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Between her health and her schoolwork, something had to give. Michelle Manno, who is studying for a master's degree in educational psychology at Hunter College, was facing a spate of all-nighters and gulping down four large cups of coffee each day to stay alert. Within a few weeks, she came to need the coffee for another reason: If she didn't drink it, she became irritable and had migraines. Manno didn't like having a caffeine dependency, but "the benefits of helping me with my schoolwork outweighed its negative implications for my health," she says.

Caffeine is the most widely used drug in the world, consumed by some 80 percent of American adults every day. It's probably safe to say that caffeine's most popular vehicle, coffee, is a mainstay for many psychology grad students. A 2012 survey conducted on behalf of Dunkin' Donuts and CareerBuilder showed that scientists drink more coffee than any other professional group except food workers.

But while its cultural pervasiveness suggests caffeine is benign, it's actually a powerful psychoactive compound. Caffeine does have its cognitive perks - including boosting alertness, energy and feelings of well-being - but overuse can cause a range of unpleasant side effects, including troubled sleep, jitters, irritability and gastric distress. Further, caffeine dependence can become a hard-to-shake habit, leading to a full-blown substance use disorder, research has shown.

"I wouldn't deny anybody their coffee, but people might benefit from becoming aware that caffeine use has the potential to become a problem and impact their physical or mental health," says Alan Budney, PhD, a professor of psychiatry at Dartmouth Medical School. "Caffeine is similar to most other drugs that are reinforcing, which caffeine is. People desire the effect and repeat the behavior over and over again. When reinforcers like that are easily accessible and inexpensive, their use may get out of control."

The brain boost

Caffeine is chemically similar to the neuromodulator adenosine, which accumulates through the day and induces drowsiness for sleeping at night. When we consume caffeine, it binds to adenosine receptors in the brain, blocking the effects of adenosine, with the side benefit of allowing dopamine to flow more freely. That can bring on feelings of well-being, energy and alertness.

A number of studies suggest that caffeine measurably boosts cognitive performance, helping to speed up reactions and sustain attention, though as Simone Cappelletti, MD, of Sapienza University in Rome, and colleagues suggested, those benefits may be helpful only to those who need caffeine to avoid withdrawal from a habit of consuming it in the first place (Current Neuropharmacology, 2015).

Caffeine may also have mental health benefits over time. For one, it has been associated with a lessened risk of depression. Michael Lucas, PhD, of the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, and colleagues followed more than 50,730 women in the Nurses' Health Study for almost 25 years, finding that those who drank at least four cups of coffee a day had a 20 percent reduced risk of depression compared with those who drank little or no coffee (Archives of Internal Medicine, 2011). Another study from Lucas of nearly 43,600 men found that drinking two to three cups of coffee a day was correlated with a 50 percent reduced risk of suicide (The World Journal of Biological Psychiatry, 2013).

A cup of coffee might even help consolidate learning. Michael Yassa, PhD, an experimental psychologist at the University of California, Irvine, led a team of researchers who discovered that nonhabitual caffeine users who took 200 milligrams (roughly the amount in a 12-ounce cup of coffee) of the substance were better able to remember differences among sets of pictures, though it's not clear yet how the caffeine helped (Nature Neuroscience, 2014).

Caffeine has also been associated with reducing the risk of cognitive decline. A review by Lenore Arab, PhD, an epidemiologist at the University of California, Los Angeles, and colleagues concluded that caffeine consumers overall had less cognitive decline than people who didn't use caffeine (, 2013). The protective effect is stronger in women than in men, suggests a cohort study of 309 women in the Journal of Alzheimer's Disease (2010) by Catarina Santos, PhD, and colleagues at the University of Porto in Portugal.

Epidemiological studies suggest that caffeine may inhibit memory disorders, too. Research in animals suggests it slows the production of the protein beta-amyloid, which has been linked to Alzheimer's progression. Another mechanism may be how caffeine interacts with adenosine receptors; research with humans and animals is building the case that these receptors play an important role in Alzheimer's disease, Parkinson's disease and schizophrenia, according to a review by Jiang-Fan Chen, MD, PhD, a neurologist at Boston University (International Review of Neurobiology, 2014).

Disordered drinking

But some people experience drawbacks to using caffeine. A daily dose of 400 milligrams or less - about three to four cups of home-brewed coffee - is generally considered safe by the Food and Drug Administration, but smaller amounts can trigger side effects, such as restlessness, insomnia and a rapid heartbeat in people who are particularly sensitive to caffeine's effects. Pregnant women are advised to limit intake to 200 milligrams a day at most.

Five cups of coffee and more may bring on worsening symptoms, including anxiety, agitation, headache, rambling speech and excitement, what the DSM-5 calls "coffee intoxication." It's a line casual users may occasionally cross, as many people build up a tolerance for caffeine that leads them to consume more of it over time, says Laura Juliano, PhD, a professor of psychology at American University and a leading researcher on the topic.

Caffeine does help us stay up later, delaying the onset of melatonin, the hormone that helps us sleep; a dose equivalent to a what's in a double espresso taken three hours before bed led participants to go to sleep 40 minutes later on average, according to a 2015 study inScience Translational Medicine by Tina Burke, PhD, of the University of Colorado Boulder. However, the caffeine pushed participants' entire circadian rhythm back, meaning they got up later, too - an effect perhaps unwelcome for those with 8 a.m. classes.

Then there is caffeine's addictive factor. If you think you can't possibly give up your coffee habit, you may be right. Many users can't stay away from caffeine, even though it might intensify their related health problems. That's a primary criterion of "caffeine use disorder," a condition the DSM-5 deems worthy of more research. Other potential symptoms include trying to quit but being unable to, craving, suffering withdrawal after stopping, using more than intended and spending a great deal of time with the drug. Sound familiar? Yet here, too, caffeine's ubiquity may help us turn a blind eye to our dependency.

"The world doesn't broadcast that caffeine can be an addictive drug that might cause problems," Budney says. "Certainly its overuse might not be as scary as other drugs; the consequences aren't so dramatic. Such less severe consequences, however, may reduce awareness or concern about a potential problem that could prompt taking action."

According to the DSM-5, caffeine withdrawal syndrome occurs when people skip a dose of caffeine and experience headaches, fatigue, depression and trouble concentrating. These are clinically well-documented symptoms that can be severe. In fact, research suggests many people use caffeine just to avoid these symptoms - though others, especially children and adolescents, may not understand why they feel sluggish and have a raging headache.

"Many people don't realize they are dependent on caffeine until they skip it for a day and experience caffeine withdrawal," Juliano says.

The drug is notorious for causing the jitters and anxiety, particularly at higher doses. People with underlying mental health issues may be more susceptible: a review of eight studies found that caffeine aggravated symptoms of anxiety and panic disorder ( Expert Review of Neurotherapeutics, 2011).

Wise use

Want to try to limit your caffeine intake? Try these research-based tips:

Delay having coffee for at least an hour after you wake in the morning since that is when your body doesn't actually need a caffeinated pick-me-up: Soon after waking, your body produces cortisol, a natural energy booster, so save your coffee breaks for mid-morning or the early afternoon, when cortisol levels dip, advises Dartmouth University neuroscientist Steven Miller, PhD.

Similarly, if you don't habitually drink caffeine, consider drinking it only when you really need a functional boost, such as before a long drive or particularly long seminar, Juliano suggests.

Caffeine can interfere with sleep when consumed as long as six hours before bedtime, reducing sleep by an hour and interfering with sleep efficiency and REM patterns, according to a study by Christopher Drake, PhD, of the Henry Ford Hospital in the Journal of Clinical Sleep Medicine (2013). So time your intake accordingly.

There are no formal guidelines to help people get off caffeine, but strategies that are effective in stopping other problem behaviors such as smoking, drinking alcohol or overeating may help, psychologists say. They include stimulus control, such as learning to watch out for triggers that spur caffeine use and asking friends to help you reach your goal, Budney suggests. Juliano has been developing and testing manualized treatment to help people reduce caffeine use. An early test, in press in the Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, suggests that keeping a daily diary of consumption is effective. Also, gradually cutting back on caffeine may help you avoid withdrawal symptoms.

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Between her health and her schoolwork, something had to give. Michelle Manno, who is studying for a master's degree in educational psychology at Hunter College, was facing a spate of all-nighters and gulping down four large cups of coffee each day to stay alert.

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It's recommended that adults up to the age of 64, need 7-9 hours of sleep per night. In reality, the latest research has shown that:

Almost 1 in 5 people in the UK aren't getting enough sleep.

25% of adults in the UK cite money worries as negatively impacting their sleep.

26% of adults in the UK cite Covid-19 as negatively impacting their sleep.

66% of adolescents cite poor sleep as negatively impacting on their mental health.

37% of adults in the UK cite work as reducing the amount of control they feel they have over their sleep.

Women, Black, Asian and other minority ethnic adults are disproportionately likely to experience poor sleep likely due to social inequality.

What causes sleep problems?

Everyone experiences problems sleeping at times, we can wake up in the night, or have dreams that disturb our sleep. These problems will usually resolve themselves after a short period of time.

Problems with sleep are often caused by:

Environmental issues: Night-time noise, screen light from phones, TVs and tablets, and light from the outside can trick your body into delaying sleep. Air pollution can also disrupt your sleeping patterns.

Life events: You may feel distracted, stressed or worried about something going on in your life while you're trying to go to sleep, which can affect your ability to relax.

Thinking cycle: Anxious thoughts about not getting enough sleep can cause distress, which can prevent you from relaxing and falling asleep. This can become a vicious cycle.

Lifestyle: Developing poor habits around sleep, such as not having a regular routine, can cause problems.
- Not having a regular sleep-awake routine
- Eating late at night
- Consuming alcohol, nicotine or caffeine around bedtime
- Vigorous exercise late at night
- Using smart devices (phones, tablets etc.) before bed
- Checking and responding to work emails outside of working hours

It's common to experience periods of poor sleep, but this doesn't usually point to a serious mental health problem. However, consistently poor sleep can be a symptom and cause of mental health problems.

Effects of poor sleep on mental health

Sleep can affect your emotional regulation. If you're experiencing a period of bad sleep for weeks, months or years, this can affect your day-to-day life.

Poor sleep can affect your physical and mental health. Not getting enough "good quality sleep" can sap your energy levels, lower your mood and reduce your concentration. It can also negatively impact your relationships, immune system, work, and social life.

One of the biggest issues associated with not getting enough good quality sleep is sleep deprivation. Sleep deprivation is associated with poor mood and the inability to control our emotions. This poor mood can then disrupt our sleep, creating a vicious cycle.

Poor focus, memory and concentration

More likely to consume caffeine and sugary drinks

More likely to take part in risky and anti-social behaviour

More likely to suffer from colds and infections

Less able to manage stress

There is now evidence that shows treating sleep problems may help reduce anxiety disorders and symptoms of depression.

If you are experiencing ongoing problems with sleeping, the best thing to do is make an appointment to see your GP.

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Sleep and mental health - Mental Health UK

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Problems with sleep can affect how you feel physically and mentally, and how you feel can also affect how you sleep. Find out how a lack of sleep can affect your mental health, and what you can do to improve it. Learn how sleep and mental health are related.

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The Amygdala, Sleep Debt, Sleep Deprivation, and the Emotion of Anger: A Possible Connection? 

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The Amygdala, Sleep Debt, Sleep Deprivation, and the Emotion of Anger: A Possible Connection? 

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Monitoring Editor: Alexander Muacevic and John R Adler

Abstract

The association of sleep with emotions has long been studied. However, not much has been studied about the association of sleep deprivation and sleep debt with the emotion of anger. In this article, we focused on the association of sleep with anger. The results suggest that lack of sleep - sleep deprivation and sleep debt - both lead to the emotion of anger. Some hints about the involvement of the limbic system have been found. Yet, due to a lack of a quantity of evidence, we suggest that more studies are conducted on the same topic to help us have a more in-depth exploration of the association of lack of sleep with anger.

Keywords: sleep, sleep deprivation, sleep anger, sleep frustration, sleep emotion, sleep mood

Introduction and background

The effects of sleep on cognitive abilities and overall human health has been of interest in the scientific community for a long time. Studies have shown that sleep deprivation can affect human cognition and overall brain performance [ 1]. The effects of sleep deprivation are not just confined to brain function; in fact, it can affect other human organ systems as well [ 2- 4]. There is a large body of research to support the connection between sleep, physical health, and neurological stability; there are fewer studies focusing on the impact of sleep deprivation on specific emotions such as anger. In this article, we will review current research that details the possible association of sleep with anger.

We conducted searches in PubMed, Google Scholar, Medline, and newspapers, and did a general Internet search to collect articles for this review. The keywords for the search included but were not limited to sleep, sleep deprivation, sleep anger, sleep frustration, sleep emotion, and sleep mood. Search results were limited to articles published within the last five years and which contained the keywords sleep deprivation and anger. Any studies involving animals were excluded. The inclusion-exclusion decision was made by the authors through mutual agreement. A total of 63,219 articles contained relevant information per the search criteria. Seventeen of the most relevant and comprehensive articles were selected for the purposes of this review.

Review

Sleep and anger - a body of research evidence

Sleep is an essential part of our lives. The typical person needs seven to eight hours of sleep each night to maintain peak mental and physical health. Less than seven to eight hours of sleep can be harmful to human health. Getting less than adequate sleep is known as sleep deprivation [ 5]. When an individual has multiple consecutive days of sleep deprivation, they enter "sleep debt," which is a cumulative effect of insufficient sleep for any period of time [ 6]. Because research has indicated a connection between sleep deprivation/sleep debt and mental health, it could be hypothesized that sleep debt could correlate with anger-irritability, aggression, and short temper. The effect of sleep deprivation on mood has been well-documented. The changes in mood that have been linked to sleep deprivation include anxiety, depression, mood swings, etc. This review focuses solely on the connection between sleep deprivation and anger, although there is less published research in this area.

Bauducco et al. [ 7] conducted a cross-sectional study to test the correlation between sleep deficit in adolescents and emotional and behavioral issues. Their sample included 2,767 students between the ages of 12 and 16. Fifty-two percent of the students studied were male. The study revealed that students who reported less than the recommended total sleep time (TST) experienced what Baudoccu et al. referred to as "norm-breaking behavior," as well as emotional changes, including anger, depression, and anxiety. They concluded their research with the recommendation of good sleep practices by reducing sleep barriers such as technology, stress, and worry.

Itlani et al. [ 8] conducted a nationwide survey of Japanese high-school juniors and seniors to study the prevalence of anger and impulsivity and its associated factors. The survey questioned students on their personal data, lifestyle, mental status, and feelings of anger and impulsivity. The researchers used logistic regression (all P values < .05) to analyze a total of 94,777 responses. The researchers found a positive correlation between anger and impulsivity and behaviors such as "consuming alcohol, smoking, skipping breakfast, shorter sleep duration, decreased positive feelings, increased depressive feelings, and using a mobile phone for long hours." The researchers concluded by saying that healthy lifestyle choices, getting enough sleep every night, and having good mental health all play a key role in preventing issues with anger and impulsivity. A similarly designed study with first-year medical students as the research subjects found that the best predictors of sleep difficulties were stress, anger, hypervigilance, hostility, anxiety, and interpersonal sensitivity [ 9]. Studies such as these suggest a correlation between sleep deprivation and anger. All of the above-mentioned three studies more or less show similar results related to sleep and anger/aggression. However, there are currently no studies that have concluded a pathophysiological association between sleep and anger in adolescents.

Sleep deprivation appears to impact adults, adolescents, and children in similar ways. Sleep deprivation can exacerbate pre-existing mood disturbances, such as anger, depression, and anxiety, and can lead to confusion, fatigue, and lack of vigor. Even just one sleepless night correlates with these changes in function [ 5]. Randler et al. [ 10] administered the Buss-Perry Aggression Questionnaire, which assesses physical and verbal aggression, anger, and hostility in a group of young adult males and analyzed responses in correlation with sleep duration. They found that young males who reported shorter sleep durations had higher instances of aggression and anger. Researchers have noticed similar patterns of sleep deprivation and changes in mood and behavior in both male and female subjects. On average, males tend to score higher in physical and verbal aggression when sleep deprived [ 10] and females tend to be more susceptible to decreased mood, anxiety, low energy, and brain fog [ 5, 11]. Male and female children score similarly when tested for the correlation between sleep deprivation and mood/behavior changes. However, these behavior/mood changes are more likely to present as externalizing behaviors, such as hyperactivity, anger, aggression, impulsivity, tantrum behavior, and inappropriate social interactions behaviors [ 12].

The amygdala is most commonly associated with its primary function as the emotional center of the brain. The amygdala additionally plays an important role in the mechanisms of sleep. When an individual is sleep deprived, a functional deficit occurs between the amygdala and the ventral anterior cingulate cortex (vACC), which can result in decreased mood and can cause the amygdala to have heightened responses to negative stimuli [ 13]. Sleep debt reduces the ability of the medial prefrontal cortex (MPFC) to suppress activity in the amygdala, leading to emotional instability [ 14]. A prolonged deprivation of rapid eye movement (REM) sleep is associated with functional changes in multiple brain regions [ 14] and can result in altered receptor activity, which can lead to mood alterations such as anger [ 15].

Motomura et al. [ 16] hypothesized that "resolution of Potential Sleep Debt (PSD) through sleep extension impacts mood by changing the functional connectivity between the prefrontal cortex and amygdala." In their study, 15 male subjects were selected for a nine-day sleep extension followed by one night of total sleep deprivation (TSD). Following this 10-day intervention, they used magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) to evaluate regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF) in conjunction with a questionnaire on negative moods to assess the results of their study. They found that negative mood and amygdala rCBF were greatly decreased following a sleep extension. They further state in their article, "The amygdala had a significant negative functional connectivity with the medial prefrontal cortex (FCamg-MPFC), and this negative connectivity was greater after sleep extension than at BL." After TSD, these indices reverted to the same level as at baseline (BL). An additional path analysis with structural equation modeling showed that the FCamg-MPFC significantly explained the amygdala rCBF and that the amygdala rCBF significantly explained the negative mood. These findings suggest that the use of our sleep extension protocol normalized amygdala activity via negative amygdala-MPFC functional connectivity. The resolution of unnoticed PSD may improve mood by enhancing frontal suppression of hyperactivity in the amygdala caused by PSD accumulating in everyday life" [ 16]. If we look at the above-mentioned studies and analyze them, we will see that almost all of the above-mentioned studies unanimously agree on one point, that lack of sleep does impact the human emotional state. Moreover, the association of sleep with the amygdala, and with the amygdala being the part of the brain related with emotions, points towards the notion that sleep and emotions such as anger and aggression are associated with one another.

Moreover, in recent times, clinical hypnosis has been researched as a modality to cope with chronic headaches, anxiety symptoms, recurrent abdominal pain, depression, grief and bereavement, phobias, anger, family stressors, sleep disorders, or enuresis. This suggests a possible association of anger with sleep. It is quite obvious that when hypnosis, which is itself a mode of "sleep," can help cope up with anger, there is a link between sleep deprivation and emotions such as anger. It is also suggestive of our idea that completing a full seven to eight hours of sleep can reduce the emotional symptoms of anger [ 17]. However, to comment on this with confidence, we need consistent future interventional studies for a longer period of time. Until then, we have to rely solely upon the available data.

Conclusions

In this review article, we addressed the association of sleep with anger. Not many studies published in the last five years point towards this association. There is enough literature available on sleep and behavior; however, the association of sleep with anger or aggression is not readily available. There is a perceived connection between emotions and sleep due to the dual role the amygdala plays in both. A large body of research supports the connection between sleep deprivation and mood changes such as increased anger and aggression. Individuals who get an adequate amount of sleep each night exhibit fewer emotional outbursts, such as anger, and display fewer aggressive behaviors. These results are seen with minor differences between males and females and across various age groups. Prolonged sleep deprivation has been connected to changes in the brain such as reduced receptor sensitivity and changes in functional communication between brain regions. More research needs to be done to continue to evaluate the effects of sleep deprivation on mood and behavior (especially anger), particularly to highlight key differences in males and females and in children and adults. The consensus seems to be that getting an adequate amount of sleep each night promotes improved mood and health.

Notes

The content published in Cureus is the result of clinical experience and/or research by independent individuals or organizations. Cureus is not responsible for the scientific accuracy or reliability of data or conclusions published herein. All content published within Cureus is intended only for educational, research and reference purposes. Additionally, articles published within Cureus should not be deemed a suitable substitute for the advice of a qualified health care professional. Do not disregard or avoid professional medical advice due to content published within Cureus.

Footnotes

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Articles from Cureus are provided here courtesy of Cureus Inc.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Amygdala, Sleep Debt, Sleep Deprivation, and the Emotion of Anger: A Possible Connection?

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The association of sleep with emotions has long been studied. However, not much has been studied about the association of sleep deprivation and sleep debt with the emotion of anger. In this article, we focused on the association of sleep with anger. The ...

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Your favorite album doesn't just sound good - it may also be good for your mental health.

That's according to a new report from the Global Council on Brain Health (GCBH), an AARP-founded working group of scientists, health care professionals and other experts. Their latest report, "Music on Our Minds," highlights research showing music's positive effect on emotional well-being, including improving mood, decreasing anxiety, and managing stress.

"There are so many mechanisms that explain the powerful impact that listening to a piece of music can have," says report contributor Suzanne Hanser, president of the International Association for Music & Medicine (IAMM) and a professor of music therapy at Berklee College of Music.

As the report details, that impact starts in the brain, where music activates many regions, including those associated with emotion and memory. "The music that was played at your wedding or in a religious service, or even at a concert you attended or a dance you were at - that music remains preserved for those neuropathways that connect that music with really positive feelings," Hanser says.

Research shows that music can have a beneficial effect on brain chemicals such as dopamine, which is linked to feelings of pleasure, and oxytocin, the so-called "love hormone." And there is moderate evidence that music can help lower levels of the stress hormone cortisol.

The report also includes findings from the 2020 AARP Music and Brain Health Survey, a nationally representative survey of 3,185 adults that found that listening to music - whether in the background, by focused listening to recordings or at musical performances - had a small positive impact on mental well-being, depression and anxiety.

"Especially now, in times when people are feeling sad, stressed and isolated because of the COVID-19 pandemic, people should definitely turn to music to better their mental well-being," says GCBH Executive Director Sarah Lenz Lock, AARP's senior vice president for policy.

To boost music's mental-health benefits in your life, Hanser says anyone can adapt some of the techniques used by trained music therapists. One of them is what she calls "deep" or active listening - instead of putting on music as background noise, set aside time to concentrate on what you hear, taking note of the feelings, memories, and bodily sensations (whether that's a slowing of your heart rate or the urge to get up and dance) that arise as you listen.

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Positive Effects of Music for Mental Health

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Your favorite album doesn't just sound good - it may also be good for your mental health. That's according to a new report from the Global Council on Brain Health (GCBH), an AARP-founded working group of scientists, health care professionals and other experts.

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Whether natural or artificial, colour is everywhere.

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Thanks for visiting. Don't miss your FREE gift.

The Best Diets for Cognitive Fitness, is yours absolutely FREE when you sign up to receive Health Alerts from Harvard Medical School

Sign up to get tips for living a healthy lifestyle, with ways to fight inflammation and improve cognitive health, plus the latest advances in preventative medicine, diet and exercise, pain relief, blood pressure and cholesterol management, and more.

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The power of the placebo effect - Harvard Health

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Department of Human Sciences, Society and Health, University of Cassino and Southern Lazio of Cassino, Cassino, Italy

Independent Researcher, Milan, Italy

Department of Political and Social Studies, Sociology, University of Salerno, Fisciano, Italy

The recent Covid-19 pandemic has had significant psychological and social effects on the population. Research has highlighted the impact on psychological well-being of the most exposed groups, including children, college students, and health workers, who are more likely to develop post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, depression, and other symptoms of distress. The social distance and the security measures have affected the relationship among people and their perception of empathy toward others. From this perspective, telepsychology and technological devices assume important roles to decrease the negative effects of the pandemic. These tools present benefits that could improve psychological treatment of patients online, such as the possibility to meet from home or from the workplace, saving money and time and maintaining the relationship between therapists and patients. The aim of this paper is to show empirical data from recent studies on the effect of the pandemic and reflect on possible interventions based on technological tools.

Introduction

The Covid-19 pandemic led to a prolonged exposure to stress. As a consequence, researchers showed an increased interest in measuring social and community uneasiness in order to psychologically support the population. This increased attention might help in managing the current situation and other possible epidemics and pandemics. The security measures adopted in managing the pandemic had different consequences on individuals, according to the social role invested. Some segments of the population seem to be more exposed to the risk of anxious, depressive, and post-traumatic symptoms because they are more sensitive to stress.

The following article has two focuses of interest: (1) the evaluation of the psychological and social effects of the pandemic on the population, mostly children, college students, and health professionals; and (2) the identification of new perspectives of intervention based on digital devices and in line with the social security measures and mental health promotion. Telepsychology, for instance, is a valid tool, effective in taking charge of the psychological suffering caused by the pandemic and in preventing the chronicity of the disease. The prolonged stress could involve anxiety, depression, and the inability to manage traumatic and negative emotions. Furthermore, the constant fear of contagion affects daily life and leads to social isolation, modifying human relations.

COVID-19 and At-Risk Populations: Psychological and Social Impact of the Quarantine

Studies of pandemics faced over time, such as SARS, Ebola, H1N1, Equine Flu, and the current COVID-19, show that the psychological effects of contagion and quarantine is not limited on the fear of contracting the virus ( Barbisch et al., 2015). There are some elements related to the pandemic that affect more the population, such as separation from loved ones, loss of freedom, uncertainty about the advancement of the disease, and the feeling of helplessness ( Li and Wang, 2020; Cao et al., 2020). These aspects might lead to dramatic consequences ( Weir, 2020), such as the rise of suicides ( Kawohl and Nordt, 2020). Suicidal behaviors are often related to the feeling of anger associated with the stressful condition widely spread among people who lived/live in the most affected areas ( Miles, 2014; Suicide Awareness Voices of Education, 2020; Mamun and Griffiths, 2020). In light of these consequences, a carefully evaluation of the potential benefits of the quarantine is needed, taking into account the high psychological costs ( Day et al., 2006; Mazza et al., 2020).

As reported in a recent survey administered during the Covid-19 pandemic, children and young adults are particularly at risk of developing anxious symptoms ( Orgilés et al., 2020). The research involved a sample of 1,143 parents of Italian and Spanish children (range 3-18). In general, parents observed emotional and behavioral changes in their children during the quarantine: symptoms related to difficulty concentrating (76.6%), boredom (52%), irritability (39%), restlessness (38.8%), nervousness (38%), sense of loneliness (31.3%), uneasiness (30.4%), and worries (30.1%). From the comparison between the two groups-Spanish and Italian parents-it emerged that the Italian parents reported more symptoms in their children than the Spanish parents. Further data collected on a sample of college students at the time of the spread of the epidemic in China showed how anxiety levels in young adults are mediated by certain protective factors, such as living in urban areas, the economic stability of the family, and cohabitation with parents ( Cao et al., 2020). On the contrary, having infected relatives or acquaintances leads to a worsening in anxiety symptoms. Furthermore, the economic problems and the slowdown in academic activities are related with anxious symptoms ( Alvarez et al., 2020). In addition, an online survey conducted on the general population in China found that college students are more likely to experiencing stress, anxiety, and depression than others during the pandemic ( Li et al., 2020). These results suggest monitoring and promoting mental health of youths in order to reduce the negative impact of the quarantine ( CSTS, 2020; Fessell and Goleman, 2020; Li et al., 2020).

Health-care workers (HCWs) are another segment of population particularly affected by stress ( Garcia-Castrillo et al., 2020; Lai et al., 2020). HCWs are at risk to develop symptoms common in catastrophic situations, such as post-traumatic stress disorder, burnout syndrome, physical and emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and dissociation ( Grassi and Magnani, 2000; Mache et al., 2012; Øyane et al., 2013). However, an epidemic presents different peculiarities compared to a catastrophic event, for instance, the stigmatizing attitudes in particular toward health professionals, who are in daily contact with the risk of infection ( Brooks et al., 2020). During SARS, up to 50% of health-care professionals suffered from acute psychological stress, exhaustion, and post-traumatic stress, caused by the fear of contagion of their family members and the prolonged social isolation ( Tam et al., 2004; Maunder et al., 2006).

As a consequence of the pandemic, the health professionals who were overworked suffered high level of psychophysical stress ( Mohindra et al., 2020). Health professionals also lived/live in daily life a traumatic condition called secondary traumatic stress disorder ( Zaffina et al., 2014), which describes the feeling of discomfort experienced in the helping relationship when treatments are not available for all patients and the professional must select who can access them and who cannot ( Roden-Foreman et al., 2017; Rana et al., 2020). Data from a survey on 1,257 HCWs who assisted patients in Covid-19 wards and in second- and third-line wards showed high percentages of depression (50%), anxiety (44.6%), insomnia (34%), and distress (71.5%) ( Lai et al., 2020). Also, the constant fear of contagion leads to obsessive thoughts ( Brooks et al., 2020), increasing the progressive closure of the person and reducing social relationships. In line with these results, Rossi et al. (2020) evaluated mental health outcomes among HCWs in Italy during the pandemic, confirming a high score of mental health issues, particularly among young women and front-line workers. Furthermore, Spoorthy et al. (2020) conducted a review on the gendered impact of Covid-19 and found that 68.7-85.5% of medical staff is composed of women, and the mean age ranged between 26 and 40 years. Also, women are more likely to be affect by anxiety, depression, and distress ( Lai et al., 2020; Zanardo et al., 2020). Liang et al. (2020) also found a relation between age and depressive symptoms associated with the pandemic. Indeed, the medical staff at younger ages (<30 years) reports higher self-rated depression scores and more concern about infecting their families than those of older age. Staff > 50 years of age reported increased stress due to patient's death, the prolonged work hours, and the lack of personal protective equipment. Cai et al. (2020) also found that nurses felt more nervous compared to doctors.

As emerged by the recent literature, the promotion of psychological interventions on the specific population who is more likely to develop pathologies and suffering is needed. The Lancet Global Mental Health Commission's observation ( Patel, 2018) reported that the use of digital technologies can provide mental health interventions in order to reduce anxiety and stress levels and increase self-efficacy ( Kang et al., 2020; Xiao et al., 2020).

Telepsychology: Training and Promotion of Psychological Well-Being

In order to reduce anxiety and depression symptoms widespread among the population, the World Health Organization (2019) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2020) proposed specific guidelines on the correct use of health protection with the aim to minimize the distress associated with health-care professions.

At the same time, as a consequence of the emerging issues, psychotherapists provided psychological support online, addressing the technological challenge ( Greenberg et al., 2020); Liu et al., 2020). In line with the technological progress, professional organizations promoted specific guidelines and policies related to customer protection, privacy, screening, evaluation, and development of self-help products ( Duan and Zhu, 2020; Zhou et al., 2020). Technological development in mental health foreshadows future trends that include "smart" mobile devices, cloud computing, virtual worlds, virtual reality, and electronic games in addition to the traditional psychotherapy tools. In this perspective, it is important to help future generations of psychologists and patients to collaborate in the potential growth areas, through education and training on the benefits and effectiveness of telepsychology ( Maheu et al., 2012).

Indeed, more awareness of the potentials of the online services is needed, exploring the main differences between the devices (chat, video-audio consultation, etc.) in order to use them in relation to the specific purposes identified by the professional. For example, the Italian Service of Online Psychology conducted a study based on a service of helpdesk on Facebook. This service guided people in asking for psychological help, working on their personal motivation. At the same time, another helpdesk on Skype provided some psychological sessions via webcam ( Gabri et al., 2015). In this line, telecounseling is a diffuse online method used by counselors and psychologists during the recent pandemic ( De Luca and Calabrò, 2020).

One of the future goals of public and private psychological organizations should be the promotion of specific training for psychologists and psychotherapists, with the following aims: (1) developing the basic skills in managing the effects of a pandemic and of emergency situations; and (2) sensitizing patients to online therapeutic relationship, providing the main rules and benefits of the process ( Stoll et al., 2020; Joint Task Force for the Development of Telepsychology Guidelines for Psychologists, 2013). On this line, a significant example is the Virginia Commonwealth University (VCU) which proposed PhDs in telepsychology, with the aim of training future psychologists in managing the psychological effects of the pandemic through an online psychology service ( Baylor et al., 2019). The service provided by the VCU had been effective in reducing anxiety, depression ( Sadock et al., 2017), and hospital recoveries ( Lanoye et al., 2017). As shown, telepsychology assumes a key role in the improvement of health care. Online psychological services avoid geographical barriers and are suitable to become a useful integrated tool in addition to traditional psychotherapy ( APS, 2020; Perrin et al., 2020).

Advantages of Psychological Support and Online Psychotherapy

Online psychological services provide several advantages, especially in the current situation of pandemic. First of all, online services help people in a short period of time, reducing the risk of contagion and the strong feeling of anxiety in both psychotherapists and patients, who feel uncomfortable in doing traditional psychotherapy due to the pandemic ( Békés and Aafjes-van Doorn, 2020). Furthermore, Pietrabissa et al. (2015) identified some of the main advantages of telepsychology, such as the decrease in waiting for the consultation, because it takes place from home or from the workplace, saving time and expense, less travel and rental costs for the office, for those who provide the service and for those who use it. As reported by the authors, online psychological services facilitate access to people who struggle to find support close to their social environment, avoiding difficulties related to mobility. Also, online services help people who have less confidence in psychotherapy. Indeed, mostly online psychotherapy takes place in one's comfort zone, facilitating the expression of problems and feelings.

According to the situations, online services could provide a different medium. For instance, the chat is a useful tool to establish a first assessment of a person who feels uncomfortable in using video. Indeed, the online psychotherapy is perceived as more "acceptable." Suler (2004) defined the term online disinhibition effect demonstrating how the web, unlike the real life, leads to the failure of the hierarchical relationship based on dominant-dominated among individuals; this aspect, according to the author, allows a greater sense of freedom in expressing oneself and less concern related to judgment ( ibid.). Other researchers ( Mantovani, 1995; Tosoni, 2004) have integrated to the construct of online disinhibition effect the concept of social space, emphasizing the role of the "situation," of the "social norms" ( Brivio et al., 2010, p. 811), of the tools ("artifacts"), and of the cyberplace, which allow different levels of interaction. Each person has a different experience of the network and several levels of disinhibition. For instance, a mild disinhibition could be a person who chooses to ask for help talking with a psychologist about their problems; while a high disinhibition could be represented by flaming, an expression of online bullying or cyberstalking.

Online psychological services should be integrated with the various territorial services in order to provide the patients local references in relation to the specific health and economic needs. Finally, the possibility for the therapist and for the patient to record the sessions via chat and in audio/video mode-with the informed consent of the participants ( Wells et al., 2015)-provides another useful tool to compare the sessions and to underline the positive outcomes and the effectiveness of the therapeutic process. According to this perspective, online psychological support and psychotherapy become a resource for psychotherapists and patients in a co-build relationship ( Algeri et al., 2019).

Psychological and Social Suffering and the Empathic Process

In analyzing the psychological impact of the quarantine, the importance for individuals to feel integral part of the society emerged, an aspect often undervalued in psychological well-being. Experts of public health believe that social distancing is the better solution to prevent the spread of the virus. However, although it is not possible to predict the duration of the pandemic, we know very well the serious impact of these measures on the society, on relationships and interactions, in particular on the empathic process. In the early 90s, empathy was described as a form of identification in the psychological and physiological states of others. This definition led to a debate between the disciplines of philosophy of psychology and philosophy of the mind ( Franks, 2010). Willard Van Orman Quine (1908-2000) renewed attention to the debate on empathy with a thesis on the development of language and mind in the analytical philosophy. According to Quine, the attribution of the so-called intentional states, through which the psychology commonly explains human behavior, is based on empathy ( Treccani, 2020) and leads people to attribute beliefs, desires, and perceptions ( Quine, 1990, 1992, Pursuit of Truth: Revised Edition, 1992). Analyzing this aspect within the recent situation of the pandemic, an increment of antithetical positions and attitudes could be noticed. On the one hand, people identify themselves with those who suffer (neighbors, friends, relatives who are living stressful events), promoting activities such as the so-called "suspended expenses." For instance, solidarity and humanitarian activities, food, and medicine delivery for people who are unable to go to the supermarket. On the other hand, there is a part of the population who experiences a feeling of "forced empathy." This aspect could be also emphasized by the use of technological devices that might lead to a depersonalization of relationships, forcing the sense of closeness, at least virtually. The hyperconnection of feelings becomes a way to reduce the self-isolation and its consequences, representing the contrary of the idea of Durkheim (1858-1917), who considered society as a specific entity, built on social facts ( Durkheim, 1922). The sensation "to be forced to feel" could lead people to distance themselves from others after the emergency situation, incrementing social phobias.

Also, human communication is changing. The formal question "how are you?" at the beginning of a conversation is no longer just a formality, as before the pandemic. For example, the relationship between employee and the manager is different, leading to more responsibilities in listening and understanding feelings expressed during the video call, generating a forced reciprocity. Hence, the aforementioned "forced empathy" may be common in this period because the social distance and the emergency situation make people want to be heard and appreciated, and the simple question "how are you?" becomes an anchor to express fears and emotions ( Pasetti, 2020).

Discussion

The Covid-19 pandemic has affected the way people live interpersonal relationships. The lockdown was characterized of a different organization of daily life, with an incrementation of time at home and a reduction of distance through digital devices. This period was also seen as an evolution in the concept of empathy, producing new perspectives in the study of the phenomenon according to a sociological and neurological points of view. Indeed, empathy-defined as the ability to understand and share the feelings of another-involves several elements, such as: (a) social context and historical period of the individual, (b) neurological mechanisms, and (c) psychological and behavioral responses to feelings of others. The neuro-sociological perspective analyzes the mechanisms involved in the empathic process, focusing on human communication and interpersonal relationships ( Singer and Lamm, 2009; Decety and Ickes, 2009). Specifically, in this historical period characterized by an increment in the man-machine relationship, neurosociology could become one of the principal sciences for the study of human relations and technology. "We live increasingly in a human-machine world. Anyone who doesn't understand this, and who is not struggling to adapt to the new environment-whether they like that environment or not-is already being left behind. Adapting to the new, fast-changing, technologically enhanced context is one of the major challenges of our times. And that certainly goes for education" ( Prensky, 2012, p. 64).

According to the abovementioned considerations, our suggestion consists in:

Primary prevention. Studying the impact of the pandemic toward an at-risk population to reduce symptoms related to stress and providing specific online psychological counseling based on the target (students, medical staff, parents, and teachers).

Secondary prevention. Overcoming the limitations of the human interaction based on digital devices: (1) developing new spaces of inter- and intrasocial communication and new tools of support and psychological treatment, reproducing the multisensory experienced during the face-to-face interaction (Virtual Reality, holograms, serious game etc.); (2) training the next generation of psychotherapists in managing online devices and in implementing their adaptive and personal skills; and (3) sensitizing the general population on telepsychology and its advantages.

Research according to the neurosociological perspective. Studying human interaction mediated by new technologies and the role of empathy, associating neuroscience, sociology, and psychology.

Author Contributions

VS, DA, and VA conceptualized the contribution. VS wrote the paper, reviewed the manuscript, and provided the critical revision processes as PI. All authors approved the submission of the manuscript.

Funding

This work did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

References

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The Psychological and Social Impact of Covid-19: New Perspectives of Well-Being

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The recent Covid-19 pandemic has had significant psychological and social effects on the population. Research has highlighted the impact on psychological well-being of the most exposed groups, including children, college students, and health workers, who are more likely to develop post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, depression, and other symptoms of distress.

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The effects of social media on our brains

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The effects of social media on our brains

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School of Finance and Economics, Jiangsu University, Zhenjiang, China

Research Unit of Governance, Competitiveness, and Public Policies (GOVCOPP), Center for Economics and Finance (cef.up), School of Economics and Management, University of Porto, Porto, Portugal

Department of Business Administration, Sukkur Institute of Business Administration (IBA) University, Sukkur, Pakistan

CETYS Universidad, Tijuana, Mexico

Department of Business Administration, Al-Quds University, Jerusalem, Israel

Business School, Shandong University, Weihai, China

The growth in social media use has given rise to concerns about the impacts it may have on users' psychological well-being. This paper's main objective is to shed light on the effect of social media use on psychological well-being. Building on contributions from various fields in the literature, it provides a more comprehensive study of the phenomenon by considering a set of mediators, including social capital types (i.e., bonding social capital and bridging social capital), social isolation, and smartphone addiction. The paper includes a quantitative study of 940 social media users from Mexico, using structural equation modeling (SEM) to test the proposed hypotheses. The findings point to an overall positive indirect impact of social media usage on psychological well-being, mainly due to the positive effect of bonding and bridging social capital. The empirical model's explanatory power is 45.1%. This paper provides empirical evidence and robust statistical analysis that demonstrates both positive and negative effects coexist, helping to reconcile the inconsistencies found so far in the literature.

Introduction

The use of social media has grown substantially in recent years ( Leong et al., 2019; Kemp, 2020). Social media refers to "the websites and online tools that facilitate interactions between users by providing them opportunities to share information, opinions, and interest" ( Swar and Hameed, 2017, p. 141). Individuals use social media for many reasons, including entertainment, communication, and searching for information. Notably, adolescents and young adults are spending an increasing amount of time on online networking sites, e-games, texting, and other social media ( Twenge and Campbell, 2019). In fact, some authors (e.g., Dhir et al., 2018; Tateno et al., 2019) have suggested that social media has altered the forms of group interaction and its users' individual and collective behavior around the world.

Consequently, there are increased concerns regarding the possible negative impacts associated with social media usage addiction ( Swar and Hameed, 2017; Kircaburun et al., 2020), particularly on psychological well-being ( Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Jiao et al., 2017; Choi and Noh, 2019; Chatterjee, 2020). Smartphones sometimes distract their users from relationships and social interaction ( Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Li et al., 2020a), and several authors have stressed that the excessive use of social media may lead to smartphone addiction ( Swar and Hameed, 2017; Leong et al., 2019), primarily because of the fear of missing out ( Reer et al., 2019; Roberts and David, 2020). Social media usage has been associated with anxiety, loneliness, and depression ( Dhir et al., 2018; Reer et al., 2019), social isolation ( Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016; Whaite et al., 2018), and "phubbing," which refers to the extent to which an individual uses, or is distracted by, their smartphone during face-to-face communication with others ( Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Jiao et al., 2017; Choi and Noh, 2019; Chatterjee, 2020).

However, social media use also contributes to building a sense of connectedness with relevant others ( Twenge and Campbell, 2019), which may reduce social isolation. Indeed, social media provides several ways to interact both with close ties, such as family, friends, and relatives, and weak ties, including coworkers, acquaintances, and strangers ( Chen and Li, 2017), and plays a key role among people of all ages as they exploit their sense of belonging in different communities ( Roberts and David, 2020). Consequently, despite the fears regarding the possible negative impacts of social media usage on well-being, there is also an increasing number of studies highlighting social media as a new communication channel ( Twenge and Campbell, 2019; Barbosa et al., 2020), stressing that it can play a crucial role in developing one's presence, identity, and reputation, thus facilitating social interaction, forming and maintaining relationships, and sharing ideas ( Carlson et al., 2016), which consequently may be significantly correlated to social support ( Chen and Li, 2017; Holliman et al., 2021). Interestingly, recent studies (e.g., David et al., 2018; Bano et al., 2019; Barbosa et al., 2020) have suggested that the impact of smartphone usage on psychological well-being depends on the time spent on each type of application and the activities that users engage in.

Hence, the literature provides contradictory cues regarding the impacts of social media on users' well-being, highlighting both the possible negative impacts and the social enhancement it can potentially provide. In line with views on the need to further investigate social media usage ( Karikari et al., 2017), particularly regarding its societal implications ( Jiao et al., 2017), this paper argues that there is an urgent need to further understand the impact of the time spent on social media on users' psychological well-being, namely by considering other variables that mediate and further explain this effect.

One of the relevant perspectives worth considering is that provided by social capital theory, which is adopted in this paper. Social capital theory has previously been used to study how social media usage affects psychological well-being (e.g., Bano et al., 2019). However, extant literature has so far presented only partial models of associations that, although statistically acceptable and contributing to the understanding of the scope of social networks, do not provide as comprehensive a vision of the phenomenon as that proposed within this paper. Furthermore, the contradictory views, suggesting both negative (e.g., Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016; Jiao et al., 2017; Whaite et al., 2018; Choi and Noh, 2019; Chatterjee, 2020) and positive impacts ( Carlson et al., 2016; Chen and Li, 2017; Twenge and Campbell, 2019) of social media on psychological well-being, have not been adequately explored.

Given this research gap, this paper's main objective is to shed light on the effect of social media use on psychological well-being. As explained in detail in the next section, this paper explores the mediating effect of bonding and bridging social capital. To provide a broad view of the phenomenon, it also considers several variables highlighted in the literature as affecting the relationship between social media usage and psychological well-being, namely smartphone addiction, social isolation, and phubbing. The paper utilizes a quantitative study conducted in Mexico, comprising 940 social media users, and uses structural equation modeling (SEM) to test a set of research hypotheses.

This article provides several contributions. First, it adds to existing literature regarding the effect of social media use on psychological well-being and explores the contradictory indications provided by different approaches. Second, it proposes a conceptual model that integrates complementary perspectives on the direct and indirect effects of social media use. Third, it offers empirical evidence and robust statistical analysis that demonstrates that both positive and negative effects coexist, helping resolve the inconsistencies found so far in the literature. Finally, this paper provides insights on how to help reduce the potential negative effects of social media use, as it demonstrates that, through bridging and bonding social capital, social media usage positively impacts psychological well-being. Overall, the article offers valuable insights for academics, practitioners, and society in general.

The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Section Literature Review presents a literature review focusing on the factors that explain the impact of social media usage on psychological well-being. Based on the literature review, a set of hypotheses are defined, resulting in the proposed conceptual model, which includes both the direct and indirect effects of social media usage on psychological well-being. Section Research Methodology explains the methodological procedures of the research, followed by the presentation and discussion of the study's results in section Results. Section Discussion is dedicated to the conclusions and includes implications, limitations, and suggestions for future research.

Literature Review

Putnam (1995, p. 664-665) defined social capital as "features of social life - networks, norms, and trust - that enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue shared objectives." Li and Chen (2014, p. 117) further explained that social capital encompasses "resources embedded in one's social network, which can be assessed and used for instrumental or expressive returns such as mutual support, reciprocity, and cooperation."

Putnam (1995, 2000) conceptualized social capital as comprising two dimensions, bridging and bonding, considering the different norms and networks in which they occur. Bridging social capital refers to the inclusive nature of social interaction and occurs when individuals from different origins establish connections through social networks. Hence, bridging social capital is typically provided by heterogeneous weak ties ( Li and Chen, 2014). This dimension widens individual social horizons and perspectives and provides extended access to resources and information. Bonding social capital refers to the social and emotional support each individual receives from his or her social networks, particularly from close ties (e.g., family and friends).

Overall, social capital is expected to be positively associated with psychological well-being ( Bano et al., 2019). Indeed, Williams (2006) stressed that interaction generates affective connections, resulting in positive impacts, such as emotional support. The following sub-sections use the lens of social capital theory to explore further the relationship between the use of social media and psychological well-being.

Social Media Use, Social Capital, and Psychological Well-Being

The effects of social media usage on social capital have gained increasing scholarly attention, and recent studies have highlighted a positive relationship between social media use and social capital ( Brown and Michinov, 2019; Tefertiller et al., 2020). Li and Chen (2014) hypothesized that the intensity of Facebook use by Chinese international students in the United States was positively related to social capital forms. A longitudinal survey based on the quota sampling approach illustrated the positive effects of social media use on the two social capital dimensions ( Chen and Li, 2017). Abbas and Mesch (2018) argued that, as Facebook usage increases, it will also increase users' social capital. Karikari et al. (2017) also found positive effects of social media use on social capital. Similarly, Pang (2018) studied Chinese students residing in Germany and found positive effects of social networking sites' use on social capital, which, in turn, was positively associated with psychological well-being. Bano et al. (2019) analyzed the 266 students' data and found positive effects of WhatsApp use on social capital forms and the positive effect of social capital on psychological well-being, emphasizing the role of social integration in mediating this positive effect.

Kim and Kim (2017) stressed the importance of having a heterogeneous network of contacts, which ultimately enhances the potential social capital. Overall, the manifest and social relations between people from close social circles (bonding social capital) and from distant social circles (bridging social capital) are strengthened when they promote communication, social support, and the sharing of interests, knowledge, and skills, which are shared with other members. This is linked to positive effects on interactions, such as acceptance, trust, and reciprocity, which are related to the individuals' health and psychological well-being ( Bekalu et al., 2019), including when social media helps to maintain social capital between social circles that exist outside of virtual communities ( Ellison et al., 2007).

Grounded on the above literature, this study proposes the following hypotheses:

H1a: Social media use is positively associated with bonding social capital.

H1b: Bonding social capital is positively associated with psychological well-being.

H2a: Social media use is positively associated with bridging social capital.

H2b: Bridging social capital is positively associated with psychological well-being.

Social Media Use, Social Isolation, and Psychological Well-Being

Social isolation is defined as "a deficit of personal relationships or being excluded from social networks" ( Choi and Noh, 2019, p. 4). The state that occurs when an individual lacks true engagement with others, a sense of social belonging, and a satisfying relationship is related to increased mortality and morbidity ( Primack et al., 2017). Those who experience social isolation are deprived of social relationships and lack contact with others or involvement in social activities ( Schinka et al., 2012). Social media usage has been associated with anxiety, loneliness, and depression ( Dhir et al., 2018; Reer et al., 2019), and social isolation ( Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016; Whaite et al., 2018). However, some recent studies have argued that social media use decreases social isolation ( Primack et al., 2017; Meshi et al., 2020). Indeed, the increased use of social media platforms such as Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, and Twitter, among others, may provide opportunities for decreasing social isolation. For instance, the improved interpersonal connectivity achieved via videos and images on social media helps users evidence intimacy, attenuating social isolation ( Whaite et al., 2018).

Chappell and Badger (1989) stated that social isolation leads to decreased psychological well-being, while Choi and Noh (2019) concluded that greater social isolation is linked to increased suicide risk. Schinka et al. (2012) further argued that, when individuals experience social isolation from siblings, friends, family, or society, their psychological well-being tends to decrease. Thus, based on the literature cited above, this study proposes the following hypotheses:

H3a: Social media use is significantly associated with social isolation.

H3b: Social isolation is negatively associated with psychological well-being.

Social Media Use, Smartphone Addiction, Phubbing, and Psychological Well-Being

Smartphone addiction refers to "an individuals' excessive use of a smartphone and its negative effects on his/her life as a result of his/her inability to control his behavior" ( Gökçearslan et al., 2018, p. 48). Regardless of its form, smartphone addiction results in social, medical, and psychological harm to people by limiting their ability to make their own choices ( Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016). The rapid advancement of information and communication technologies has led to the concept of social media, e-games, and also to smartphone addiction ( Chatterjee, 2020). The excessive use of smartphones for social media use, entertainment (watching videos, listening to music), and playing e-games is more common amongst people addicted to smartphones ( Jeong et al., 2016). In fact, previous studies have evidenced the relationship between social use and smartphone addiction ( Salehan and Negahban, 2013; Jeong et al., 2016; Swar and Hameed, 2017). In line with this, the following hypotheses are proposed:

H4a: Social media use is positively associated with smartphone addiction.

H4b: Smartphone addiction is negatively associated with psychological well-being.

While smartphones are bringing individuals closer, they are also, to some extent, pulling people apart ( Tonacci et al., 2019). For instance, they can lead to individuals ignoring others with whom they have close ties or physical interactions; this situation normally occurs due to extreme smartphone use (i.e., at the dinner table, in meetings, at get-togethers and parties, and in other daily activities). This act of ignoring others is called phubbing and is considered a common phenomenon in communication activities ( Guazzini et al., 2019; Chatterjee, 2020). Phubbing is also referred to as an act of snubbing others ( Chatterjee, 2020). This term was initially used in May 2012 by an Australian advertising agency to describe the "growing phenomenon of individuals ignoring their families and friends who were called phubbee (a person who is a recipients of phubbing behavior) victim of phubber (a person who start phubbing her or his companion)" ( Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2018). Smartphone addiction has been found to be a determinant of phubbing ( Kim et al., 2018). Other recent studies have also evidenced the association between smartphones and phubbing ( Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Guazzini et al., 2019; Tonacci et al., 2019; Chatterjee, 2020). Vallespín et al. (2017) argued that phubbing behavior has a negative influence on psychological well-being and satisfaction. Furthermore, smartphone addiction is considered responsible for the development of new technologies. It may also negatively influence individual's psychological proximity ( Chatterjee, 2020). Therefore, based on the above discussion and calls for the association between phubbing and psychological well-being to be further explored, this study proposes the following hypotheses:

H5: Smartphone addiction is positively associated with phubbing.

H6: Phubbing is negatively associated with psychological well-being.

Indirect Relationship Between Social Media Use and Psychological Well-Being

Beyond the direct hypotheses proposed above, this study investigates the indirect effects of social media use on psychological well-being mediated by social capital forms, social isolation, and phubbing. As described above, most prior studies have focused on the direct influence of social media use on social capital forms, social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing, as well as the direct impact of social capital forms, social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing on psychological well-being. Very few studies, however, have focused on and evidenced the mediating role of social capital forms, social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing derived from social media use in improving psychological well-being ( Chen and Li, 2017; Pang, 2018; Bano et al., 2019; Choi and Noh, 2019). Moreover, little is known about smartphone addiction's mediating role between social media use and psychological well-being. Therefore, this study aims to fill this gap in the existing literature by investigating the mediation of social capital forms, social isolation, and smartphone addiction. Further, examining the mediating influence will contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of social media use on psychological well-being via the mediating associations of smartphone addiction and psychological factors. Therefore, based on the above, we propose the following hypotheses (the conceptual model is presented in Figure 1):

H7: (a) Bonding social capital; (b) bridging social capital; (c) social isolation; and (d) smartphone addiction mediate the relationship between social media use and psychological well-being.

Research Methodology

Sample Procedure and Online Survey

This study randomly selected students from universities in Mexico. We chose University students for the following reasons. First, students are considered the most appropriate sample for e-commerce studies, particularly in the social media context ( Oghazi et al., 2018; Shi et al., 2018). Second, University students are considered to be frequent users and addicted to smartphones ( Mou et al., 2017; Stouthuysen et al., 2018). Third, this study ensured that respondents were experienced, well-educated, and possessed sufficient knowledge of the drawbacks of social media and the extreme use of smartphones. A total sample size of 940 University students was ultimately achieved from the 1,500 students contacted, using a convenience random sampling approach, due both to the COVID-19 pandemic and budget and time constraints. Additionally, in order to test the model, a quantitative empirical study was conducted, using an online survey method to collect data. This study used a web-based survey distributed via social media platforms for two reasons: the COVID-19 pandemic; and to reach a large number of respondents ( Qalati et al., 2021). Furthermore, online surveys are considered a powerful and authenticated tool for new research ( Fan et al., 2021), while also representing a fast, simple, and less costly approach to collecting data ( Dutot and Bergeron, 2016).

Data Collection Procedures and Respondent's Information

Data were collected by disseminating a link to the survey by e-mail and social network sites. Before presenting the closed-ended questionnaire, respondents were assured that their participation would remain voluntary, confidential, and anonymous. Data collection occurred from July 2020 to December 2020 (during the pandemic). It should be noted that, because data were collected during the pandemic, this may have had an influence on the results of the study. The reason for choosing a six-month lag time was to mitigate common method bias (CMB) ( Li et al., 2020b). In the present study, 1,500 students were contacted via University e-mail and social applications (Facebook, WhatsApp, and Instagram). We sent a reminder every month for 6 months (a total of six reminders), resulting in 940 valid responses. Thus, 940 (62.6% response rate) responses were used for hypotheses testing.

Table 1 reveals that, of the 940 participants, three-quarters were female (76.4%, n = 719) and nearly one-quarter (23.6%, n = 221) were male. Nearly half of the participants (48.8%, n = 459) were aged between 26 and 35 years, followed by 36 to 35 years (21.9%, n = 206), <26 (20.3%, n = 191), and over 45 (8.9%, n = 84). Approximately two-thirds (65%, n = 611) had a bachelor's degree or above, while one-third had up to 12 years of education. Regarding the daily frequency of using the Internet, nearly half (48.6%, n = 457) of the respondents reported between 5 and 8 h a day, and over one-quarter (27.2%) 9-12 h a day. Regarding the social media platforms used, over 38.5 and 39.6% reported Facebook and WhatsApp, respectively. Of the 940 respondents, only 22.1% reported Instagram (12.8%) and Twitter (9.2%). It should be noted, however, that the sample is predominantly female and well-educated.

Measurement Items

The study used five-point Likert scales (1 = "strongly disagree;" 5 = "strongly agree") to record responses.

Social Media Use

Social media use was assessed using four items adapted from Karikari et al. (2017). Sample items include "Social media is part of my everyday activity," "Social media has become part of my daily life," "I would be sorry if social media shut down," and "I feel out of touch, when I have not logged onto social media for a while." The adapted items had robust reliability and validity (CA = 783, CR = 0.857, AVE = 0.600).

Social Capital

Social capital was measured using a total of eight items, representing bonding social capital (four items) and bridging social capital (four items) adapted from Chan (2015). Sample construct items include: bonging social capital ("I am willing to spend time to support general community activities," "I interact with people who are quite different from me") and bridging social capital ("My social media community is a good place to be," "Interacting with people on social media makes me want to try new things"). The adapted items had robust reliability and validity [bonding social capital (CA = 0.785, CR = 0.861, AVE = 0.608) and bridging social capital (CA = 0.834, CR = 0.883, AVE = 0.601)].

Social Isolation

Social isolation was assessed using three items from Choi and Noh (2019). Sample items include "I do not have anyone to play with," "I feel alone from people," and "I have no one I can trust." This adapted scale had substantial reliability and validity (CA = 0.890, CR = 0.928, AVE = 0.811).

Smartphone Addiction

Smartphone addiction was assessed using five items taken from Salehan and Negahban (2013). Sample items include "I am always preoccupied with my mobile," "Using my mobile phone keeps me relaxed," and "I am not able to control myself from frequent use of mobile phones." Again, these adapted items showed substantial reliability and validity (CA = 903, CR = 0.928, AVE = 0.809).

Phubbing

Phubbing was assessed using four items from Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas (2018). Sample items include: "I have conflicts with others because I am using my phone" and "I would rather pay attention to my phone than talk to others." This construct also demonstrated significant reliability and validity (CA = 770, CR = 0.894, AVE = 0.809).

Psychological Well-Being

Psychological well-being was assessed using five items from Jiao et al. (2017). Sample items include "I lead a purposeful and meaningful life with the help of others," "My social relationships are supportive and rewarding in social media," and "I am engaged and interested in my daily on social media." This study evidenced that this adapted scale had substantial reliability and validity (CA = 0.886, CR = 0.917, AVE = 0.688).

Data Analysis

Based on the complexity of the association between the proposed construct and the widespread use and acceptance of SmartPLS 3.0 in several fields ( Hair et al., 2019), we utilized SEM, using SmartPLS 3.0, to examine the relationships between constructs. Structural equation modeling is a multivariate statistical analysis technique that is used to investigate relationships. Further, it is a combination of factor and multivariate regression analysis, and is employed to explore the relationship between observed and latent constructs.

SmartPLS 3.0 "is a more comprehensive software program with an intuitive graphical user interface to run partial least square SEM analysis, certainly has had a massive impact" ( Sarstedt and Cheah, 2019). According to Ringle et al. (2015), this commercial software offers a wide range of algorithmic and modeling options, improved usability, and user-friendly and professional support. Furthermore, Sarstedt and Cheah (2019) suggested that structural equation models enable the specification of complex interrelationships between observed and latent constructs. Hair et al. (2019) argued that, in recent years, the number of articles published using partial least squares SEM has increased significantly in contrast to covariance-based SEM. In addition, partial least squares SEM using SmartPLS is more appealing for several scholars as it enables them to predict more complex models with several variables, indicator constructs, and structural paths, instead of imposing distributional assumptions on the data ( Hair et al., 2019). Therefore, this study utilized the partial least squares SEM approach using SmartPLS 3.0.

Results

Common Method Bias (CMB) Test

This study used the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) test to measure the sampling adequacy and ensure data suitability. The KMO test result was 0.874, which is greater than an acceptable threshold of 0.50 ( Ali Qalati et al., 2021; Shrestha, 2021), and hence considered suitable for explanatory factor analysis. Moreover, Bartlett's test results demonstrated a significance level of 0.001, which is considered good as it is below the accepted threshold of 0.05.

The term CMB is associated with Campbell and Fiske (1959), who highlighted the importance of CMB and identified that a portion of variance in the research may be due to the methods employed. It occurs when all scales of the study are measured at the same time using a single questionnaire survey ( Podsakoff and Organ, 1986); subsequently, estimates of the relationship among the variables might be distorted by the impacts of CMB. It is considered a serious issue that has a potential to "jeopardize" the validity of the study findings ( Tehseen et al., 2017). There are several reasons for CMB: (1) it mainly occurs due to response "tendencies that raters can apply uniformity across the measures;" and (2) it also occurs due to similarities in the wording and structure of the survey items that produce similar results ( Jordan and Troth, 2019). Harman's single factor test and a full collinearity approach were employed to ensure that the data was free from CMB ( Tehseen et al., 2017; Jordan and Troth, 2019; Ali Qalati et al., 2021). Harman's single factor test showed a single factor explained only 22.8% of the total variance, which is far below the 50.0% acceptable threshold ( Podsakoff et al., 2003).

Additionally, the variance inflation factor (VIF) was used, which is a measure of the amount of multicollinearity in a set of multiple regression constructs and also considered a way of detecting CMB ( Hair et al., 2019). Hair et al. (2019) suggested that the acceptable threshold for the VIF is 3.0; as the computed VIFs for the present study ranged from 1.189 to 1.626, CMB is not a key concern (see Table 2). Bagozzi et al. (1991) suggested a correlation-matrix procedure to detect CMB. Common method bias is evident if correlation among the principle constructs is >0.9 ( Tehseen et al., 2020); however, no values >0.9 were found in this study (see section Assessment of Measurement Model). This study used a two-step approach to evaluate the measurement model and the structural model.

Assessment of Measurement Model

Before conducting the SEM analysis, the measurement model was assessed to examine individual item reliability, internal consistency, and convergent and discriminant validity. Table 3 exhibits the values of outer loading used to measure an individual item's reliability ( Hair et al., 2012). Hair et al. (2017) proposed that the value for each outer loading should be ≥0.7; following this principle, two items of phubbing (PHUB3-I get irritated if others ask me to get off my phone and talk to them; PHUB4-I use my phone even though I know it irritated others) were removed from the analysis Hair et al. (2019). According to Nunnally (1978), Cronbach's alpha values should exceed 0.7. The threshold values of constructs in this study ranged from 0.77 to 0.903. Regarding internal consistency, Bagozzi and Yi (1988) suggested that composite reliability (CR) should be ≥0.7. The coefficient value for CR in this study was between 0.857 and 0.928. Regarding convergent validity, Fornell and Larcker (1981) suggested that the average variance extracted (AVE) should be ≥0.5. Average variance extracted values in this study were between 0.60 and 0.811. Finally, regarding discriminant validity, according to Fornell and Larcker (1981), the square root of the AVE for each construct should exceed the inter-correlations of the construct with other model constructs. That was the case in this study, as shown in Table 4.

Hence, by analyzing the results of the measurement model, it can be concluded that the data are adequate for structural equation estimation.

Assessment of the Structural Model

This study used the PLS algorithm and a bootstrapping technique with 5,000 bootstraps as proposed by Hair et al. (2019) to generate the path coefficient values and their level of significance. The coefficient of determination ( R ²) is an important measure to assess the structural model and its explanatory power ( Henseler et al., 2009; Hair et al., 2019). Table 5 and Figure 2 reveal that the R ² value in the present study was 0.451 for psychological well-being, which means that 45.1% of changes in psychological well-being occurred due to social media use, social capital forms (i.e., bonding and bridging), social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing. Cohen (1998) proposed that R ² values of 0.60, 0.33, and 0.19 are considered substantial, moderate, and weak. Following Cohen's (1998) threshold values, this research demonstrates a moderate predicting power for psychological well-being among Mexican respondents ( Table 6).

Apart from the R ² measure, the present study also used cross-validated redundancy measures, or effect sizes ( q ²), to assess the proposed model and validate the results ( Ringle et al., 2012). Hair et al. (2019) suggested that a model exhibiting an effect size q ² > 0 has predictive relevance ( Table 6). This study's results evidenced that it has a 0.15 <0.29 <0.35 (medium) predictive relevance, as 0.02, 0.15, and 0.35 are considered small, medium, and large, respectively ( Cohen, 1998). Regarding the goodness-of-fit indices, Hair et al. (2019) suggested the standardized root mean square residual (SRMR) to evaluate the goodness of fit. Standardized root mean square is an absolute measure of fit: a value of zero indicates perfect fit and a value <0.08 is considered good fit ( Hair et al., 2019). This study exhibits an adequate model fitness level with an SRMR value of 0.063 ( Table 6).

Furthermore, to test the mediating analysis, Preacher and Hayes's (2008) approach was used. The key characteristic of an indirect relationship is that it involves a third construct, which plays a mediating role in the relationship between the independent and dependent constructs. Logically, the effect of A (independent construct) on C (the dependent construct) is mediated by B (a third variable). Preacher and Hayes (2008) suggested the following: B is a construct acting as a mediator if A significantly influences B, A significantly accounts for variability in C, B significantly influences C when controlling for A, and the influence of A on C decreases significantly when B is added simultaneously with A as a predictor of C. According to Matthews et al. (2018), if the indirect effect is significant while the direct insignificant, full mediation has occurred, while if both direct and indirect effects are substantial, partial mediation has occurred. This study evidenced that there is partial mediation in the proposed construct ( Table 5). Following Preacher and Hayes (2008) this study evidenced that there is partial mediation in the proposed construct, because the relationship between independent variable (social media use) and dependent variable (psychological well-being) is significant ( p-value < 0.05) and indirect effect among them after introducing mediator (bonding social capital, bridging social capital, social isolation, and smartphone addiction) is also significant ( p-value < 0.05), therefore it is evidenced that when there is a significant effect both direct and indirect it's called partial mediation.

Discussion

The present study reveals that the social and psychological impacts of social media use among University students is becoming more complex as there is continuing advancement in technology, offering a range of affordable interaction opportunities. Based on the 940 valid responses collected, all the hypotheses were accepted ( p < 0.05).

H1a finding suggests that social media use is a significant influencing factor of bonding social capital. This implies that, during a pandemic, social media use enables students to continue their close relationships with family members, friends, and those with whom they have close ties. This finding is in line with prior work of Chan (2015) and Ellison et al. (2007), who evidenced that social bonding capital is predicted by Facebook use and having a mobile phone. H1b findings suggest that, when individuals believe that social communication can help overcome obstacles to interaction and encourage more virtual self-disclosure, social media use can improve trust and promote the establishment of social associations, thereby enhancing well-being. These findings are in line with those of Gong et al. (2021), who also witnessed the significant effect of bonding social capital on immigrants' psychological well-being, subsequently calling for the further evidence to confirm the proposed relationship.

The findings of the present study related to H2a suggest that students are more likely to use social media platforms to receive more emotional support, increase their ability to mobilize others, and to build social networks, which leads to social belongingness. Furthermore, the findings suggest that social media platforms enable students to accumulate and maintain bridging social capital; further, online classes can benefit students who feel shy when participating in offline classes. This study supports the previous findings of Chan (2015) and Karikari et al. (2017). Notably, the present study is not limited to a single social networking platform, taking instead a holistic view of social media. The H2b findings are consistent with those of Bano et al. (2019), who also confirmed the link between bonding social capital and psychological well-being among University students using WhatsApp as social media platform, as well as those of Chen and Li (2017).

The H3a findings suggest that, during the COVID-19 pandemic when most people around the world have had limited offline or face-to-face interaction and have used social media to connect with families, friends, and social communities, they have often been unable to connect with them. This is due to many individuals avoiding using social media because of fake news, financial constraints, and a lack of trust in social media; thus, the lack both of offline and online interaction, coupled with negative experiences on social media use, enhances the level of social isolation ( Hajek and König, 2021). These findings are consistent with those of Adnan and Anwar (2020). The H3b suggests that higher levels of social isolation have a negative impact on psychological well-being. These result indicating that, consistent with Choi and Noh (2019), social isolation is negatively and significantly related to psychological well-being.

The H4a results suggests that substantial use of social media use leads to an increase in smartphone addiction. These findings are in line with those of Jeong et al. (2016), who stated that the excessive use of smartphones for social media, entertainment (watching videos, listening to music), and playing e-games was more likely to lead to smartphone addiction. These findings also confirm the previous work of Jeong et al. (2016), Salehan and Negahban (2013), and Swar and Hameed (2017). The H4b results revealed that a single unit increase in smartphone addiction results in a 6.8% decrease in psychological well-being. These findings are in line with those of Tangmunkongvorakul et al. (2019), who showed that students with higher levels of smartphone addiction had lower psychological well-being scores. These findings also support those of Shoukat (2019), who showed that smartphone addiction inversely influences individuals' mental health.

This suggests that the greater the smartphone addiction, the greater the phubbing. The H5 findings are in line with those of Chatterjee (2020), Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas (2016), Guazzini et al. (2019), and Tonacci et al. (2019), who also evidenced a significant impact of smartphone addiction and phubbing. Similarly, Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas (2018) corroborated that smartphone addiction is the main predictor of phubbing behavior. However, these findings are inconsistent with those of Vallespín et al. (2017), who found a negative influence of phubbing.

The H6 results suggests that phubbing is one of the significant predictors of psychological well-being. Furthermore, these findings suggest that, when phubbers use a cellphone during interaction with someone, especially during the current pandemic, and they are connected with many family members, friends, and relatives; therefore, this kind of action gives them more satisfaction, which simultaneously results in increased relaxation and decreased depression ( Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2018). These findings support those of Davey et al. (2018), who evidenced that phubbing has a significant influence on adolescents and social health students in India.

The findings showed a significant and positive effect of social media use on psychological well-being both through bridging and bonding social capital. However, a significant and negative effect of social media use on psychological well-being through smartphone addiction and through social isolation was also found. Hence, this study provides evidence that could shed light on the contradictory contributions in the literature suggesting both positive (e.g., Chen and Li, 2017; Twenge and Campbell, 2019; Roberts and David, 2020) and negative (e.g., Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Jiao et al., 2017; Choi and Noh, 2019; Chatterjee, 2020) effects of social media use on psychological well-being. This study concludes that the overall impact is positive, despite some degree of negative indirect impact.

Theoretical Contributions

This study's findings contribute to the current literature, both by providing empirical evidence for the relationships suggested by extant literature and by demonstrating the relevance of adopting a more complex approach that considers, in particular, the indirect effect of social media on psychological well-being. As such, this study constitutes a basis for future research ( Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016; Whaite et al., 2018) aiming to understand the impacts of social media use and to find ways to reduce its possible negative impacts.

In line with Kim and Kim (2017), who stressed the importance of heterogeneous social networks in improving social capital, this paper suggests that, to positively impact psychological well-being, social media usage should be associated both with strong and weak ties, as both are important in building social capital, and hence associated with its bonding and bridging facets. Interestingly, though, bridging capital was shown as having the greatest impact on psychological well-being. Thus, the importance of wider social horizons, the inclusion in different groups, and establishing new connections ( Putnam, 1995, 2000) with heterogeneous weak ties ( Li and Chen, 2014) are highlighted in this paper.

Practical Contributions

These findings are significant for practitioners, particularly those interested in dealing with the possible negative impacts of social media use on psychological well-being. Although social media use is associated with factors that negatively impact psychological well-being, particularly smartphone addiction and social isolation, these negative impacts can be lessened if the connections with both strong and weak ties are facilitated and featured by social media. Indeed, social media platforms offer several features, from facilitating communication with family, friends, and acquaintances, to identifying and offering access to other people with shared interests. However, it is important to access heterogeneous weak ties ( Li and Chen, 2014) so that social media offers access to wider sources of information and new resources, hence enhancing bridging social capital.

Limitations and Directions for Future Studies

This study is not without limitations. For example, this study used a convenience sampling approach to reach to a large number of respondents. Further, this study was conducted in Mexico only, limiting the generalizability of the results; future research should therefore use a cross-cultural approach to investigate the impacts of social media use on psychological well-being and the mediating role of proposed constructs (e.g., bonding and bridging social capital, social isolation, and smartphone addiction). The sample distribution may also be regarded as a limitation of the study because respondents were mainly well-educated and female. Moreover, although Internet channels represent a particularly suitable way to approach social media users, the fact that this study adopted an online survey does not guarantee a representative sample of the population. Hence, extrapolating the results requires caution, and study replication is recommended, particularly with social media users from other countries and cultures. The present study was conducted in the context of mainly University students, primarily well-educated females, via an online survey on in Mexico; therefore, the findings represent a snapshot at a particular time. Notably, however, the effect of social media use is increasing due to COVID-19 around the globe and is volatile over time.

Two of the proposed hypotheses of this study, namely the expected negative impacts of social media use on social isolation and of phubbing on psychological well-being, should be further explored. One possible approach is to consider the type of connections (i.e., weak and strong ties) to explain further the impact of social media usage on social isolation. Apparently, the prevalence of weak ties, although facilitating bridging social capital, may have an adverse impact in terms of social isolation. Regarding phubbing, the fact that the findings point to a possible positive impact on psychological well-being should be carefully addressed, specifically by psychology theorists and scholars, in order to identify factors that may help further understand this phenomenon. Other suggestions for future research include using mixed-method approaches, as qualitative studies could help further validate the results and provide complementary perspectives on the relationships between the considered variables.

Data Availability Statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by Jiangsu University. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

All authors listed have made a substantial, direct and intellectual contribution to the work, and approved it for publication.

Funding

This study is supported by the National Statistics Research Project of China (2016LY96).

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

References

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Effects of Social Media Use on Psychological Well-Being: A Mediated Model

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The growth in social media use has given rise to concerns about the impacts it may have on users' psychological well-being. This paper's main objective is to shed light on the effect of social media use on psychological well-being.