose-following Harbsmeier (1998: 296) and Graham (1989: 79)-that this thesis too is based on infinitesimals. The paradox might then be explained in one of two ways. First, if the linked rings are thought of as circles, formed by points on a plane, then they have no thickness. They appear linked when viewed from above, but on the surface of the plane nothing blocks them from being pulled apart. The second explanation extends the same idea to three dimensions. If, as thesis 2 suggests, two three-dimensional rings are constituted by dimensionless points, then they can be pulled apart: since each point takes up no space, there is nothing preventing the rings from passing through each other. These interpretations are highly speculative, however. Without further contextual information, even if this sort of explanation makes sense of the paradox, we have no particular reason to believe it is correct.

Group 3: Spatial Relations

The third group are based on spatial relations, including comparisons of size. Thesis 3, the only one also attributed to Hui Shi in the Xunzi, can be taken to illustrate the idea that things deemed different on one scale can be deemed the same on another. By some perspective or standard, such as that of the infinitely vast Great One, the difference between the height of the sky and the earth or mountains and marshes may be insignificant. From that perspective, the differences between mountains and marshes may be only what thesis 5 calls "differences on a small scale," while the two count as "the same" on a large scale. Thesis 6 is especially obscure. Thematically, we can point out that like several of the other theses, it attempts to collapse a distinction, in this case between the finite and infinite. As Hansen (1992: 262) points out, thesis 6, along with 7 and 9, all focus on indexicals. Since the referents of indexicals shift from context to context, they are a vivid example of the fluidity of the language-world relation and the distinction between "this" ( shi) and "not" ( fei). This suggests at least two ways to understand the thesis, both too speculative to be considered justified, but perhaps at least roughly indicative of its point. One is that if a particular direction is to be south, it must have a limit, or else the four directions all merge into one and south is no longer south, since it is not distinguished from the other three. Another possibility is that since the directions of the compass are all indexical, relative to our point of reference, south always has a limit: the point at which we stand.

Thesis 9 is another of those involving indexicals, in this case "center," and is also very obscure. The thesis claims that the center of the world is north of the northernmost state and south of the southernmost. Possibly the thesis is a variant of thesis 3, that the sky is as low as the earth. The point there was that from the perspective of the infinitely vast whole, the difference between the height of the sky and earth may be insignificant. Thesis 9 could be making the analogous point that the distance between Yan and Yue is insignificant. Another possibility is that if space is infinitely large, then every standpoint can count as the center (Graham 1989: 79, after the 3rd-century Sima Biao). Possibly this thesis is a variant of the same idea as the third thesis in the Xunzi list, which was that the far west and far east are "adjacent."

Group 4: Temporal Relations

The fourth group deal with temporal relations. Thesis 4 is paradoxical but easily intelligible. Just as from one perspective the sun is at its highest, from another perspective it is beginning to set. Just as things are living and growing, they are also coming closer to death. Again, the plurality of perspectives threatens to collapse the distinction between two apparent opposites, living and dying. In comparison with thesis 4, thesis 7 is extremely obscure. Clearly, it attempts to collapse the difference between today and yesterday or present and past. Interestingly, this paradox combines spatial and temporal relations, since in addition to the distinction between today and yesterday, there is the spatial movement from here to Yue (a state in the south). Hence Harbsmeier (298) and Graham (79) both propose to interpret the paradox in terms of the infinite divisibility of space and time, suggesting that if I cross the border into Yue precisely at the instant when today turns into tomorrow, the result is that I am simultaneously leaving one state today and arriving in the other tomorrow. Another possibility is to point out that xi, the word rendered "yesterday," is also commonly used to mean simply "the past" or "previously." So thesis 7 can be restated, "Today I go to Yue, but I arrive in the past." The import of the paradox could be that all "arriving" is always in the past: whenever we arrive somewhere, our journey is completed, or "past."

General Theme

Are the ten theses merely a loose collection, or are they intended to support a particular conclusion? Clearly, several of them can be taken to follow from thesis 5, about the relativity of sameness and difference. Thesis 5 can thus be treated as a premise or guiding principle and might be the main theme. Another possibility is that the ten are intended to culminate in the final thesis, the only one with moral import, which is not relativistic. It states that heaven and earth-all of the natural world-form a monistic unit, and so our moral caring should extend to all things. The question of the overall significance of the set in effect boils down to the question of whether, given the overall context, thesis 10 has a privileged status over thesis 5 and the others. From Hu Shih (1922) on, many interpreters have suggested it does. Clearly, the textual evidence is so sparse that there is no question of deciding the issue conclusively. However, there are at least three good reasons for favoring the monistic interpretation. First, the placement of thesis 10 at the end makes it natural to read it as the conclusion or main theme. Second, not only is thesis 10 placed last, it is the only thesis with ethical significance. A plausible explanation is that whoever arranged the ten theses saw the ethical view as emerging out of the others. Third, and most important, unlike theses 1 and 5, thesis 10 seems to make an absolutist claim. If it were parallel to theses 1 and 5, we might expect it to present a perspectival claim, such as that heaven and earth are in one respect one body and in another respect many. But instead it simply asserts that they are one.

Tentatively adopting the monistic interpretation, then, we can reconstruct the basic "Hui Shi view" roughly as follows:

1. The relations of sameness and difference that underlie all use of language can be redrawn in indefinitely many ways, all of which may be justified relative to one standard or another.

2. So no single way of drawing distinctions is fixed by nature itself.

3. Hence the world in itself draws no distinctions at all. Distinctions are established by human convention, in which we establish norms for distinguishing the same and different one way or another. Apart from these norms, there are no absolute, privileged natural kinds or distinctions.

4. Therefore, in itself, all of nature forms a single whole. (And as parts of this whole, we should care for all things.)

Several comments about this view are in order. First, the thrust of the view is not that distinctions are "unreal," in the sense of being illusory, false, or merely an aspect of appearance, not underlying reality. It is just the opposite: countless different schemes of distinctions are all real, with the result that none are privileged. Since no scheme is privileged, the "neutral" or "default" view-that of the world in itself-is monistic, drawing no distinctions at all. On the other hand, another way of understanding "real" is as meaning "fixed by nature itself." If we take "real" this way, we can agree with Hansen (262) that the Hui Shi position adopts a "non-realist" attitude toward distinctions: it holds that no single scheme of distinctions is fixed by the world. However, if the monistic interpretation is correct, then the Hui Shi position is realist in this sense with respect to the "one unit" or "Great One," the "null scheme" consisting of the absence of any distinctions. That scheme is fixed by nature itself.

Second, the Hui Shi view does not hold that, as Graham proposes, "Since division leads to contradiction don't divide at all" (1989: 79). Far from regarding contradictions as a problem, it embraces them. It explains them by appeal to constantly shifting perspectives or standards for distinguishing same and different.

Since Hui Shi's monism might recall that of the Eleatics (cf. Hu 1922, Graham 1989), it is worth clarifying the similarities and differences between the two. The similarities are superficial: both develop a form of absolute monism grounded in reflection about language or thought and its relation to reality. But the arguments for and consequences of the two views are fundamentally different. The starting point for Parmenides's monism is reflection on the concept of 'being' or 'the real', specifically the claim that what is real must necessarily be. From this he draws the conclusion that what is real must be ungenerable, imperishable, indivisible, and unchanging. Thus, in contrast to the eternal, unchanging world intelligible through reason, the inconstant, changing world of everyday perceptual experience is in some sense not "real." By contrast, the Hui Shi view starts from a kind of radical perspectivalism about distinctions. It argues that since no standard for drawing distinctions has a privileged, absolute status, the only way to draw distinctions given by reality itself is not to draw any at all. Reality is not regarded as indivisible and unchanging, nor is the changing world of sense experience in any sense "unreal." Rather, reality is divisible in indefinitely many ways. All of the resulting distinctions are "real" in the sense that the features of things on which they are based indeed exist. The distinctions are not delusory. The problem is that neither are they privileged or fixed: they can be replaced by alternative schemes of distinctions. The only privileged scheme is monism, drawing no distinctions at all.

Is this move from perspectivalism about distinctions to a kind of monism justified? Hansen argues that it is not. His interpretation of the argument is that it moves from the claim that we cannot know what distinctions are ultimately real to the conclusion that no distinctions are real (262). The move is via the hidden, verificationist premise that a distinction exists only if we can know that it does. Hence Hansen suggests that the Hui Shi view is based on a form of "verification fallacy," which confuses what we can know with what is real (263).

Hansen is probably right to hold that monism does not follow validly from Hui Shi's premises. All that follows is that no one scheme for drawing distinctions can be justified absolutely: Justification must always be contextual. But it seems unlikely that the text commits the fallacy he describes. The ten theses do not mention epistemic issues. Certainly there is no explicit skeptical claim that we cannot know which distinctions are ultimately real. Rather, there is only the suggestion, in thesis 5, that there may be uncountably many ways of drawing distinctions, set alongside a series of examples that collapse conventional distinctions. So, rather than committing a verificationist fallacy, it may be that the Hui Shi view is simply inconsistent. On the basis of thesis 5, Hui Shi should hold any scheme of distinctions may be deemed "admissible" or "inadmissible," by reference to some standard or other, yet no scheme is privileged, including the scheme that consists in drawing no distinctions at all. Instead, if the monistic interpretation is correct, he mistakenly takes the "Great One" or "one unit" view to be an exception to this rule. The mistake is understandable, since drawing no distinctions at all might seem to be a way of circumventing the perspectival nature of distinctions. It is not, however, since strictly speaking it remains one among other ways of drawing distinctions.

"Under Heaven" lists 21 more paradoxes, which "the disputers used to respond to Hui Shi without end for their whole lives." All lack explanations, making some impenetrably obscure. For interpretations of a handful of the relatively tractable ones, along with speculations about a few of the others, see the following supplementary document:

Miscellaneous Paradoxes

Despite their obscurity, at least some of the theses attributed to Hui Shi and a few of the other paradoxes and sophistries collected in "Under Heaven" probably grow out of legitimate theoretical issues and are of genuine philosophical interest. By contrast, when we turn to Gongsun Long, we encounter a disputer who may have been devoted to sophistry purely for sophistry's sake. We cannot be sure of this, of course, but what we can say is that Gongsun Long won fame by advocating a claim that any competent speaker of his language would have judged obviously false, namely that "a white horse is not a horse."

Gongsun Long (c. 320-250 B.C.E.) was a retainer to the Lord of Pingyuan (d. 252 B.C.E.) in the northern state of Zhao. Anecdotes about him are found in the Zhuangzi and The Annals of Lü Buwei, in which he is depicted advising King Hui of Zhao (r. 298-266 B.C.E.) against war (18.1, 18.7) and in disputation with Kong Chuan, a descendent of Confucius, at the home of the Lord of Pingyuan (18.5). He is mentioned in "Under Heaven" as a leading disputer and in the Han dynasty Records of the Grand Historian (Book 74) as undertaking disputation about the hard and white and the same and different. Intriguingly, the Annals depicts him citing the Mohist principle of "all-inclusive care" ( jian ai) to King Hui. Together with his anti-war stance, this suggests that he was influenced by and may once have numbered among the Mohists. The Xunzi does not criticize him by name but does cite a version of his white horse sophism in a list of incorrect uses of names (22.3).

In one anecdote, Gongsun Long is shown applying his cleverness to help rescue a state from attack. Zhao, his state, had formed a treaty with Qin to assist each other in anything either wished to do. Qin proceeded to attack Wei, Zhao's neighbor. Zhao wished to rescue Wei, but Qin sent an envoy to the king of Zhao to complain.

The King of Qin was displeased and sent an envoy to reproach the King of Zhao, saying, "The treaty says, 'Whatever Qin wishes to do, Zhao will assist it; whatever Zhao wishes to do, Qin will assist it.' Now Qin wishes to attack Wei, yet Zhao wishes to rescue it. This is not what we agreed on." The King of Zhao told the Lord of Pingyuan about it. The Lord of Pingyuan told Gongsun Long about it. Gongsun Long said, "We too can dispatch an envoy to reproach the King of Qin, saying, 'Zhao wishes to rescue Wei, but now the King of Qin alone does not assist Zhao. This is not what we agreed on.'" (The Annals of Lü Buwei, 18.5/457)

Another anecdote is valuable for what it suggests about the nature of Gongsun Long's disputations. Gongsun Long debates with an opponent, Kong Chuan, at the residence of the Lord of Pingyuan. With great cleverness, he argues for the claim that "John Doe has three ears." (In Chinese, plurals are unmarked, so the sophist can assert of any normal two-eared person, such as John Doe, that he "has ear(s)," and also that he has a left ear and a right ear. Therefore he has "three ears.") Eventually, Kong Chuan is unable to reply.

The next day, Kong Chuan came to court. The Lord of Pingyuan said to him, "Yesterday, Gongsun Long's speech was extremely clever." Kong Chuan said, "That's so. He was nearly able to make John Doe have three ears. Although he could do so, it's a difficult claim to accept. May I ask a question of you, your Lordship? Claiming that John Doe has three ears is extremely difficult and in reality is wrong. Claiming that John Doe has two ears is extremely easy and in reality is right. I wonder whether your Lordship will follow what is easy and right, or what is difficult and wrong?" (Annals, 18.5/457)

Gongsun Long's disputation is perceived as plainly not fitting "reality" ( shi, also the "stuff" spoken of). It is an exercise in cleverness, a kind of trick performance in which the disputer attempts to make a case for a claim that everyone knows does not fit its object. Harbsmeier has rightly emphasized this point in arguing that further attention to Gongsun Long's social and historical context is needed if we are to understand the white horse sophism properly (1998: 300-301). He suggests that Gongsun Long probably belonged to a class of entertainers at Chinese courts who performed various skills or tricks. His was to prove, over any and all objections, that a white horse is not a horse. His sophistries may have been intended primarily as a kind of light entertainment, not as expressions of a principled philosophical position. They touch on philosophical issues, such as discriminating the same and different, but there is no reason to expect them to demonstrate cogent reasoning based on a coherent semantic or logical theory. The truth may be just the opposite: They could have been intended to be whimsical and amusing, even comical. The "White Horse" dialogue may be a record of the sort of arguments Gongsun Long would offer in his performances.

The Gongsun Longzi has inspired a vast exegetical literature in both Asian and European languages, with no consensus in sight as to the significance and theoretical basis of its arguments. The interpretation proposed here must be considered only one of several potentially defensible approaches (others are noted below). In the case of the "White Horse" dialogue, the text is generally clear enough. ("Indicating Things," on the other hand, appears to be intentionally obscure.) The scholarly controversy concerns what theory and implicit premises to ascribe to the text so that the arguments come out as cogent defenses of a reasonable position. As Graham says, the interpretive obstacle is "the difficulty of finding an angle of approach from which the arguments will make sense....The arguments are clear, yet the first seems an obvious non sequitur...and the rest seem to assume an elementary confusion of identity and class membership" (1989: 82). Introducing his own interpretation, he says, "No one has yet proposed a reading of the dialogue as a consecutive demonstration which does not turn it into an improbable medley of gross fallacies and logical subtleties" (1990: 193). Building on Harbsmeier's insight that the historical context of Gongsun Long's disputations has been insufficiently appreciated, we may suspect Graham's remarks signal interpretive charity gone too far. Given what information we have about Gongsun Long-Harbsmeier's considerations, the general reputation of the disputers for flippant wordplay, the denunciation of Gongsun Long in the "Under Heaven" essay, and most important, the fact that his contemporaries took his most famous claim to be patently false-we should expect the text to be a "medley of gross fallacies and logical subtleties," roughly a Chinese analogue to the subtle, fallacious, and deeply amusing arguments of Lewis Carroll.

None of this means that interpreting "White Horse" is pointless. We can learn about the serious practice of disputation by studying what is in effect a spoof of disputation, just as an anthropologist can learn about a culture by studying its humor. But we should not expect the Gongsun Longzi to present rigorous arguments or defend well-developed theses of philosophical substance. In this case, interpretive charity may direct us to look not for true claims supported by sound reasoning, but for whimsical claims defended by bewildering, even madcap arguments.

The "White Horse Discourse" has spawned nearly as many interpretations as there are interpreters. One early, influential interpretation took its theme to be denying the identity of the universals 'horse' and 'white horse' (Fung 1958, Cheng 1983). There is now a fairly broad consensus, at least among European and American scholars, that the text is unlikely to concern universals, since no ancient Chinese philosopher held a realist doctrine of universals. Other interpretations have taken it to deal with kind and identity relations (Cikoski 1975, Harbsmeier 1998), part-whole relations (Hansen 1983, Graham 1989), how the extensions of phrases vary from those of their constituent terms (Hansen 1992), and even the use/mention distinction (Thompson 1995). For examples of other recent approaches, see Indraccolo (2017), Fung (2020b), Jiang (2020), and Zhou (2020).

A satisfactory interpretation must fit into the discursive context established by the Mohists, Xunzi, and The Annals of Lü Buwei, cohere with the concerns we identified in discussing the background ( Section 1) and main themes ( Section 2) of the disputers' inquiries, and take into account what other early texts tell us about Gongsun Long. Since we know he was an intellectual prankster, we cannot assume the texts will present cogent arguments for a well-reasoned philosophical position. If we find them presenting plainly intelligible but specious arguments, we should take these at face value, rather than seek esoteric explanations. Given the context of pre-Han thought, we should expect the text to toy with the problem of distinguishing "same" from "different," potentially touching on identity, part-whole, and kind relations. And given the disputers' association with the theme of "hard and white," we should expect that the text might attempt to treat inseparable features of things as if they were separable parts. A number of interpretations have the potential to meet these requirements, including interpretations involving part-whole relations, scope ambiguity, kind relations, and identity relations. To decide between them, then, we need to look at the details of the text. "White Horse" contains five arguments for its thesis that "White horse is not horse." We may find that some interpretive approaches work better for some of the five, some for others.

One further anecdote about Gongsun Long-found in two texts from later eras, the introductory chapter of the Gongsun Longzi and the Kong Congzi-provides useful context for the dialogue. In response to a request from Kong Chuan that he abandon his thesis that a white horse is not a horse, Gongsun Long defends it by claiming that Confucius himself accepted the same thesis. He cites a version of a story also found in the The Annals of Lü Buwei (1.4), in which the King of Chu loses his bow.

The King's attendants asked to look for it, but the King said, "Stop. The King of Chu lost a bow. A Chu person will find it. Why bother to look for it?" Confucius heard about it and said: "The King of Chu is benevolent and righteous but hasn't yet reached the ultimate. He should simply have said, 'A person lost a bow, a person will find it,' that's all. Why must it be 'Chu'?" In this way, Confucius took Chu people to be different from what's called "people." Now to approve of Confucius's taking Chu people to be different from what's called "people" but disapprove of my taking white horse to be different from what's called "horse" is contradictory. (Gongsun Longzi, Book 1)

In one version of the story, Kong Chuan replies that when Confucius omits the 'Chu', he is broadening the scope of the referent, not claiming that Chu people are not people.

Whenever we say "person," we refer to persons in general, just as whenever we say "horse," we refer to horses in general. 'Chu' by itself is the state; 'white' by itself is the color. Wishing to broaden the referent of 'person', it's appropriate to omit the 'Chu'; wishing to fix the name of the color, it's not appropriate to omit the 'white'. (Kong Congzi, Book 11; cf. Graham 1989: 84)

As Harbsmeier points out (302), since this story appears in the introduction to the Gongsun Longzi, it suggests that the book's ancient editors themselves took the theme to be how the scope of the extension of a noun such as 'person' or 'horse' varies when modified by an adjective such as 'Chu' or 'white'. The main theme is unlikely to be part-whole relations, since it is unlikely that the noun phrase 'Chu person' was construed as referring to a whole comprising two parts, the state of Chu and a person.

Argument 1.
'Horse' is that by which we name the shape. 'White' is that by which we name the color. Naming the color is not naming the shape. So white horse is not horse.

At first glance, it is not at all clear how the premises are expected to support the conclusion. Here we should recall that the argument is probably intended to be perplexing and open to various interpretations, the better to confuse and mystify the audience. With this caveat in mind, one plausible reading is that 'white horse' names both the color and the shape of white horses, not only the shape. So 'white horse' names something different from what 'horse' names. Hence white horse, the extension of 'white horse', is not the same as (identical to) horse, the extension of 'horse'.

This argument can also be understood as "separating hard and white," in that the shape and color of white horses, which are in fact inseparable, are treated as two separate things. If we grant the sophist that naming the color isn't naming the shape, we have already allowed him to separate shape from color. Referring to the color is of course different from referring to the shape. But naming the object with the color is just naming the object with the shape. Hence we should reject the third premise and insist that naming the color is naming the shape.

Argument 2.
If someone seeks a horse, then it's admissible to deliver a brown or a black horse. If someone seeks a white horse, then it's inadmissible to deliver a brown or a black horse. Suppose white horse were indeed horse. In that case, what the person seeks in those two cases would be one and the same. What he seeks being one and the same is the white one not being different from horse. If what he seeks is not different, then how is it that the brown or black horse are in the one case admissible and in the other inadmissible? Admissible and inadmissible, that they contradict each other is clear. So brown and black horses are one and the same in being able to answer to "having horse" but not to "having white horse." This confirms that white horse is not horse.

This argument is fairly clearly not about part-whole relations, nor about separating hard from white. The sophist plainly construes "white horse is horse" as "white horse is identical to horse." In Chinese as in English, the sentence 'White horses are horses' can be interpreted as predicating 'horse' of white horses, making the true claim that the things picked out by 'white horse' are all among those picked out by 'horse', or it can be interpreted as expressing an identity, making the false claim that exactly the same things are picked out by 'white horse' as by 'horse'. The argument trades on this ambiguity. Because we know that modifying a noun narrows the scope of its extension, when we hear "white horses are horses," we naturally apply the principle of charity, assume the speaker is not saying something obviously false, and take the relation in question to be predication, not identity. But the sophist insists on interpreting the sentence as an identity. Notice that the sophist implicitly applies a principle roughly like Leibniz's law of indiscernibility of identicals. He assumes that if two things are identical, they will share all their features, and one can be substituted for the other in any context. Since what can be "delivered" in answer to a request for "white horse" is different from what can be "delivered" for "horse," white horse is not horse.

Argument 3.
Horses indeed have color; thus there are white horses. Supposing horses had no color, and there were simply horses and that's all, how could we pick out the white horses? So white is not horse. White horse is horse combined with white. Is horse combined with white the same as horse? So I say: White horse is not horse.

"White" is not "horse" because 'horse' alone doesn't pick out the white ones; only 'white' does. The sophist takes it as obvious that "horse" combined with "white" is not simply "horse." Here he is "separating hard and white," in that he explicitly treats "white" and "horse" (that is, the shape of the animal) as two things that are combined to form something more than, and different from, a horse. The argument again turns on construing "White horse is horse" as the claim that the kind white horse is identical to the kind horse.

Argument 4.
"Since you take having white horse to be having horse, we can say having horse is having brown horse, is that admissible?" "Not admissible." "Taking having horse to be different from having brown horse, this is taking brown horse to be different from horse. Taking brown horse to be different from horse, this is taking brown horse to be not horse. Taking brown horse to be not horse while taking white horse to be having horse, this is flying things entering a pond, inner and outer coffins in different places. These are the most contradictory sayings and confused expressions in the world."

Here again the argument is based on construing "White/brown horse is horse" as an identity claim. Recall that in early Chinese thought the same/different relation may refer to either identity or kind relations. Moreover, in classical Chinese, both types of relations are expressed in the same syntactic form, the Chinese analogue of ' A is (not) B'. So when the context is unambiguous, it is perfectly legitimate to express the fact that A is different from B by saying " A is not B." Taking advantage of this grammatical feature, the sophist can move legitimately from the uncontroversial claim that having a horse is different from (that is, not identical to) having a brown horse to the intermediate claim that brown horse is different from (not identical to) horse and then not so legitimately to the conclusion that brown horse is not horse. The conclusion indeed follows, but only if we allow the sophist to construe "is not" as "is not identical to." Notice that this argument seems to involve neither part-whole relations nor separating hard from white (that is, shape from color). Analogy plays a central role, however, as the argument is based on the analogy between brown and white horses.

The rhetorical flourish at the end of the argument is typical of Warring States disputation. To emphasize that a claim is inconsistent or contradictory, disputers would habitually cite contradictory or impossible things as analogies (Leslie 1964).

Argument 5.
"White" does not fix what is white.... As to "white horse," saying it fixes what is white. What fixes what is white is not white. "Horse" selects or excludes none of the colors, so brown or black horses can all answer. "White horse" selects some color and excludes others; brown and black horses are all excluded on the basis of color, and so only white horse alone can answer. Excluding none is not excluding some. Therefore white horse is not horse.

The sophist first "separates hard and white," establishing that the shape "horse" is not the same thing as the color "white." The color alone does not specify the location that is white; saying "white horse" does. Therefore horse, the shape, is not white, the color. Indeed, horse specifies no color at all. White horse, on the other hand, does specify a color. So again the sophist has shown that white horse and horse have distinct features. Thus white horse is not (identical to) horse.

To sum up, the most natural way to read the text is as repeatedly equivocating between a statement of identity and one that predicates a more general term of the objects denoted by a less general term. The sophist refuses to distinguish the true statement that "[the kind] white horse is not [identical to the kind] horse" from the false "white horse is not [of the kind] horse." The natural way to interpret "White horse is horse" is as the latter, but the sophist insists on interpreting it as the former. In a few places, the sophist distinguishes the shape of the horse from the color in a way that probably corresponds to "separating hard and white."

A related explanation of the sophist's view is that he confuses terms that refer at different levels of generality, or, equivalently, simply refuses to recognize that terms can refer at different levels of generality. Xunzi, whose career largely overlapped with Gongsun Long's, introduced the concept of a "common name" ( gong ming), or general term, which may refer to things at different levels of generality (22.2f). Xunzi pointed out that sometimes we refer to things by a single name, such as 'horse', and sometimes, to communicate more precisely, we use a "compound" name (what we would think of as a noun phrase), such as 'white horse'. Provided one of these two kinds of names is more general, we can use both without their interfering with each other. This is roughly the same point Kong Chuan made in insisting that 'horse' always refers to all horses and that adding 'white' to it merely narrows its reference by specifying the horses' color. In each case, the animals denoted by 'horse' are still horses. "White Horse" deliberately ignores this point.

The other complete, genuine essay attributed to Gongsun Long is the near-impenetrable "Discourse on Indicating Things." For a discussion of this text, see the supplementary document:

Indicating and Things

"Equalizing Things" alludes to versions of at least four of Hui Shi's theses and to both the white horse and the "indicating" sophisms. "Today go to Yue and arrive yesterday" is cited as an analogy for something impossible or contradictory. "Just as it is alive, it is dying" is used for rhetorical effect to support the point that judgments of what is "this" ( shi) and "not this" ( fei) arise together, are relative to each other, and can be reversed or shifted. After arguing that anything can be deemed "this" or "not this," the text critiques Gongsun Long:

Using indicating to show that indicating is not indicating is not as good as using not-indicating to show that to indicating is not indicating. Using a horse to show that a horse is not a horse is not as good as using what is not a horse to show that a horse is not a horse. Heaven and earth are one "indicated"; the myriad things are one horse. (cf. Graham 1981: 53)

Instead of using a white horse as an example to show that it's possible to treat some horses as not of the kind horse, it would be simpler and clearer to use something of another kind, such as an ox, and show that some horses can be treated as "the same" as that thing and different from other horses. For instance, draft horses could be deemed "the same" as oxen, grouped together with them as draft animals, and distinguished as different from riding horses or racehorses. For that matter, anything and everything can be summed into a whole and deemed a single "indicated" or "horse." The text's point is to trivialize Gongsun Long's theses. For some purpose or other, by some standard or other, white horse can indeed be considered different from horse. But in light of the pragmatic stance adopted by "Equalizing Things," there is nothing puzzling or remarkable about this.

These allusions place "Equalizing Things" firmly within the intellectual milieu of the disputers. Indeed, the text argues explicitly for a view closely related to one of their signature themes-"deeming so the not-so, admissible the inadmissible."

Admissible? Admissible. Inadmissible? Inadmissible. A dao (way) is formed by walking it, things are made so by calling them so. How are they so? They are so in respects where they are so. How are they not so? They are not so in respects where they are not so. Things inherently have respects in which they are so; things inherently have respects in which they are admissible. No thing is not so; no thing is not admissible. (cf. Graham 1981: 53)

Still, the text's stance is fundamentally critical of Hui Shi and Gongsun Long. In a trenchant critique, the writer mocks several Hui Shi-style theses, including spatial and temporal paradoxes and a version of the "one unit" view:

"In the world, nothing is bigger than the tip of an autumn hair, yet Mount Tai is small; nothing outlives a dead child, yet Pengzu [the Chinese Methulesah] died young. Heaven and earth were born together with me, and the myriad things and I are one."
Having already become one, can you still say anything? Having already called it "one," can you succeed in not saying anything? One and the saying make two; two and the one make three. Going on from here, even an expert calculator can't get to the end of it, much less an ordinary person! So in moving from nothing to something, we arrive at three; how much worse in moving from something to something! Better not to move any particular way at all, but simply adapt what we deem shi (right) to the particular situation. (cf. Graham 1981: 56)

The text questions the coherence of the "everything is one" view. To treat the myriad things and oneself as "one" is already to distinguish them from nothing, on the one hand, and from what is not one, on the other. Indeed, the proponent of the "one unit" view cannot even state his position consistently. Merely to say that everything is "one" is to recognize something else besides the one, namely our statement pointing it out. The one and the name we give it or what we say about it already make two. And as soon as we notice that we've got two, we've already got three-the one, what we said about it, and the "two" comprising the one and what we said. The playful mockery has an underlying point. The "all is one" view is not more "real" or more justified than other schemes of distinctions, and it is useless as a solution to the problem of what scheme of distinctions to adopt in guiding life and action. It yields no normative guidance-not even Hui Shi's "comprehensively care for all things." Instead of attempting to find the "absolute" or "real" scheme of action-guiding distinctions, our energy would be better spent simply by guiding and justifying our actions contextually, responding to the needs of each particular situation as it arises.

Like Hui Shi, then, the writer of "Equalizing Things" agrees that distinctions can be drawn in indefinitely many ways. It is also true that if no distinctions are drawn, things in themselves "connect into one." Yet focusing one's attention either on establishing some particular scheme of distinctions or on the "one" shows an equal lack of insight. Disputation-whether in defense of Confucian ritual, Mohist inclusive care, the Great One, or sophistical paradoxes-is beside the point. Issues addressed in disputation cannot and need not be settled in order to live well. In fact, they may even interfere with the conduct of a good life. When we perform activities at which we genuinely excel-those whose performance engenders the deeply satisfying experience of feeling fully at home in the world-what guides us is not knowledge of fixed, explicit standards of shi/fei, nor identification with the "one." It is a combination of skill and a kind of uncodifiable knack for adapting to the particular situation.

So in deeming things "this" (shi), whether you bring up a stalk or a pillar, a hag or a beauty, the odd or bizarre,Dao (the Way) connects them as one....Only one who has arrived knows to connect things as one. Deeming things "this" he does not use; instead he accommodates things in the ordinary. He adapts his "this" to the situation, that's all. Adapting without knowing things are so is called "Dao." (cf. Graham 53)

By contrast, wearing out one's wits deliberately deeming things one, as Hui Shi does, instead of simply seeing and making use of the innumerable ways they can be taken to be the "same," is like forcefully affirming that seven equals four plus three without also allowing that it equals three plus four (cf. Graham 54). It is a way of grasping part of the right view, but darkly, without insight.

As for Hui Shi, "Equalizing Things" concludes, "His know-how almost reached the pinnacle, so his reputation carried on until later years. It was only in that he was good at it [disputation] that he was different from other people. Because he was good at it, he desired to clarify it. It was not the sort of thing that can be clarified, yet he tried to clarify it. Thus he spent his whole life in the obscurity of hard and white."

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Han dynasty archivists associated seven figures with the "School of Names": Deng Xi, Yin Wen, Hui Shi, Gongsun Long, Cheng-gong Sheng, Huang Gong, and Mao Gong ( Han History 30, "Bibliographical Treatise"). To these we can add one further figure, Huan Tuan, whom China's earliest history of thought, "Under Heaven," Book 33 of the , pairs with Gongsun Long.

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Taoism is an influential ideology in ancient China, centered on allowing things to happen naturally and going with the flow. The ideology originated during the pre-Qin Dynasty by Lao Zi, the ideology of Taoism is now recognized as one of the four major Chinese philosophical thoughts.

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Taoism is an ancient Chinese philosophy and religion that instructs believers on how to exist in harmony with the universe.

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Mohism is an influential ideology in ancient China, focused on loving each other as equals between people and opposing aggressive wars. The ideology originates during the pre-Qin Dynasty. Nowadays, the ideology of Mohism gives a discussion space for ethics and sociopolitical topics.

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Mohism | Chinese Philosophy, Moral Values & Rationalism

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Mohism, school of Chinese philosophy founded by Mozi (q.v.) in the 5th century bce. This philosophy challenged the dominant Confucian ideology until about the 3rd century bce. Mozi taught the necessity for individual piety and submission to the will of heaven, or Shangdi (the Lord on High), and

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Legalism is an ideology in ancient China focused on the ideas and concepts of governing the country by law. The ideology originates during the pre-Qin Dynasty, and it remains influential in modern times, with many countries still employing the principles of Legalism for governance. It is also recognized as one of the four major Chinese philosophical thoughts.

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Legalism in ancient China was a philosophical belief that human beings are more inclined to do wrong than right because they are motivated entirely by self-interest and require strict laws to control their impulses. It was developed by the philosopher Han Feizi (l. c. 280 - 233 BCE) of the state of Qin.

Han Feizi is thought to have been a student of the Confucian reformer (and last of the Five Great Sages of Confucianism), Xunzi (l. c. 310-c.235 BCE) who departed from the central precept of Confucianism that humans were basically good, claiming they most certainly were not for, if they were, they would not need instruction in goodness.

Han Feizi drew on this one aspect of Xunzi's work as well as earlier writings of the Warring States Period of China (c. 481 - 221 BCE) by a Qin statesman named Shang Yang (d. 338 BCE) to develop his philosophy that, since humans were inherently evil, laws to control and punish were a necessity for social order. Even though Legalism during the Qin Dynasty resulted in huge loss of life and culture, it should be remembered that the philosophy developed during a time of constant warfare in China when each state fought every other for control and imposing order on this chaos was, obviously, considered of the utmost importance.

The Adoption of Legalism

For over 200 years the people of China experienced war as their daily reality and a legalistic approach to trying to control people's worst impulses - controlling people through the threat of severe punishment for doing wrong - would have seemed like the best way to deal with the chaos. Shang Yang's legalism dealt with everyday situations but extended to how one should conduct one's self in war and he is credited with the tactics of total war which allowed the state of Qin to defeat the other warring states to control China.

Legalism became the official philosophy of the Qin Dynasty (221 - 206 BCE) when the first emperor of China, Shi Huangdi (r. 221-210 BCE), rose to power and banned all other philosophies as a corrupting influence. Confucianism was especially condemned because of its insistence on the basic goodness of human beings and its teaching that people only needed to be gently directed toward good in order to behave well.

During the Qin Dynasty any books which did not support the Legalist philosophy were burned and writers, philosophers, and teachers of other philosophies were executed. The excesses of the Qin Dynasty's legalism made the regime very unpopular with the people of the time. After the Qin were overthrown, Legalism was abandoned in favor of Confucianism and this influenced the development of the culture of China significantly.

Beliefs & Practices

Legalism holds that human beings are essentially bad because they are inherently selfish. No one, unless forced to, willingly sacrifices for another. According to the precepts of Legalism, if it is in one's best interest to kill another person, that person will most probably be killed. In order to prevent such deaths, a ruler had to create a body of laws which would direct people's natural inclination of self-interest toward the good of the state.

A ruler had to create a body of laws which would direct people's natural inclination of self-interest toward the good of the state.

Morality was of no concern to the legalist philosophers because they felt it played no part in people's decision-making process. In Legalism, laws direct one's natural inclinations for the betterment of all. The person who wants to kill their neighbor is prevented by law but would be allowed to kill others by joining the army. In this way the person's selfish desires are gratified and the state benefits by having a dedicated soldier.

Legalism was practiced through enacting laws to control the population of China. These laws would include how one was to address social superiors, women, children, servants as well as criminal law dealing with theft or murder. Since it was a given that people would act on their self-interest, and always in the worst way, the penalties for breaking the law were severe and included heavy fines, conscription in the army, or being sentenced to years of community service building public monuments or fortifications.

Other philosophies which argue for people's inherent goodness were considered dangerous lies which would lead people astray. The beliefs of philosophers like Confucius (l. 551-479 BCE), Mencius (l. 372-289 BCE), Mo-Ti (l. 470-391 BCE), or Lao-Tzu (l. c. 500 BCE), with their emphasis on finding the good within and expressing it, were considered threatening to a belief system which claimed the opposite. The scholar John M. Koller, writing on Legalism, states:

The basic presupposition of [Legalism] is that people are naturally inclined to wrongdoing, and therefore the authority of laws and the state are required for human welfare. This school is opposed to Confucianism in that, especially after Mengzi, Confucianism emphasized the inherent goodness of human nature. (208)

Legalism was not only opposed to Confucianism but could not tolerate it. Once Legalism was adopted by the Qin Dynasty, Confucianism faced the very real threat of extinction. This applied as well to the work of Xunzi, the Confucian reformer, as to any other Confucian work even though Xunzi was thought to have inspired Han Feizi in founding Legalism. In reality, the claim that human beings are essentially selfish and only act out of self-interest was only one aspect of Xunzi's philosophy. He argued that people could become better than they are, not simply through laws, but by self-discipline, education, and observance of ritual.

Legalism in the Qin Dynasty

Xunzi's larger vision for Confucian reforms were ignored by Han Feizi in the interests of expedience and praticality. When the Zhou Dynasty (1046 - 256 BCE) began to collapse, and the separate states of China under its rule fought each other for control, states sought the most expedient system to maintain social order. The seven states of China - Chu, Han, Qi, Qin, Wei, Yan, and Zhao - all believed they were fit to rule and replace the Zhou.

These states battled with each other again and again but none of them could gain an advantage over the others until King Ying Zheng of Qin adopted Han Feizi's philosophy of Legalism and Shang Yang's concept of total war, conducting domestic policy and military campaigns along both these lines to achieve victory. The old rules of chivalry which Chinese armies had always considered were ignored by the Qin as they crushed one state after another. When the last of the free states had been conquered, Ying Zheng declared himself the first emperor of China: Shi Huangdi.

The emperor and his chief advisor/prime minister Li Siu (also given as Li Si, l. c. 280-208 BCE, another student of Xunxi) understood how well Legalism had worked for the Qin in war and so adopted it as the official state philosophy in peace. According to historian and scholar Joshua J. Mark, Shi Huangdi "ordered the destruction of any history or philosophy books which did not correspond to Legalism, his family line, the state of Qin, or himself" and had over 400 Confucian scholars executed.

Under Shi Huangdi's reign those who broke the law, even through minor offenses, were sentenced to hard labor building the Great Wall or the Grand Canal or the new roads the Qin Dynasty required for moving troops and supplies. The Chinese people hated the Legalism of the Qin but were powerless against the Qin soldiers and governors who enforced the law.

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The Han Dynasty & Suppression of Legalism

Legalism remained in effect throughout the Qin Dynasty until its fall in 206 BCE. After the Qin had fallen, the states of Chu and Han fought for control of the country until Xiang-Yu of Chu (l. 232-202 BCE) was defeated by Liu Bang of Han (l. c. 256-195 BCE) at the Battle of Gaixia in 202 BCE and the Han Dynasty was founded. The Han Dynasty reigned for a long time, from 202 BCE to 220 CE, and began many of the most important cultural advances in Chinese history, the opening of the Silk Road being only one of them.

They originally kept a form of Legalism as their official philosophy but it was a much gentler version than that of the Qin. The Emperor Wu (141-87 BCE) finally abandoned Legalism in favor of Confucianism and also made it illegal for anyone who followed the philosophies of Han Feizi or Shang Yang to hold public office.

Confucianism could be expressed openly again during the Han Dynasty. The suppression of Legalism and Legalist philosophers diminished the threat of the philosophy taking hold again and allowed for opposing views to be explored. This did not mean that Legalism disappeared or that it no longer had any effect on the Chinese culture, however. Legalism remained a go-to philosophy throughout China's history up into modern times. Whenever a government has felt it might be losing control it has resorted to some degree of Legalism.

The days of the supremacy of Legalism in China were over, though. Koller writes, "the long-term effect of the Legalist emphasis on laws and punishment was to strengthen Confucianism by making legal institutions a vehicle for Confucian morality" (208). The vacuum left by the rejection of Legalism was filled by Confucianism which provided the Chinese culture with a much more comfortable and all-embracing vision of humanity and how people could live together peacefully.

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Legalism in ancient China was a philosophical belief that human beings are more inclined to do wrong than right because they are motivated entirely by self-interest and require strict laws to control...

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The school of naturalists is an ideology in ancient China, focused on Yin Yang and Five Elements Theory, and tries to explain all the phenomenon that happens in the world. The ideology originates during the Warring States Period. Nowadays, the Theory of Five Elements has become a widely spread system and appears in various films and games.

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Tang poetry, a primary genre of Chinese poetry, originated during the Tang Dynasty. Characterized by a fixed structure and a flowing cadence, Tang poems explore themes such as nature, wars, romanticism, and realism. Today, Tang poetry remains a significant means to gain insights into the details of the Tang Dynasty, serving as a key cultural and historical resource.

here is a website that contains Tang poetry with translation:

(text file)

https://musicated.com/syh/TangPoems.htm

here is a famous poet Li bai's biography:

(biography)

https://www.britannica.com/biography/Li-Bai

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The most extensive collection of Tang poems, the Quantangshi, contains around 48,900 lyrics by over 2,200 authors (a demonstration of the popularity of verse writing). A considerable amount of Tang Dynasty poetry survived due to the overwhelming importance of the art form during the period. It was required for civil service exams and available mostly, to everyone.

Tang poems and Tang poets were influenced by authors' works from the previous 1,000 years in Chinese history. For example, the Chu Ci (which translates to Verses of Chu)and Shijing (also known as the Classic of Poetry, Book of Songs, or Book of Odes). During this period, much writing is associated with the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, who ruled for forty-four years (the longest reign of the dynasty). Li Yu's death in 978 is considered the end of the Tang Poetry era. But, the Tang Dynasty itself fell in 907.

Tang Poetry Periods

The Tang Dynasty is generally divided into four parts:

Early Tang - includes early, middle, and late phases. Poems were courtly, ornate, and flowery until the late phase when more socially important poetry was created.

High Tang - included the work of the "Fields and Gardens Poets Group," Li Bai, and Du Fu. The latter is known for his formal style and Li Bai for using traditional forms in new ways.

Middle Tang - a period of high taxes and rebuilding. Poets were idealistic and willing to speak truthfully about the lives of everyday people. Others praised the peace of nature, landscapes, and isolation.

Late Tang - known for poets that used a clear style, reflecting on the nature of their contemporary moment. Sometimes abstract, dense, and hard to understand. During the last years of the Tang, poets were notably darker and more angst-filled.

The "shi" was the most popular form during the period and is generally considered representative of the overall style authors used. Shi poems have four-character lines and are written in ancient Chinese. A few other constraints are associated with the older version of the form.

As the poems developed, five and seven-syllable lines also became popular. These poems are known to use rhyming couplets as well. English translations of these Tang poems are also widely popular. For example, Ezra Pound's Cathay, a 1915 collection of Classical Chinese poems that Pound translated into English (based on notes by Ernest Fenollosa).

Characteristics of Tang Dynasty Poetry

Some of the most important characteristics of Tang Dynasty poetry are:

A limited number of lines.

A strong connection to religion.

Captures people's everyday lives, Chinese culture, and emotions.

Speak about loss, friendship, nostalgia, and joys.

Contain descriptions of nature. For example, the moonlight, twilight, empty woods, the heavens, wild peaks, and more.

Tang Dynasty Poets

The two most important Tang Dynasty poets are described below:

Li Bai - (also known as Li Po, Li Bo, and Li Pai) is one of the best-known authors of Tang Dynasty poetry. Today, he is regarded as a romantic figure who elevated Chinese poetry to a level it had never reached before. Alongside Du Fu, he is commonly considered the most important poet of the period. Today, around 1,000 poems are attributed to him. The most important are collected in Heyaue yingling ji. His poems spoke about the joys of friendships, nature, drinking, solitude, and more.

Du Fu -(also known as Tu Fu) is the second best-known poet of Tang Dynasty poetry. He was a civil servant, and there are around 1,500 surviving examples of his verse. His technical precision within his verse is often praised, as is his willingness to speak on the suffering of everyday people.

Tang Dynasty Poems

This is a peaceful poem that acts as a tribute to the silent moments of peace in life. The speaker describes leading a party and walking home beside a river. Li Bai demonstrates his interest in writing about peace and solitude in life. The poem is seven lines long, a common length for Tang Dynasty poetry.

It was at a wine party-

I lay in a drowse, knowing it not.

The blown flowers fell and filled my lap.

When I arose, still drunken,

The Song of the Wagons by Du Fu

Written around 750, 'The Song of the Wagons' describes the life and struggles of a conscript in the imperial army. Here are a few lines from the beginning of the poem:

The wagons rumble and roll,

The horses whinny and neigh,

The conscripts each have bows and arrows at their waists.

Their parents, wives and children run to see them off,

So much dust's stirred up, it hides the Xianyang bridge.

They pull clothes, stamp their feet and, weeping, bar the way

Throughout this piece, Du Fu demonstrates his ability to depict the suffering of others. He also speaks on the sources of the soldier's suffering and how the government's shortsightedness is at the root of the problem.

Li Bai's poem is a beautiful lyric that emphasizes enjoying one's youthful hours to the fullest as one can't savor those moments in old age. This is one of several surviving poems from this author that speaks on drinking.

The first lines read:

The spring wind comes from the east and quickly passes,

Leaving faint ripples in the wine of the golden bowl.

The flowers fall, flake after flake, myriads together.

The poem concludes with the speaker asking readers to remember that when time is lost, it's gone forever. There is no reason to lament its passing. It's important to seize the beauty of one's youth when it's possible to.

Related Literary Terms

Misty Poets: a group of Chinese poets who were working in the 20th century. Their work was created against the backdrop of the Cultural Revolution, during which traditional themes of art were sidelined, and artists were prosecuted.

Moral: the meaning or message conveyed through a story.

Open Couplet: a pair of lines in poetry, the first of which is enjambed. The first line does not conclude, running into the second line.

Couplet: a literary device made up of two rhyming lines of verse-these fall in succession or one after another.

Other Resources

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During the Tang Dynasty, Chinese poetry entered a Golden Age. It includes the works of poets like Li Bai, Wang Wei, Du Fu, and Bai Juyi.

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Song ci, a primary genre of Chinese poetry, originated during the Song Dynasty. Characterized by its rhythmic features, Song ci can be mainly divided into two types: Bold faction and restrained. Today, Song ci remains a popular topic for creating songs and lyrics.

here is a text file that demonstrates the translation of Song ci: (text file)

https://ijels.com/upload_document/issue_files/39IJELS-108202220-English.pdf

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ci, in Chinese poetry, song form characterized by lines of unequal length with prescribed rhyme schemes and tonal patterns, each bearing the name of a musical air. The varying line lengths are comparable to the natural rhythm of speech and therefore are easily understood when sung. First sung by ordinary people, they were popularized by professional women singers and attracted the attention of poets during the Tang dynasty (618-907). It was not, however, until the transitional period of the Five Dynasties (907-960), a time of division and strife, that ci became a major vehicle for lyrical expression. Of ci poets in this period, the greatest was Li Yu, last monarch of the Nan Tang (Southern Tang) dynasty. The ci served as the predominant form for verse of the Song dynasty (960-1279).

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Ci, in Chinese poetry, song form characterized by lines of unequal length with prescribed rhyme schemes and tonal patterns, each bearing the name of a musical air. The varying line lengths are comparable to the natural rhythm of speech and therefore are easily understood when sung. First sung by

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Kuafu Chases the Sun 夸父逐日 - A Giant's Persistence

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Kuafu Chases the Sun 夸父逐日 - A Giant's Persistence

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The myth talks about the Kuafu, a giant who chases the sun and dies of thirst, then creates a forest when dying. Most scholars agree that this myth reflects the ancient Chinese’s desire to explore nature and their determination to achieve the goal. Nowadays, in China, people think of Kuafu as a positive example of Persistence, and Taiwan thinks of it as a negative example of overestimating himself, and it has become an idiom.

The complete story of Kuafu chases the sun:

https://astoryshing.com/story-of-kuafu-chasing-the-sun/

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Ghost Festival 中元節 - The Festival for the Lonely Ghosts

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Ghost Festival 中元節 - The Festival for the Lonely Ghosts

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The festival is about worshiping ancestors and lonely ghosts. Chinese people believe that ancestors can help them when there are difficulties. Also, some people believe worshiping the lonely ghosts can prevent the ghosts to not going against people. People will burn ancestor money and also put fruits, snacks, and other offerings for the ghosts to eat. It is a significant showing of the Chinese's worship of Ghosts.

To know more about Ghost Festival:

https://www.chinahighlights.com/festivals/hungry-ghost-festival.htm

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【Life in china】Chinese traditional Ghost Festival Zhongyuan festival custom

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Records of the Grand Historian 史記 - The Records of Normal People

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Records of the Grand Historian 史記 - The Records of Normal People

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Records of the Grand Historian is a book that records the history from the mythological age until the time the book is done. It includes every important historical event in the book., and it is the only book that records all the history that they know in China. The book is categorized by characters, and each chapter talks about one or one kind of character(s). It was also categorized into Kings and Emperors, nobles, and normal people. Its significance comes from the normal people that he records, which is hard to find in Chinese history.

To know more about the Records of Grand History:

https://totallyhistory.com/the-records-of-the-grand-historian/

Sima Qian(Biography):

Sima Qian, a historian, is the author of the Records of the Grand Historian. He was the first to use biographical articles in history records, and all historians afterward used this kind of form to record history.

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Sima Qian (l. 145/135-86 BCE) was a court scribe, astrologer, and historian of the Han Dynasty (202 BCE - 220 CE) of ancient China, famous for his historical work Records of the Grand Historian for which he is remembered as the Father of Chinese History.

He lived and wrote during the reign of the emperor Wu Ti (also given as Wu, Wu Di, and Wu the Great, r. 141-87 BCE). He was the son of Sima Tan (l. c. 165-110 BCE), who had also been court astrologer and historian. The term 'historian' at this time did not have the same meaning it does today. A court historian in China at this time was expected to immortalize his emperor's reign and dynasty, often including elements of myth and fable. Sima Tan conceived of a new use for history - recording and preserving the past of the entire nation factually - and inspired this same vision in his son.

Sima Tan started work on what he saw as a great project but only completed a small part of it before he died. Sima Qian took up his father's work and finished the monumental work Records of the Grand Historian c. 94 BCE, enduring great personal suffering to do so. Records of the Grand Historian changed the way history in China was written as well as how it was understood.

Any later work of Chinese history has followed the same paradigm in drawing on Sima Qian's work as the model for historical writing.

It originally existed in two copies - one in the imperial archives and the other in Sima Qian's house - and sections of it may have been published shortly after it was completed. The house copy was published, presumably in full, by Sima Qian's grandson, Yang Yun, during the reign of Emperor Xuan (74-48 BCE) who encouraged literacy and the arts.

It is unclear how the work was initially received but it was known and used by the historians Ban Biao (l. 3-54 CE) and his son Ban Gu (l. 32-92 CE) in their work Hanshu (the ). Any later work of Chinese history has followed this same paradigm in drawing on Sima Qian's work as the model for historical writing. The Records established Sima Qian's reputation, posthumously, as the preeminent historian of China, just as he knew it would, and even with modernist criticism, the work and its author continue to be admired.

Early Life & Troubles

Sima Qian was born in either 145 or 135 BCE in the Shaanxi Province to well-off, but not upper-class, family. His father was the court astrologer who held the title "grand historian" but whose primary function was divination based on observation of the yearly calendar and writing accounts of the emperor's deeds, court life, and affairs of state. Sima was devoted to his father and acquired his same interests in scholarship. He was no doubt well-educated and most likely pursued his intellectual interests outside of class.

At what point Sima Tan first told his son of the grand project is unclear. According to Sima Qian's own account, it was only when his father was dying that he was asked to complete the work. It could have been earlier, however, because, in 126 BCE, he embarked on a tour of historical sites throughout China which could have simply been encouraged by his own interests or could have been in preparation for joining his father on writing the history. He is said to have visited many sites of historical and cultural significance, including Confucius' hometown of Qufu in the state of Lu where, as a Confucian, Sima Qian reports being moved deeply upon seeing the master's personal items and clothing still preserved.

He had returned home, married, and had at least one daughter (and possibly two sons), by c. 122 BCE when he accepted a position as attendant to Emperor Wu Ti. This position also involved travel as he followed the emperor to various parts of the realm on inspections and in performing rituals. Sima Qian was called home in 110 BCE when his father fell ill and was not expected to recover. Sima Qian claims, as noted, that it was at this point, as his father lay dying, that he was asked to complete the histories.

Sima Qian continued in his position as attendant for three years before he was promoted to his father's old post c. 107 BCE. He seems to have lived a comfortable life, working on the Records in his spare time, and was clearly valued by the emperor who, in 104 BCE, appointed him to the committee on reforming the calendar, a position of honor. He is also said to have composed poetry, prose works, and rhapsodies during this time and later of which only one has survived.

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He continued in the emperor's good graces until 99 BCE when he made the mistake of defending a friend, the general Li Ling (d. 74 BCE), against the charge of treason. Li Ling had been sent north to fight the Xiongnu, the fierce tribe who lived beyond the border of the Great Wall, along with the emperor Wu Ti's brother-in- law Li Guangli (d. 88 BCE), but not together; each general had their own front to face. Li Guangli was defeated on his front and Li Ling was also but on a much larger scale, losing most of his men and surrendering.

Emperor Wu Ti condemned Li Ling as a traitor because Li had promised him a resounding victory, had refused practical measures such as reinforcements to protect a supply line, and had wound up not only disappointing the emperor and losing almost 5,000 soldiers in battle but also surrendering and allowing himself to be taken prisoner. When Sima Qian defended Li Ling, the emperor took it as an insult to Li Guangli, who was also defeated but not referenced in Sima Qian's defense of Li Ling, and an insult to himself that a court astrologer should contradict the Chinese emperor's decree.

Sima Qian chose humiliation, dishonor, castration, & three years in prison in order to finish the work because he believed in its importance.

Emperor Wu ordered Sima Qian arrested and sentenced to death unless he could pay a large fine to have the sentence commuted. Sima did not have the money and so had to choose between execution or castration and three years in prison. The honorable decision, according to the understanding of the time, would have been death, which would have saved face and maintained his family's social standing, but Sima chose castration and imprisonment because he had not yet completed the Records.

He chose humiliation, dishonor, castration, and three years in prison in order to finish the work because he believed in its importance. He had noted, in his travels and his reading of the histories, that those who tried to do good often led painful and difficult lives and were thought of poorly while those who clearly did whatever they wanted and indulged every self-interest at other people's expense lived well. He understood that written history could reward the good, and punish the evil, by providing an account of their lives and deeds which would last as long as people could read.

Further, the stories of the past dynasties, of the philosophers and statesmen, of the common people of the farms and fields, might be manipulated by someone else who wrote their histories instead of being treated impartially and factually as he had been doing thus far. He decided to live, even though he would have to suffer, and this decision changed how history would be understood and written ever afterwards in China.

Histories Before the Records

In order to understand the importance of Sima Qian's work, one must understand the progression of history up until the time he wrote and what constituted "history". The Han Dynasty succeeded the Qin Dynasty (221-206 BCE) which had emerged triumphant from the era of chaos known as the Warring States Period (c. 481-221 BCE) and the earlier Spring and Autumn Period (c. 772-476 BCE) which saw the steady decline of the Zhou Dynasty (1046-256 BCE). The Zhou had succeeded the Shang Dynasty (c. 1600-1046) BCE which were the first to develop a system of writing.

Prior to Sima Qian's work, histories were restricted to the story of the dynasty, the ruling house, the monarch, or the state. During the Shang Dynasty, evidence of these types of accounts was found on oracle bones; during the Zhou, they were written and bound as bamboo books.

The foundational works of Chinese culture are known as The Four Books and Five Classics:

The Book of Rites

The Doctrine of the Mean

The Analects of Confucius

The Works of Mencius

The I-Ching

The Classics of Poetry

The Classics of Rites

The Classics of History

The Spring and Autumn Annals

During the Han Dynasty, all of these were believed to have been either written or edited by Confucius based on the claims made by the Confucian scholar Mencius (Mang-Tze, l. 372-289 BCE). Modern-day scholars largely reject Confucius' role in most of these works (except, of course, those clearly attributed to him), but this is a very recent shift in interpretation; the claim Confucius authored or edited all these works was accepted until the 20th century CE.

Many if not all of these works were informed by the era known as the Hundred Schools of Thought (or Contention of the Hundred Schools of Thought) of the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period when the decline of the Zhou Dynasty encouraged scholars and philosophers, previously working for the state, to found their own schools of thought, either officially or unofficially.

The designation Hundred Schools of Thought should be understood figuratively to mean there were many which contended with each other for adherents and acceptance. There were fourteen which later writers (Sima Qian among them) considered important enough to remember and these were:

The Qin Dynasty based its policies on Legalism and condemned all these other schools, ordering their books to be burned and their advocates executed. Confucian and other works only survived, for the most part, because people hid them from authorities at considerable risk to their lives and those of their families. Prior to the Qin's censorship, though, most of these schools had already been either stamped out or absorbed by the three which would go on to inform Chinese culture - Confucianism, Taoism, and Legalism - and the central concept of one school, the School of Names, was adopted by Confucianism.

The School of Names (also known as the School of Logicians or as The Logicians) was founded by the logician scholars Hui Shih (l. c. 380- c. 305 BCE) and Kung-sun Lung (b. c. 380 BCE) whose focus was the correlation between words and the objects/concepts they represented. Their school of thought concentrated on an examination of how closely the word for "desk" - as an example - correlated to an actual desk. This encouraged precision in the use of language which would become an important aspect of Confucian thought.

Sima Qian, a Confucian, drew upon the Four Books and Five Classics, which had been revived by the Han Dynasty, in his work and paid particular attention to the Spring and Autumn Annals which were said to have been composed by Confucius with special attention to the very concept developed by the School of Names: how well a word represented the reality it was supposed to convey. Accordingly, Sima Qian composed his work as precisely as possible in an attempt to express the realities of the stories he was telling as accurately as he could.

Records of the Grand Historian

The result of his efforts was his masterpiece, the Records of the Grand Historian which differed significantly from the "histories" of the past. Scholar Raymond Dawson comments:

In talking about the Chinese historical tradition, one has to be very careful to qualify this term. The development of a distinct body of literature separately recognized as history was only a very gradual process. The pre-Qin writings which we categorize as history consisted of works that had a very different aim from that of the modern historian. In remote antiquity, rulers needed to have in their entourage people who could place on record and preserve oracular responses concerning important state events and people who were expert at elucidating the links between natural phenomena and human events. (xxix)

Dawson is here describing the responsibilities of the position Sima Tan (and later Sima Qian) held which was the same as court "historians" before him: observing the calendar and various events and making a - hopefully - auspicious prediction for the emperor's coming year as well as recording what he did and other events of his reign. Sima Qian's work, as noted, differs significantly from earlier so-called historical works in providing a relatively objective account of the history of China from the time of the legendary Yellow Emperor (c. 2712-2599 BCE) to the time of his writing.

The Records is composed of 130 chapters which were originally written on bamboo slips of approximately 30 characters per slip which were then bound into thirty slips per bundle. In time, the work was reproduced on silk and finally, in the Song Dynasty (960-1279 CE), on paper. The work is divided into five sections:

Basic Annals - chronicles of the past dynasties of Xia, Shang, Zhou, and Qin up through the Han to Sima Qian's time

Chronological Tables - genealogies of ruling houses and chronology of reigns as well as major events

Treatises - on the development of important cultural advances such as music, rituals, the calendar and divination, matters of state, other matters of interest

Hereditary Houses - ruling houses of the Shang through Han dynasties

Biographies - stories of individuals most often written to convey some moral or culturally relevant point.

The Records of the Grand Historian is not only a more thorough treatment of the past than what was conceived of before, however, but is considered, overall, far more accurate. In addition to drawing on the written sources mentioned, Sima Qian also interviewed older people for first-hand accounts, visited famous (and not so famous) historical sites and spoke with people there, and seems to also have had access to other sources now lost. His attention to precision in language creates detailed images and characterizations which, coupled with his mastery of narrative form, produced a work of history which reads with the progression, and sometimes suspense, of a novel.

Conclusion

Sima Qian made one handwritten copy of the Records which was deposited in the imperial library at Chang'an and kept the original at his home. After his death, the work was kept safe by his daughter, Sima Ying, who feared it would be destroyed by the emperor Zhao (r. 87-74 BCE). It was first published by her son, Yang Yun, in the reign of Emperor Xuan who was more tolerant and encouraged the arts and literary expression. It was already in use as a reference work, as noted, during the Han Dynasty and continued to find an audience following the turbulence of the Period of the Three Kingdoms (220-280 CE) which succeeded the Han and on through the Tang Dynasty (618-907 CE) by which time it had become a foundational classic of Chinese literature almost on par with the Four Books and Five Classics. Its reputation has only grown since and it continues to attract an audience in the present day. Dawson comments on the unique character of the work:

What makes it particularly remarkable to the modern eye is the complexity of its construction. It is not a mere narrative history [but a detailed account of the past in five cohesive sections]. The whole massive work, of 130 chapters, is meant to contain a history of the Chinese world from the beginning down to about 100 BCE, the time when it was being written. (xxi)

Writing the Records of the Grand Historian must have seemed a daunting task at first as nothing like it had ever been attempted before. Some modern-day scholars have suggested that Sima Qian simply copied earlier histories or paraphrased events in his own words, but this is what historians do on a regular basis and have for centuries. What makes Sima Qian's work significant is that it was entirely unique in Chinese history when it was published. Earlier "historians" had only needed to record the deeds and past of the royal house they served; Sima Qian extended the scope of history to the distant past.

It is easy to criticize the work now that Sima Qian's techniques have become standard, but such criticism says far more about critical scholars than the work itself. Sima Qian endured the humiliation of imprisonment, castration, and loss of social rank because he knew that the work he was engaged in was more important than his personal comfort or the transient concept of honor. He valued the preservation of his country's past above any personal considerations and, in so doing, established his legacy as the Father of Chinese history.

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Sima Qian (l. 145/135-86 BCE) was a court scribe, astrologer, and historian of the Han Dynasty (202 BCE - 220 CE) of ancient China, famous for his historical work Records of the Grand Historian for...

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Yuan Qu, a primary genre of Chinese poetry, originated during the Yuan Dynasty. Yuan Qu is characterized by its flexibility compared to other genres of Chinese poetry and is primarily used in theaters and acts. Nowadays, Yuan Qu continues to influence the evolution of theater.

Here is a song version of the Yuan Qu:

(audio file)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IDO7Gqxlzxc

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The term Source: qu 曲 is widely translated as "air" or "aria". The qu is a kind of song (or, without the melody, a poem) particlarly popular during the Yuan period 元 (1279-1368) and ceases to be à la mode thereafter. It is quite comparable to the earlier Zhongguo da baike quanshu, Zhongguo lishi ci 詞 style poems that were constructed on the base of one of about 350 musical airs with eight different tonal modes ( diao 調), some of them are called "palace", like huangzhonggong 黃鐘宮 "Palace of the Yellow Bell", nanlügong 南呂宮 "Palace of the Southern Pipe", or shuangdiao 雙調 "double mode".
The verse of the qu is, like that of ci poetry, not equal in length, and the composer is free to add some padding words to the original melody. Every verse thus consists of base-words, padding words, and exclamatory interjections. The popular music of northern China during the rule of the Non-Chinese Liao 遼 (907-1125) and Jin 金 (1115-1234) dynasties was crucial for the development of qu airs. Additionally, the Chinese language underwent a great change with a simplification in the area of tonal pitches, and rhyme classes, making the old rhyme patterns superfluous, which had been very crucial for the older shi 詩 type poems. A third important reason for the upcoming of a new song type was the fact that under the Mongol rule, many intellectuals and literati renounced the civil service and made their lives by privatly gaining some income by writing poems and prose. They started including popular songs from the streets and taverns into their works and thereby supported a tendency that had already begun in the urban centres of the Song state 宋 (960-1279). Theatre and the songs performed by entertainers on markets and in the streets gradually became welcome also among the scholars and literati.
People of the upper class that engaged in writing the new style song created a high-class poetry style out of a street song pattern. Their poems are called sanqu 散曲 "scattered or isolated airs". The type of airs sung in the theatre is called xiqu 戲曲 "dramatic aria", a term also referring to the theatre play as a whole, like in the anthology Yuanquxuan 元曲選 "Selected Yuan operas". There are two different types of qu arias, first a single stanza type called xiaoling 小令. During the performance the poet or singer could repeat the song or parts of it ( chongtou 套數 "da capo"), or he/she could combine two different airs in the same tonal mode ( jiqu 集曲 or fandiao 犯調). The second type is the suite ( taoshu 套數), a string of single-stanza arias of the same mode, which rhyme and are arranged according to a favored sequence pattern characteristic to the mode (see below a taoshu example by Ma Zhiyuan). All different kinds of qu, single stanza and suites, poetical lyrics and dramaticas arias, were sung on the stage or in teahouses.
The anthology Yuanqu sanbai shou zhuxi 元曲三百首注析 "Three Hundred Yuan qu arias with commentary" was composed by a scholar called Ren Ne 任訥 (Ren Zhongmin 任中敏) during late Qing period 清 (1644-1911). He was also the compiler of a collectanea of 15 books on older and contemporary qu arias, the Sanqu congcan shiwu zhong 散曲叢刊十五種 (Taibei: Taiwan Zhonghua shuju, 1964), which includes:

Yangchun baixue 陽春白雪, 5+5+1 juan, comp. by Yang Chaoying 楊朝英 (Yuan)

Yuefu qunyu 樂府群玉, 5+1 juan, comp. by Hu Cunshan 胡存善 (Yuan)

Dongli yuefu 東籬樂府, 1 juan, by Ma Zhiyuan 馬致遠 (Yuan)

Mengfu sanqu 夢符散曲, 2 juan, by Qiao Ji 喬吉

Xiaoshan yuefu 小山樂府, 6 juan, by Zhang Kejiu 張可久

Suan-Gan yuefu 酸甜樂府, 2 juan, incl. Suanzhai yuefu 酸齋樂府 by Guan Yunshi 貫雲石 and Ganzhai yuefu 甜齋樂府 by Xu Zaisi 徐再思

Pandong yuefu 沜東樂府, 2+1 juan, by Kang Hai 康海

Wang Xilou xiansheng yuefu 王西樓先生樂府, 1 juan, by Wang Pan 王磐

Chuichuangrong 唾窗絨, 1 juan, by Shen Shi 沈仕

Haifushantang cigao 海浮山堂詞稿, 4 juan, by Feng Weimin 馮惟敏

Huayingji 花影集, 4 juan, by Shi Shaoxin 施紹莘

Qingren sanqu xuankan 清人散曲選刊, by Zhu Yizun 朱彝尊 et al.

Zuo ci shi fa shuzheng 作詞十法疏證, 1 juan, by Ren Ne

Sanqu gailun 散曲概論, 1 juan, by Ren Ne

Quxue 曲諧, 4 juan, by Ren Ne

translation:

漢關卿：失題 [雙調：沈醉東風]
咫尺的天南地北，
霎時間月缺花飛。
手執著餞行杯，
眼閣著別離淚。
剛道得聲「保重將息」，
痛煞煞教人舍不得。
「好去者，望前程萬里。」

Han Guanqing (1230-1300): mode shuangdiao, tune "Drunken when the east wind blows"
Very near is the sky, like touching the earth north and south, but in a split second the moon will miss the flying petals.
While our hands hold the cup or farewell, tears fill our eyes.
I just heard the word "Take care and don't be hasty", but I can't stand my grieving sorrow.
"Have a good journey, before your eyes lie ten thousand miles."

盧摯：宿邯鄲驛 [南呂：金字經]
夢中邯鄲道，
又來走這遭。
須不是山人索價高。
時自嘲，
虛名無處逃。
誰驚覺，
曉霜侵鬢毛。

Lu Zhi (1235-1314): Staying at the post station of Handan (mode nanlü, tune "Book of golden letters")
A dream (of richness) on the way to Handan - the second time I have come to this city.
It's not that a hermit's life demands a high price -
but from time to time mocking about myself, I cannot give up thoughts about my undeserved reputation.
No wonder I was shocked to see my hairs, white like frost just over night.

馬致遠：和盧疏齋西湖 [雙調：水仙子]
春風驕馬五陵兒，
暖日西湖三月時，
管弦觸水鶯花市。
不知音不到此，
宜歌宜酒宜詩。
山過雨顰眉黛，
柳拖煙堆鬢絲，
可喜殺睡足的西施。

Ma Zhiyuan (1250-1321): Writing with Lu (Zhi) in a far recluse at West Lake (mode shuangdiao, tune "Water Fairy")
Springtime wind - untamed horses among the people at the five (Han) burial mounds; warm sun over the West Lake in the third month; and the tunes of flutes and zithers wandering over the water just to the oriol flowers in the city.
No unknown tunes are sounding here: well-suited songs with suitable wine and fitting poems.
Rain passing the hills knits the black eyebrows, willow fluffs like smoke among her silken temples - this scenery is just like the beauty of Xishi, when she awakes after a long sleep.

張可久：括山道中 [中呂：迎仙客]
雲冉冉，草纖纖，
誰家隱居山半崦。
水煙寒，溪路險，
半幅青帘，五里桃花店。

Zhang Kejiu (1270-1349): On the way through Kuo(cang) Mountains (mode zhonglü, tune "Welcoming fairy guests")
Clouds proceeding, tiny grass; whose hermit's hut is lying in this remote mountain area?
Cold-smoking water, precipitous creek paths; half rolled up the green curtain of an inn - the only plum blossom hut five miles around.

喬吉：賦李仁仲懶慢齋 [雙調：水仙子]
鬧排場經過樂回閑，
勤政堂辭別撒會懶，
急喉嚨喚學些慢。
掇梯兒休上竿，
夢魂中識破邯鄲。
昨日雖如今日，
這番險似那番，
君不見鳥倦知還？

Qiao Ji (1270-1345): A rhapsody for Li Renzhong at the Leisure Recluce (mode shuangdiao, tune "Water fairy")
After passing a turbulent place full of joy, I draw back, take farewell from my bustling office for leisure, a busy throat cries for a pause.
I pick up my bamboo rods that have been lying on the stairs, and in my dreaming soul I know how to break the dream of Handan's (richness).
Although yesterday was the same like today, although this challenge is the same like that, don't you see that birds always know their way home?

高明：詠別 [商調：金絡索掛梧桐]
羞著鏡里花。
憔悴難禁架，
耽擱眉兒淡了叫誰畫。
最苦魂夢飛繞天涯，
須信流年鬢有華。
紅顏自古多薄命，
莫怨東風當自嗟。
無人處，
盈盈珠淚偷彈洒琵琶。
恨那時錯認冤家，
說盡了痴心話。

Gao Ming (1300-1370): Song of a lonely wife (mode shangdiao, tune "Golden threads hanging from the Wutong trees")
Bashful I look at the flowers in my mirror; so sad I'm unable to be patient any longer; while my eyebrows are getting thinner, I am hesitating - what husband should I call to paint them for me?
My bitterest soul flies far around the horizon, as I cannot but believe that my hair is growing white with all these years.
Rosy cheeks since oldest time have an unrespectful fate; but we cannot hate the eastwind, the nature!
When nobody is in my room, I hiddenly shed so many tears over my lute.
I hate the day when I got to know my husband; so wholly I poured out my grieving heart.

張可久：閨思 [中呂：山坡羊]
雲松螺髻，
香溫鴛被。
掩春閨一覺傷春睡。
柳花飛，小瓊姬，
一聲「雪下呈祥瑞」，
團圓夢兒生喚起。
誰，不做美？
呸，卻是你！

Zhang Kejiu: Thoughts in a boudoir (mode zhonglü, tune "Goats on a hill")
Open and loose her spiral headdress, the warm fragrance still upon her bedcover.
Close my spring boudoir, cause if you wake me up, my spring dreams are destroyed.
Like flying willow fluffs, my sweet maid comes in, and with a "Snow come down, and bring us luck!" she wakes me up inmidst a perfect dream.
Who? Isn't is wonderful? Oh, it's you!

馬致遠：秋思 [雙調：夜行船]
〔夜行船〕百歲光陽一夢蝶，
重回首往事堪嗟。
今日春來，明朝花謝，
急罰盞夜闌燈滅。

〔喬木查〕想秦宮漢闕，
都做了衰草牛羊野，
不恁麼漁樵沒話說。
縱荒墳，橫斷碑，
不辨龍蛇。

〔慶宣和〕投至狐蹤與兔穴，
多少豪杰！
鼎足雖堅半腰里折，
魏耶？晉耶？

〔落梅風〕天教你當，莫太奢，
沒多時好天良夜。
當家兒更做道你心似鐵，
爭辜負了錦堂風月。

〔風入松〕眼前紅日又西斜，
疾似下坡車。
不爭鏡里添白雪，
上床與鞋履相別。
休笑巢鳩計拙，
葫蘆提一向裝呆。

〔撥不斷〕利名竭，是非絕。
紅塵不向門前惹，
綠樹偏宜屋角遮，
青山正牆頭缺。
竹籬茅舍。

〔離亭宴煞〕蛩吟罷一覺才寧貼，雞鳴時萬事無休歇，爭名利何年是徹！
看密匝匝蟻排兵，
亂紛紛蜂釀蜜，
急攘攘蠅爭血。
裴公綠野堂，
陶令白蓮社。
愛秋來時那些：
和露摘黃花，
帶霜烹紫蟹，
煮酒燒紅葉。
想人生有限杯，
渾幾個重陽節？
囑付你個頑童記者：
便北海探吾來，
道東籬醉了也。

Ma Zhiyuan: Suite Autumn thoughts (mode shuangdiao, tune "Ships going by night")
(tune "Ships going by night") A life of hundred years is just like a dream of a butterfly (compare the Zhuangzi anecdote) -
move back your head to stand so many things!
Today the spring begins, from morning on the flowers greet;
let's empty our cups of wine before the lights go out.

(tune "Qiao Muzha") Think of the palaces of Qin and Han; all of them are pastures now for cows and sheep -
and if not, the fisherman and woodcutters would have nothing to talk about.
Overgrown the gravestones, broken the steles, and unreadable the snake-like (words) on them.

(tune "Celebrating and propagating peace") Fallen into fox holes and rabbit burrows, so many heroes!
All empires, if Wei, if Jin, if Shu or Wu (Three Empires), are cut along their waist and gone away.

(tune "Wind blows away plum blossoms") Heaven taches you behaving well - never too wasteful, and after a while, you'll have good days and peaceful nights.
If then your heart should be like steel, you'll never miss a rich and joyful life.

(tune "Wind between pine trees") Before your eyes, the sun is setting fast, just like a cart is running down the hill.
No matter if your hair is getting white, you better wear your shoes when you go to bed.
Make easy your life like the cocoo, don't load too much upon your back.

(tune "Dispelling never ends")
Glory and names will be over, yes and no will have an end.
The red dust does not be stirring up your entrance door; green trees stand near the roof and cover it; and the blue hills are filling the breach in your wall.
Bamboo fences and a thatched hut.

(tune "Leaving the pavilion, ending the banquet") When the crickets stop to sing, and sleep, the rooms are quiet, but when the cocks are crowing loud, all the ten thousand things do never rest; the strive for fame and glory, when will it end?
Look at the ants, working and making, a row of soldiers; whirling and twisting, the bees make honey; higgledy-piggledy flies sucking blood.
Duke Pei in a green wilderness hall, and magistrate Tao Yuanming in the white lotus hermitage.
When the autumn comes, they loved to do: plucking yellow flowers with the dew; cooking purple crabs within the frost; stewing red leafs with warmed-up wine.
The cups a man can drink all have an end - how many spring festivals will we see?
Instruct your children never to forget: "If Master Donghai (Kong Rong) visits you, say you were drinking only at the eastern fence in the morning."

Translated by .

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Chinese Literature - Quanyuanqu 全元曲, Yuanqu sanbai shou 元曲三百首 (www.chinaknowledge.de)

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The Quanyuanqu 全元曲 is a collection of all surviving Yuan period (1279-1368) theatre plays, the Yuanqu sanbai shou 元曲三百首 is a collection of 300 arias popular during the Yuan period.

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Pangu Creates the World 盤古開天闢地 - The Sacrifice of God

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Pangu Creates the World 盤古開天闢地 - The Sacrifice of God

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The myth talks about how the Pangu creates the world, and how does it sacrifices itself to make a stabilized world. The myth comes from the middle part of China and slowly becomes the myth of the creation of China. Lots of literature pieces, games, and other works have contained Pangu in them, and become a significant part of Chinese culture.

To know more about Pangu:

https://mythopedia.com/topics/pangu

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I am a constituent of the "Kaleidoscope Museum Project," which aims to preserve the uniqueness of world cultures, which are massively homogenizing during a rapid development. by recording and making unique world cultures accessible to the global community, fostering their increased awareness and understanding of it. Our specific focus lies in preserving Chinese culture, as we explore the distinctive traits of various cultural groups within the nation. The urgency for cultural preservation arises from the rapid pace of globalization, which threatens the disappearance of numerous cultures. Without proactive efforts to prevent this, the world risks succumbing to cultural homogeneity. To fulfill our goal, we employ multimedia and textual explanations to provide people with accessible platform to explore and comprehend Chinese culture, so people can more deeply understand the cultural diversity in this nation.

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In an era where a shared global culture threatens to overshadow national diversities, we as members of the "Kaleidoscope Museum Project," are dedicated to preserving the culture of China. Our goal is to collect information and present it in a digital format, allowing more people to see the uniqueness of regional Chinese culture, since the communist government has superseded the culture into a more dominant culture of the more developed cities. In my half of the padlet I will organize this project into 10 culture sections, each focusing on a different aspect of Chinese culture, with a total of 30 cultures. In each section, we will provide explanations to help everyone understand the unique culture in China.

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Sheng is a free-weed wind instrument that originated from China that is the first instrument to use a free-weed. It has always had a significant influence on Chinese music and appeared in lots of literature. It has an elegant timbre, which sounds like a pipe organ. It was first a combination of many bamboos, and after development, weeds and other important elements of Sheng were added. Nowadays, some people use metal to make Sheng's bodies, but most still use bamboo.

Sheng playing：

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0MLC9LEhzlc

To know more about Sheng:

https://web.northeastern.edu/music-chinese/sheng/