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Freedom of Goods through the lens of Tirlán - podcast 

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Freedom of Goods through the lens of Tirlán - podcast 

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The EU is the largest Trader in the World

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The EU is the largest Trader in the World

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Freedom of Capital & Irish Financial Services Centre Podcast

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Freedom of Capital & Irish Financial Services Centre Podcast

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This CSO page is excellent for exploring:

📍 Real-world trade patterns: teachers and students can see what Ireland actually imports and exports, and with whom.

📍 Evidence for analysis — reliable graphs and tables help students back up arguments about opportunities and challenges with real data.

📍 EU vs non-EU trade :the data clearly shows trade inside the EU compared with trade with the rest of the world, linking directly to the free movement of goods.

📍 Trends over time :teachers can ask students to spot rises, falls and turning points, and connect them to events (EU policy changes, global crises, tariffs, etc.).

📍 Regional and sector links :students can link national data (e.g., pharmaceuticals, dairy, machinery) to local case studies in their own area.

📍 Assessment skills : using CSO data helps students practise reading graphs, interpreting statistics, and writing evidence-based answers — exactly what Analyse requires.

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Ireland , Google and EU Freedom of Service Podcast 

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Ireland , Google and EU Freedom of Service Podcast 

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This article is excellent for exploring:

📍 The journey of a product (steel) from global production to EU markets, and how trade rules shape where and how it’s sold.

📍 Opportunities vs challenges measures to protect EU steel producers vs the effects of higher costs on manufacturers and consumers in the supply chain.

📍 Supply chains & policy links how EU trade policy responds to global overcapacity and affects import flows, tariffs and market access.

📍Regional / Irish context Ireland relies on imported steel for construction and industry; tariff changes can raise costs and ripple through Irish supply chains

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The European Commission will propose cutting steel import quotas by nearly half and hiking duties on volumes above those levels to 50% in line with tariffs imposed by the US and Canada, a source briefed on details told Reuters today.

The measures will be part of a new package for the steel sector set to be officially unveiled on October 7.

Stephane Sejourne, the Commission's executive vice president for industrial strategy, briefed steel associations today ahead of next week's announcement.

The bloc's current steel safeguards will expire on June 30 next year. The EU and Western allies are trying to contain the overcapacities created by subsidized Chinese factories in steel and other sectors.

The EU already tightened current steel import quotas by 15% from April 1, and the Commission is investigating market trends for potential aluminium safeguards as well as export duties on scrap metal.

Steel jumped into the spotlight early this year after US President Donald Trump hiked tariffs on foreign steel and aluminium imports to 50%.

After reaching a general trade agreement with Trump in late July, the EU said it would work closely with Washington in a "metals alliance" to ringfence their respective production from China. European steelmakers still face an export tariff of 50% to the US.

EU trade commissioner Maros Sefcovic met US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer in Asia earlier this month to reignite the talks. EU sources previously told Reuters the new safeguards would be a jumping-off point for detailed negotiations with Washington.

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EU plans to cut steel import quotas, hike tariffs to 50%

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The European Commission will propose cutting steel import quotas by nearly half and hiking duties on volumes above those levels to 50% in line with tariffs imposed by the US and Canada, a source briefed on details told Reuters today.

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UK seeks clarification on EU steel quotas as industry warns of crisis

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Britain said it was seeking urgent clarification on steel import quotas announced by the European Commission, as the country’s steel industry warned the measures could wipe out many companies if the government fails to secure exemptions.

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This article is excellent for exploring:

📍 The journey of a farm product from farm to market, and how trade deals affect that journey.
📍 Opportunities vs challenges access to new markets vs competition from abroad.
📍 Supply chains & policy links how EU trade policy can help or harm farmers.
📍 Regional / Irish context real debate from Irish agricultural organisations.

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On Wednesday, the European Commission adopted a text to start the process of ratification of the EU-Mercosur trade agreement.

If approved, it would create the world's biggest free-trade zone and increase EU exports to Mercosur countries - Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay - by up to 39% at a value of €49 billion to the European economy.

Mercosur countries would be given an export quota of 99,000 tonnes of beef to sell into the EU at a much-reduced tariff rate of 7.5%, as well as 180,000 tonnes of poultry.

In a time of extreme volatility for global trade - with threats of sky-high tariffs emanating at regular intervals from Washington - on the surface Mercosur looks to be largely positive for the EU.

However, a number of member states (notably Ireland and France) are strongly opposed to its ratification, citing the potential to massively distort key agricultural markets if EU farmers - for example - suddenly had to compete with lower-cost South American beef.

Beef prices have jumped recently and farmers are concerned that a flood of South American imports could jeopardise this and their incomes.
Safeguards for farmers
To allay such fears, the commission has proposed legal safeguards for farmers that would see a review of the agreement being triggered in the event of Mercosur beef imports leading to a sharp drop in prices.

There would also the option to increase tariffs and even limit the levels of beef coming from South America.

While the commission said there will be €6.3 billion fund available to European farmers, should there be further market-distorting effects.

Such measures are unprecedented in a free-trade agreement of this nature.

Though, farming groups remain unconvinced, with the Irish Farmers' Association (IFA) leading the opposition here.

IFA President Francie Gorman said the commission's safeguards "will not wash with Irish farmers".

He also said promises to boost oversight of the standard of beef coming into the EU (to ensure it meets the strict production regulations that Irish farmers have to adhere to) are not credible.

IFA President Francie Gorman said the commission's safeguards 'will not wash with Irish farmers'

"The commission themselves are not convinced about the record of Mercosur countries, and specifically Brazil. Agreeing to more audits and checks underlines how far short the oversight is at the moment," the IFA President said.

He added there is "unease about how food is produced in Brazil" and "to announce something at the eleventh hour to ensure compliance is hardly going to engender confidence among European producers and consumers".
Commission's tunnel vision for Mercosur
Despite this, Brussels is doubling down with its reassurance for farmers, and employing statistics to do so.

This includes pointing out that the 99,000 tonnes of beef allowed to be exported to the EU would comprise just 1.5% of the total amount consumed across the 27 member states.

Though, a consideration here is whether the commission is working so hard to convince because it believes the safeguards will be sufficient to protect agricultural prices, or if it simply has tunnel-vision determination to get the Mercosur agreement over the line to show US President Donald Trump that the EU can live without the US.

Whatever about the motivations, the context here is crucial - ratifying the Mercosur deal would make a big statement by creating a free-trade area covering 700 million people.

European industries such as car manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, and services would get a significant boost.

While many Irish sectors reeling from Mr Trump's tariffs will be looking at the prospect of Mercosur very positively.

Irish sectors are reeling from US President Donald Trump's tariffs

The commission has also pointed out that opportunities for EU dairy exports to South America could prove extremely lucrative with a deal in place.

And beyond beef and dairy, opening up the Mercosur market could offer a much-needed boost to Ireland's grain growers.

The sector says that - despite high tariffs - it has had to compete with Mercosur imports (mainly soybean and maize) since the 1990s, which has had a big impact.

According to Clive Carter from the Irish Grain Growers Group, the situation was made harder by EU growers not being able to use banned pesticides and GM methods, unlike their South American counterparts.

This aspect would lend weight to the IFA's concerns around regulatory oversight.

Although with a trade agreement in place, Mr Carter points out that this "could be of huge benefit" for his members.

For example, if Irish spirits gain tariff-free access to a lot of South America then those growing grains for the likes of whiskey could see a spike in business.
Reassurance from EU-Canada trade deal?
The Canada experience could also offer an insight as to what Irish farmers might expect from Mercosur.

In 2017 CETA came into force, with the EU-Canada trade deal removing nearly all tariffs between the two sides.

Ahead of that agreement farmers also highlighted fears that Canadian imports would harm EU agricultural markets, but since CETA came into effect very low levels of Canadian beef have entered Ireland (around €25,000 worth every year).

However, Irish beef exports to Canada have tripled in that time.

Farmers across the EU have protested against the deal

The commission's stance here is that to export beef into the EU, a lot of regulatory hurdles need to be jumped and it's not worth it for many suppliers.

In the Canadian case, for most of them it wasn't worth their while, so they focused on the American and Chinese markets instead.
Debate likely to rumble on
The Mercosur ratification process is expected to take at least a year, so expect many of the arguments on both sides to be regularly rehashed.

The European Commission is going very far out of its way to reassure farmers that Mercosur is a positive for them.

Even if they are proved right, the scepticism of the farming community is more than understandable.

This trade deal comes hot on the heels of the commission's radical proposals to overhaul the Common Agricultural Policy, which would see a significant reduction in EU funding ringfenced for farmers.

At the same time, Brussels is making Irish farmers jump through even more hoops and show efforts to protect habitats if they want to retain the nitrates derogation.
Read more: McGrath urges 'open mind' on Mercosur trade deal
Add to that an ever-expanding list of environmental regulations.

They feel they are being increasingly backed into a corner by the EU, at a time when the future of farming across Europe is becoming more uncertain.

And they're not alone. The Irish and French governments have taken on their concerns and restated their opposition to Mercosur this week, while the likes of Poland and Austria are very much on the fence.

Ireland's EU Commissioner Michael McGrath has urged member states to keep an open mind on Mercosur "based on the facts".

Perhaps that's ultimately when this debate will have to be settled.

Once we know what the real-world impact of South American imports on the EU is, because thus far an unprecedented level of reassurance isn't getting farmers on side.

But will we get there, given the division across the EU on Mercosur?

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Are farmers justified in their opposition to Mercosur?

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On Wednesday, the European Commission adopted a text to start the process of ratification of the EU-Mercosur trade agreement, though farming groups remain unconvinced as the Irish Farmers' Association leading the opposition here.

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A short history of milk quotas in the EU

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Opportunities and Challenges in the Tech Industry

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Opportunities and Challenges in the Tech Industry

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This article is excellent for exploring:

📍 The journey of a digital product from platform rules and regulation to how services reach users across borders.
📍 Opportunities vs challenges fairer competition and safer platforms vs risk of trade tensions and retaliation.
📍 Supply chains & policy links how EU digital policy can shape global trade, tariffs, and international relationships.
📍 Regional / Irish context Ireland’s role as a base for major tech companies and how policy changes may affect jobs and investment.

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Transatlantic collision looms as Brussels doubles down on digital regulation while Washington threatens tariffs

The European Union is preparing to intensify enforcement of its landmark tech regulations in 2026, setting the stage for a major transatlantic confrontation as the Trump administration threatens sweeping retaliation against what it calls "discriminatory" targeting of American companies.

The collision between Brussels' regulatory ambitions and Washington's protectionist impulses represents one of the most serious threats to transatlantic economic relations since the trade wars of Trump's first term-with billions of dollars in fines, tariffs and market access hanging in the balance.

At the heart of the dispute are two EU laws that have transformed how technology companies operate in Europe: the Digital Markets Act (DMA), which targets anti-competitive practices by "gatekeeper" platforms, and the Digital Services Act (DSA), which governs content moderation and online safety. Both came into full force in recent years and have already resulted in hundreds of millions of euros in fines against American tech giants.

Now, as Brussels prepares to ramp up investigations and penalties in 2026, the Trump administration has made clear it views these regulations as economic warfare-and is preparing to strike back.

The enforcement surge that's triggering retaliation

The European Union has established itself as a global leader in tech regulation through landmark legislation including the AI Act, Digital Services Act and Digital Markets Act. This year alone, the bloc has stepped up enforcement of these rules to rein in the power of companies such as Amazon, Apple, Google, Meta and Microsoft.

The numbers tell the story of Brussels' determination. In April, Apple and Meta were fined €500 million and €200 million respectively for not complying with the DMA. In September, Google was hit with a €2.95 billion fine for breaching EU antitrust rules by distorting competition in the advertising technology industry. And in December, Elon Musk's platform X was fined €120 million for breaking the bloc's digital rules on transparency-the first fine made under the DSA.

These are not one-off penalties but the opening salvos of what EU Competition Commissioner Teresa Ribera has promised will be sustained enforcement. Despite criticism from the US and companies around the world, Ribera has stood firm in her resolve to continue holding tech companies accountable under the bloc's digital regulations.

The DMA, which became fully applicable in May 2023, establishes strict obligations for companies designated as "gatekeepers"-those providing core platform services that are so entrenched they can control market access for other businesses. Six companies have been designated under this framework: Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, ByteDance, Meta and Microsoft. Five of the six are American.

For European businesses navigating this regulatory landscape, the DMA represents an attempt to create fairer digital markets by preventing self-preferencing, requiring interoperability and limiting how platforms can combine user data. But from Washington's perspective, it looks like protectionism disguised as consumer protection.

Trump's threat: Section 301 and the return of tariff warfare

The Trump administration's response has been unequivocal. The Office of the United States Trade Representative accused European regulators of pursuing a "persistent course of discriminatory and harassing lawsuits, taxes, fines, and directives against U.S. service providers".

The administration has threatened to use "every tool at its disposal" to retaliate, including imposing fees and restrictions on European companies operating in American markets. Companies specifically named as potential targets include Spotify, DHL, Accenture, Siemens, SAP, Amadeus IT Group, Capgemini, Publicis Groupe and Mistral AI.

The mechanism for retaliation is Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, which allows the US government to investigate foreign trade practices it believes are "unjustifiable, unreasonable, or discriminatory" toward American companies. If the investigation concludes violations have occurred, the administration can impose punitive measures including tariffs or quotas on imports from the offending country.

Trump has used Section 301 before-most notably against China during his first term-and has shown no hesitation about deploying it again. In September 2025, Trump threatened the EU with higher tariffs after the Google fine, which would disrupt the trade framework established in July 2025.

The stakes are enormous. In July 2025, the US and EU agreed to a trade framework under which tariffs on most EU imports to the United States were reduced to 15 per cent, and Brussels pledged to purchase $750 billion worth of US energy products through 2028. A Section 301 investigation could unravel that agreement and trigger a new round of transatlantic trade conflict.

For European companies exposed to US markets, the threat is not theoretical. American officials have made clear they view EU digital regulations as "non-tariff barriers" that unfairly disadvantage US technology firms-and are prepared to impose reciprocal barriers in response.

The ideological gulf: Competition versus censorship

Beneath the technical arguments about market power and antitrust lies a deeper ideological divide about the role of government in regulating digital platforms.

European policymakers view the DMA and DSA as necessary responses to market failures. They argue that gatekeeper platforms have accumulated unprecedented power over digital markets, stifling competition and innovation. The regulations are designed to ensure contestability-that new entrants can compete on merit rather than being foreclosed by incumbents who control essential infrastructure.

The DSA addresses a different concern: that platforms have outsized influence over public discourse and safety, yet lack adequate accountability for the content they host. The law requires platforms to moderate illegal content, provide transparency about their algorithms and give users the ability to appeal content moderation decisions.

Former European commissioners published a commentary on January 2, 2026, arguing that the US administration's narrative fundamentally misrepresents the purpose of the Digital Markets Act and Digital Services Act. The authors contend that these regulations are designed to curb the market dominance of "gatekeeper" platforms and ensure algorithmic accountability, rather than to police speech.

American critics see things very differently. They argue the DMA does not ask whether consumers have been harmed or whether a business has done anything wrong-it simply targets companies for being "large, successful, and, most importantly, American." Under this view, innovation is being treated as a threat, and foreign rivals are being handed access to data and technology they could never build themselves.

On content moderation, Trump administration officials have gone further, accusing the DSA of enabling censorship. The Trump administration barred five European officials from entering the US-including former internal market commissioner Thierry Breton-in response to EU enforcement actions. The move reflected Washington's view that EU officials are using regulatory power to suppress speech that would be protected under the First Amendment.

This is not merely a disagreement about policy-it reflects fundamentally different conceptions of liberty, markets and the legitimate scope of government action. For Europe, regulation is necessary to protect competition and democratic discourse. For the Trump administration, it is an assault on American enterprise and free speech.

The compliance burden: Why US tech giants are resisting

From the perspective of American technology companies, EU regulations impose massive compliance costs, create legal uncertainty and force changes to products that work perfectly well elsewhere in the world.

The DMA requires designated gatekeepers to allow third-party apps and app stores on their platforms, enable cross-platform messaging, prohibit self-preferencing in search and advertising, and provide business users with access to data generated on their platforms. For companies like Apple and Google, this means redesigning core products and opening up proprietary systems to competitors.

Meta had been under pressure to change its advertising settings to comply with the DMA, after the Commission issued the company a non-compliance decision regarding user choice in April. The company said that starting in January 2026, it would give EU users the choice between sharing all their data to see fully personalised advertising or sharing less data to see more limited personalised ads.

The DSA imposes equally demanding requirements. Platforms must conduct risk assessments, provide transparency reports, give users explanations for content moderation decisions and allow researchers access to data. The €120 million fine against X cited breaches including deceptive use of its blue verified checkmark, lack of transparency regarding ads and failure to provide access to public data for research purposes.

Industry associations representing US tech companies argue these regulations preempt innovation while creating technical challenges and negative impacts on user experience and security. They point out that designated companies face discriminatory treatment-undesignated foreign rivals gain competitive advantages while American firms bear the full weight of compliance.

The result is a growing perception in Silicon Valley that Europe is not a regulatory partner but an adversary-one that uses law as a weapon to extract rents from successful American companies while protecting less competitive European rivals.

Europe's perspective: Sovereignty and market power

European officials reject the accusation that their regulations are anti-American protectionism. They argue-correctly-that the DMA and DSA apply to all companies meeting the relevant thresholds, regardless of nationality. The fact that most designated gatekeepers happen to be American reflects market realities, not regulatory bias.

The Commission firmly rejected the characterisation of its tech laws as "non-tariff barriers" as "completely wrong and completely unfounded", arguing that the DSA and DMA respect freedom of information and treat all firms equally "irrespective of their place of establishment".

Thomas Régnier, the Commission's spokesperson for digital matters, said: "More than 99% of content moderation decisions taken here in the EU online are proactively done by platforms based on their own terms and conditions. We're not asking platforms to remove content, we're asking them to enforce their own terms and conditions."

From this perspective, American complaints look like special pleading from companies accustomed to operating without meaningful oversight. European policymakers note that the US itself has a long history of aggressive antitrust enforcement-including the break-up of AT&T and Microsoft's antitrust battles in the 1990s. The DMA and DSA represent Europe exercising the same sovereign right to regulate markets within its jurisdiction.

Moreover, European officials argue that the current system-where a handful of American platforms dominate digital markets globally-is not the result of fair competition but of network effects, switching costs and anti-competitive practices that foreclose rivals. Regulation is necessary precisely because markets have failed to self-correct.

For European policymakers grappling with the continent's productivity challenges, the DMA is also about enabling European companies to compete. If American platforms control essential digital infrastructure, European businesses are locked into dependency relationships that transfer value across the Atlantic and stifle local innovation.

What's at stake in 2026: The year enforcement accelerates

Both sides are now dug in, and 2026 promises to be a pivotal year for transatlantic tech relations.

On the European side, enforcement is set to intensify. The EU's AI Act, which becomes fully enforceable in August 2026, represents a watershed moment in global tech regulation. Companies deploying "high-risk" AI systems-such as those in hiring, law enforcement, and healthcare-must now conduct rigorous impact assessments and implement human-in-the-loop oversight.

The DMA is also up for review. In accordance with Article 53, the European Commission is required to conduct an evaluation of the legislation by May 3, 2026, and repeat the process every three years. The main aspects under assessment include the extent to which the DMA's aims have been achieved, its impact on businesses-especially SMEs-and whether modifications are needed.

Meanwhile, cloud computing is emerging as the next enforcement frontier. In November 2025, regulators opened cloud gatekeeper probes for Amazon and Microsoft, signalling that Brussels' regulatory ambitions extend well beyond social media and search engines into the infrastructure layer of the internet.

On the American side, the Trump administration appears determined to follow through on retaliation threats. The US is preparing a Section 301 investigation that could lead to tariffs, citing what it calls discriminatory EU rules. The USTR confirmed it would apply its retaliatory approach to "other countries that pursue an EU-style strategy in this area"-a warning to nations contemplating similar regulations.

The House Judiciary Committee has held hearings on what it calls "discriminatory foreign regulations" modeled after the Digital Markets Act, framing the issue as one of protecting American innovation and competition. The political momentum behind retaliation is building, and the question is no longer whether Washington will act but when and how aggressively.

The ripple effects: From trade to geopolitics

The EU-US dispute over tech regulation is not occurring in isolation. It intersects with broader tensions over trade, defence, data flows and geopolitical alignment.

Trump has already imposed sweeping tariffs on imports-including 15 per cent on many goods from the EU-as part of his "America First" trade policy. The tech dispute gives him additional justification for escalating tariffs, framed as retaliation for regulatory overreach rather than naked protectionism.

For European businesses tracking these developments, the implications extend beyond compliance costs. A full-blown trade war between the US and EU would disrupt supply chains, increase costs and create uncertainty that deters investment. European tech startups, which often look to the US for funding and market access, could find themselves caught in the crossfire.

The dispute also complicates efforts to build a unified Western approach to technology governance in competition with China. While the EU focuses on preemptive regulation, the US is entering a phase of structural antitrust enforcement. Alphabet is expected to begin implementing court-mandated changes to its search business in January 2026, including sharing its proprietary search index with competitors and terminating exclusivity deals.

Yet instead of coordinating approaches, the US and EU are moving in opposite directions-with Washington viewing Brussels' regulations as obstacles to American competitiveness and European officials seeing American resistance as evidence of regulatory capture.

The irony is that both the US and EU ostensibly share the same goals: competitive markets, consumer protection and democratic governance of technology. The fact they cannot find common ground reflects not just policy disagreements but deeper political and economic anxieties.

The path forward: Negotiation or collision?

Several potential resolutions exist, though none are without complications.

One possibility is negotiation. During summer trade talks in 2025, the United States floated the idea of a new DMA advisory body that could allow companies to provide input into enforcement decisions. The EU rejected this as an infringement on its regulatory sovereignty, but some form of transatlantic dialogue on tech regulation could reduce friction.

Another option is targeted exemptions. The EU could consider carve-outs or lighter-touch enforcement for certain American companies in exchange for concessions on other trade issues. However, this would undermine the principle that regulations apply equally regardless of nationality-a cornerstone of the rule-of-law approach Brussels champions.

A third scenario is escalation. If the Trump administration proceeds with Section 301 tariffs, the EU would almost certainly retaliate with its own trade measures. This could spiral into a broader economic conflict, with each side imposing penalties until domestic political pressure forces a resolution.

The most likely outcome is a prolonged period of tension punctuated by tactical accommodations. Neither side wants a full trade war, but neither is willing to back down on core principles. The result will be ongoing friction, periodic flare-ups and a gradual erosion of transatlantic economic integration.

Conclusion: A defining test for the digital economy

The clash between EU tech enforcement and Trump administration threats represents more than a regulatory dispute-it is a defining test of how democracies will govern the digital economy in an era of geopolitical competition.

Europe has chosen a path of comprehensive regulation, using law to constrain market power and protect democratic values. The United States under Trump has embraced a more laissez-faire approach, viewing regulation as a threat to innovation and an excuse for foreign governments to disadvantage American companies.

Both sides have legitimate concerns. European markets have been dominated by American platforms for two decades, with limited European alternatives emerging despite significant talent and capital. American companies face genuine compliance burdens and legal uncertainties that make operating in Europe increasingly costly and complex.

But unless Washington and Brussels find a way to bridge their differences, the transatlantic digital economy-built over decades of cooperation-risks fragmenting into competing regulatory spheres. For businesses operating across the Atlantic, that would mean higher costs, duplicative compliance and strategic choices about where to prioritize investment.

For consumers, it could mean fewer choices, higher prices and digital services that vary dramatically depending on geography. And for the democratic world, it would represent a failure to present a unified front on technology governance at precisely the moment when authoritarian alternatives are gaining ground.

The stakes in 2026 could not be higher. Brussels is doubling down on enforcement. Washington is threatening retaliation. And the future of transatlantic tech relations hangs in the balance.
Further reading:

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EU Strengthens Tech Regulation Enforcement Ahead of 2026

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The EU plans tougher tech enforcement by 2026, sparking potential transatlantic tensions with Trump's warning of retaliation.

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Student Friendly Worksheet On EU / USA Trade and Tech War 

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Student Friendly Worksheet On EU / USA Trade and Tech War 

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The EU single market: benefits, facts and figures

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The EU single market: benefits, facts and figures

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Topic: Labor & skills shortages in Europe

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Discover all statistics and data on Labor & skills shortages in Europe now on statista.com!

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Eurostat - Official Website of European Union 

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Eurostat - Official Website of European Union 

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This resource is useful for:

📍 Interactive EU visuals : clear graphs and maps that show real trends in trade, people, capital and services.

📍 Supports real analysis : students interpret patterns (not memorise facts), perfect for Analyse in LO 3.7.

📍 Flexible across topics — supports trade (imports/exports), labour mobility, investment flows, services data and demographic trends ,perfect for geography units of learning.

📍 Compare countries easily : Ireland vs other EU states at a glance (helps explain opportunities and challenges).

📍 Reliable EU data : official Eurostat statistics, ideal for evidence in classroom discussion or assessments.

📍 Quick classroom tools : ready-made visuals and quizzes you can use instantly for starter or group tasks.

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Eurostat is the statistical office of the European Union. Its mission is to provide high quality statistics and data on Europe.

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European Parliament Short Summary of Single Market

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European Parliament Short Summary of Single Market

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How does the movement of goods provide opportunities for Ireland

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How does the movement of goods provide opportunities for Ireland

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How does the movement of goods provide challenges for Ireland?

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How does the movement of goods provide challenges for Ireland?

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Quiz: how much do you know about the EU’s single market? | Topics | European Parliament

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The EU’s single market allows goods, services, capital and people to move freely across EU countries. How much do you know about it? Take our quiz.

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If you want to know about what the EU does, how it all started and how it works, or if you want to debate EU policies more in details, you'll find plenty of inspiration here.

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Thematic map generator using eurostat statistics

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Find information on the right to the free movement of capital in the EU, including its legal basis, monitoring, and investment outside of the EU.

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The free movement of capital is covered by Articles 40 to 45 of the EEA Agreement and of the EEA Agreement. It is one of the fundamental freedoms that underpin the Internal Market (free movement of people, goods, services and capital).

For EEA nationals, it means the ability to perform many operations abroad, as diverse as opening bank accounts, buying shares in non-domestic companies, investing where the best return is, and purchasing real estate. For companies, it principally means being able to invest in and own other European companies and take an active part in their management.

There are some exceptions to the free movement of capital. These are primarily linked to taxation and public policy considerations.

In 2015, the European Commission issued the Capital Markets Union (CMU) action plan to build a true single market for capital in the EU. In December 2019 the Council announced that the EU was close to having the original action plan and intended to continue and further deepen the project. Under the current CMU action plan, the European Commission is examining national barriers to the free movement of capital with a view to enhance access to finance for EU businesses, especially SMEs.

Unlike the Banking Union, CMU is designed for all 27 EU Member States and it is EEA relevant.

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The free movement of capital is covered by Articles 40 to 45 of the EEA Agreement and Annex XII of the EEA Agreement. It is one of the fundamental freedoms that underpin the Internal Market (free movement of people, goods, services and capital).

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EU Law - Free Movement of Capital and the Economic and Monetary Union

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Mortgage provider Avant Money reduces rates and increases cashback

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Mortgage provider Avant Money reduces rates and increases cashback

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The article shows how financial services, such as mortgages, operate in Ireland as part of a wider EU market.

📍 Avant Money is linked to a European banking group, showing how services can be provided across borders within the EU.

📍 EU single market rules allow banks and financial firms to operate in different member states, not just their home country.

📍 Increased competition from these providers can lead to lower mortgage rates and better offers for Irish consumers.

📍 This demonstrates the freedom to provide services, where companies can offer services in another EU country.

📍 It helps students understand how EU freedoms affect everyday services, such as home loans, in Ireland.

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Mortgage provider Avant Money reduces rates

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Mortgage lender Avant Money has announced a series of measures relating to its mortgage offering. Fixed mortgage rates have been reduced by up to 0.35%, the company said.

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Revolut move to Lithuania while awaiting passporting from Central Bank 

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Revolut move to Lithuania while awaiting passporting from Central Bank 

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This is a useful resource that shows both the services and capital freedom.

📍 Revolut moved the regulation of its Irish customers from the UK to Lithuania because of Brexit — the UK lost the right to allow financial services from Britain to operate across the EU after leaving the EU.

📍 This change shows how EU rules on the free movement of services and capital work — Revolut can still provide financial services across the EU, but now under a licence from an EU member state (Lithuania).

📍 Under EU Single Market rules, a licence from one EU country allows a company to offer services in other member states without separate approvals — this is known as “passporting”.

📍 The shift to Lithuania affects customers’ bank account details (such as IBAN numbers), but Revolut stated that the day-to-day services customers use should remain largely the same.

📍 This change highlights the importance of where a bank is regulated — financial companies choose countries whose licences give them the greatest freedom to move capital and provide services across the EU.

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Revolut shifts regulation of Irish customers to Lithuania

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Fintech says move is temporary and due to Brexit while it awaits Irish e-money licence

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Revolut move to Lithuania while awaiting passporting from Central Bank

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Revolut move to Lithuania while awaiting passporting from Central Bank

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An RTE news article on Revolut awaiting 'passporting' from the Central Bank. This will further support students understanding of the movement of services and capital across Europe.

📍 Revolut is moving Irish customer accounts to Lithuania because of Brexit — the UK’s financial licences can no longer be used to serve customers in the EU after the UK left the EU.

📍 Before this change, Revolut operated in Ireland under a UK licence, using EU “passporting” rights that allowed financial services to operate across the EU from one country. After Brexit, the UK lost these rights, so Revolut had to shift regulation to an EU member state (Lithuania).

📍 This shows the EU’s free movement of services and capital in action: Revolut wants to continue offering digital banking services and allow money to flow across borders, so it moved its e-money regulation to an EU country.

📍 Customers’ bank account details (such as IBANs) changed from British to Lithuanian prefixes, showing how financial capital and accounts can shift when regulatory rules change.

📍 Revolut said most customers should not notice major changes in everyday use, but people with direct debits, payments, or salary transfers needed to update their details with companies or employers.

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Revolut moving Irish accounts to Lithuania

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Revolut has announced that it is moving its Irish users’ accounts to Revolut’s business in Lithuania because its e-money licence will no longer be valid post Brexit.

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30 Years of the Single Market - Infographic

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30 Years of the Single Market - Infographic

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📍What the page is about

It explains the rights EU citizens have to move, live, study, and work anywhere in the European Union.
This is one of the most important features of being an EU citizen.

📍The basic idea

If you are an EU citizen, you can travel, live, or work in any EU country without needing a visa.

This is called free movement.

Short stays (up to 3 months)

You only need a passport or national ID card.

No extra paperwork.

Longer stays (more than 3 months)

You can stay longer if you are:

Working (job or self‑employed)

Studying

Looking for work

Financially self‑sufficient (you can support yourself)

Some countries may ask for:

Proof of income

Health insurance

School/college enrolment (if you’re a student)

📍Permanent residence

After 5 years living legally in another EU country, you can get permanent residence.

This gives you almost the same rights as citizens of that country.

📍Family members

Your close family can join you, even if they are not EU citizens.
This includes:

Husband/wife

Registered partner

Children under 21

Dependent parents

They may need a visa or residence card, but the rules are designed to make it easy.

📍Updated rules & guidance

The EU has updated its guidance to:

Make rules clearer

Include recent court decisions

Ensure all countries apply the rules the same way

📍New secure ID cards

EU countries must issue more secure ID cards with modern security features.
Old-style cards will be phased out over the next few years.

📍Digital travel credentials (future idea)

The EU is working on a digital version of ID cards that could be stored on your phone for easier travel.

📍COVID certificates

The EU Digital COVID Certificate system ended in June 2023.
It’s no longer needed for travel.

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Information on EU citizens’ right to move and reside freely within the EU.

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📍What Erasmus+ Is

Erasmus+ is the EU’s main programme for education, training, youth, and sport.

It helps people study, train, volunteer, or work abroad.

It’s one of the most popular EU programmes ever.

📍Who Can Take Part

Erasmus+ is not just for university students. It includes:

School students

College and university students

Apprentices and trainees

Teachers and youth workers

Sports organisations

Youth groups

Basically, it supports learning and cultural exchange across Europe (and beyond).

📍What You Can Do With Erasmus+

Study abroad for a few months or a full year

Do a work placement or internship in another country

Join youth exchanges (short trips with groups from different countries)

Volunteer abroad through the European Solidarity Corps

Take part in sports or community projects

📍Why It’s Popular

You get to travel, meet new people, and experience another culture.

It improves your language skills.

It looks great on your CV.

Many students say it’s a life-changing experience.

📍How to Apply

The website gives guidance on:

How individuals (like students) can apply

How schools or organisations can apply for funding

What documents you need

Deadlines for applications

Most students apply through their school or university, not directly on the website.

📍European Student Card Initiative

Erasmus+ is becoming more digital.

Students can use a European Student Card to make admin easier when studying abroad.

This includes digital tools for enrolment, course registration, etc.

📍News & Updates

The site also shares:

New funding calls

Events

Updates on student mobility

Statistics (e.g., how many students went abroad last year)

📍Project Stories

You can read real stories about:

Students who studied abroad

Youth projects

How Erasmus+ supports communities (e.g., projects helping Ukraine)

📍Who Runs Erasmus+

It’s managed by the European Commission.

There are national offices in each country (including Ireland) to help students and schools.

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Help us evaluate Erasmus+

How well is Erasmus+ reaching people with fewer opportunities? How simple is the programme? Is it relevant to today's needs?

We welcome your answers to these and other questions - the consultation runs until 8 December.

Answer the consultation on Erasmus+

Supporting Ukrainian students, young people, teachers and educators

Measures announced to support Erasmus+ participants and projects. The EU is also excluding Russia from public contracts and European money.

Read about support for Ukraine

How to take part in Erasmus+

The 2021-2027 Erasmus+ is more inclusive, more digital, and more green. It has opportunities for all ages, and more choice for organisations.

European Student Card Initiative

Simpler admin and more digital tools for students and higher education institutions on Erasmus+ exchanges.

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Erasmus+ is the EU's programme to support education, training, youth and sport in Europe.

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📍 The table shows the world’s leading exporters of commercial services in 2007.

📍 The United States was the largest exporter, earning $454 billion, which made up 13.9% of global service exports.

📍 European countries feature strongly.

📍 The UK, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Ireland are all among the top exporters.

📍 Ireland ranked 10th in the world, exporting $87 billion worth of services.

📍 Ireland’s share of global service exports was 2.7%, similar to countries such as India.

📍 This is notable given Ireland’s small population and highlights the importance of services to its economy.

📍 Between 2000 and 2007, services became much more important to Ireland:

Services grew from 21% to 43% of total Irish exports.

📍 Computer-related services were the largest contributor, accounting for 29% of Ireland’s service exports.

📍 Insurance and financial services together made up 25%.

📍 Other business services also accounted for a significant share (29%).

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Free movement of People Citizens Information

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Free movement of People Citizens Information

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This website explains your rights to move, live, study, or work in any EU country if you are an EU citizen (including Ireland).

Think of it as the EU’s rule that says:
“If you’re from an EU country, you can travel and live in other EU countries almost as easily as moving to another county in Ireland.”

The Main Points

📍You can travel freely in the EU

You don’t need a visa.

You only need a passport or national ID.

You can stay in another EU country for up to 90 days without any conditions.

📍Staying longer than 90 days

To stay longer, you must be doing one of these:

Working

Self‑employed

Studying (with enough money + health insurance)

Or have enough money to support yourself + health insurance

📍Your family can come too

Your spouse/partner, children, and dependent parents can join you.

Some other relatives may also be allowed, depending on the situation.

Non‑EU family members may need a free, fast‑tracked visa.

📍You must be treated the same as locals

If you move to another EU country, you must be treated like the people who live there:

Same rights to work

Same working conditions

Same access to education

Same access to housing and social benefits

📍 When can a country stop you?

A country can only remove or refuse you if:

You are a serious threat to public safety, public health, or public policy.

They must consider your personal situation (how long you lived there, your family, your health, etc.).

📍 If your rights are denied

The website explains where you can get help if:

A country refuses you entry

You are treated unfairly

Your family is not allowed to join you

You are told to leave without a good reason

📍 Refugees and asylum seekers

They do not have the same free‑movement rights.

They must stay in the country where they applied for asylum.

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Ireland - Skills development, labour and skills shortages

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Ireland - Skills development, labour and skills shortages