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Chris Hemsworth on the cover of Men's Health Magazine

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Other than Chris Hemsworth being the epitome of Health, Health means to me enjoying the freedom of body and mind and not worrying about health issues that can limit your quality of life. These issues can be physical, such as injuries or illnesses, but can also be emotional and psychological, such as depression or anxiety. Health means to me being able to achieve life goals without hindrance. I feel the healthiest when moving my body around, either doing weight training at a gym or running and jumping around whilst playing volleyball with my friends.

Cover of Men's Health Magazine; Chris Hemsworth March 2019

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Photo from cultural diversity health website.

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When reviewing domain 7 of the Professional practice from the ‘Culturally Responsive Clinical Practice: Working with People from Migrant and Refugee Backgrounds competency standards framework for Clinicians’, I felt that the competency standard 12.2 was the most relevant to myself and how I envision my practice as a nurse. The framework was published in 2019 and covers 7 domains, each with different competency standards. Domain 7 focuses on respect for the influence of culture on the healthcare decisions and choices of people from migrant and refugee backgrounds; I feel that I can relate closely to this as I am of ethnic descent, and many of my family members have migrated to Australia. With my connection to the standard, I believe I can respectfully and consistently reflect this standard in my nursing practice by being knowledgeable and open to new opinions and ideas.

cultural diversity health (2019), Competency Standard Framework, Competency Standards Framework - Migrant & Refugee Women's Health Partnership (culturaldiversityhealth.org.au)

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Since 1945, there have been 7.6 million people who have migrated to Australia. These individuals make up nearly 30% of the population of Australia; 35% of the 7.6 million live in Western Australia. When uprooting from one country of origin to another, it can be the result of conflict in the country, lack of medical accessibility, or lack of vital needs such as food, water and shelter. After migrating, some people will still need to suffer from social determinants Such as Housing, basic amenities and problems with their environment, Income and social protection, and working life conditions.

Housing, Basic Amenities and problems with their environment: Housing is a fundamental human right as it offers a safe place to eat, sleep and bathe. Many migrants are placed into detention centers where they await to be granted asylum in Australia. The detention center can be dirty and unhygienic and easily suffer from overcrowding and spreading infection.

Income and social protection:  This social determinant focuses on the income inequality disparity among migrant workers and the little protection they receive with the job and pay security. Those who migrate to Australia are often victims of workplace exploitation as there can be a language barrier or lack of knowledge of worker rights in Australia.

Working life conditions: This social determinant discusses the poor working conditions a migrant can encounter, which can often result in the exploitation of migrants because of the threat of deportation, the families they need to look after, and the risk of pay inequality.

World Health Organization (2023), WHO report shows poorer health outcomes for many vulnerable refugees and migrants, WHO report shows poorer health outcomes for many vulnerable refugees and migrants

Australian Bureau of Statistics, (2019-2020), Migration, Australia, Migration, Australia, 2019-20 financial year | Australian Bureau of Statistics (abs.gov.au)

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Around the world, millions of refugees and migrants in vulnerable situations, such as low-skilled migrant workers, face poorer health outcomes than their host communities, especially where living and working conditions are sub-standard, according to the first WHO World report on the health of refugees and migrants. This has dire consequences for the probability that the world will not achieve the health-related Sustainable Development Goals for these populations.

"Today there are some one billion migrants globally, about one in eight people. The experience of migration is a key determinant of health and wellbeing, and refugees and migrants remain among the most vulnerable and neglected members of many societies," said Dr Tedros. "This report is the first to offer a global review of refugee and migrant health; it calls for urgent and collective action to ensure they can access health care services that are sensitive to their needs. It also illustrates the pressing need to address the root causes of ill health and to radically reorient health systems to respond to a world increasingly in motion."

Based on an extensive review of literature from around the world, the report demonstrates that refugees and migrants are not inherently less healthy than host populations. It is, rather, the impact of the various suboptimal health determinants, such as education, income, housing, access to services, compounded by linguistic, cultural, legal and other barriers and the interaction of these during the life course, that are behind poor health outcomes.

The report reiterates that the experience of migration and displacement is a key factor in a person's health and wellbeing, especially when combined with other determinants. For example, a recent meta-analysis of more than 17 million participants from 16 countries across five WHO regions found that, compared with non-migrant workers, migrant workers were less likely to use health services and more likely to have an occupational injury. Evidence also showed that a significant number of the 169 million migrant workers globally are engaged in dirty, dangerous, and demanding jobs and are at greater risk of occupational accidents, injuries, and work-related health problems than their non-migrant counterparts, conditions exacerbated by their often limited or restricted access to and use of health services.

The Report demonstrated critical gaps in data and health information systems regarding the health of refugees and migrants - while data and evidence are plentiful, they are fragmented and not comparable across countries and over time. Although these mobile populations are sometimes identifiable in global datasets used for SDG monitoring, health data are often missing from migration statistics and migratory status variables are often missing from health statistics. This makes it difficult to determine and track progress for refugees and migrants towards the health-related SDGs.

"It is imperative that we do more on refugees and migrants' health but if we want to change the status quo, we need urgent investments to improve the quality, relevance and completeness of health data on refugees and migrants. We need sound data collection and monitoring systems that truly represent the diversity of the world population and the experience that refugees and migrants face the world over and that can guide more effective policies and interventions," said Dr Zsuzsanna Jakab, WHO's Deputy Director-General.

While lack of comparable data on the health of refugees and migrants across countries and over time often impedes good policy development towards health equity, policies and frameworks do exist that address and respond to the health needs of refugees and migrants. However, disparities in health outcomes remain and the report shows that they are mainly due to a lack of meaningful and effective implementation of policies.

"Health does not begin or end at a country's border. Migratory status should therefore not be a discriminatory factor but a policy driver on which to build and strengthen healthcare and social and financial protection. We must reorient existing health systems into integrated and inclusive health services for refugees and migrants, in line with the principles of primary health care and universal health coverage," said Dr Santino Severoni, Director of WHO's Health and Migration Programme.

Refugees and migrants can introduce innovative ideas that drive economic and social transformation. The Report highlights the extraordinary contributions of refugee and migrant healthcare workers to the COVID-19 frontline response. One of the most notable was the contributions of migrants in several countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), which were particularly significant when in some countries as many as half of doctors or nurses are foreign born.

Implementing inclusive health systems that conform to the principle of right to health for all and universal health coverage would permit individuals in need of health services to be identified and supported early, before many problems become acute. Health systems are only as strong as their weakest link. The inclusion of refugees and migrants is a worthwhile investment for the development and wellbeing of societies around the world.

Note to Editors:

Signatories to the world report are quoted here:

"Recognizing that migration and displacement have an impact on the health of the billion people on the move, this Report marks a welcome advance in thinking of migration and displacement through one clarifying glass. The lens is universal health coverage and the idea that everyone has a right to 'complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity', as stated in the WHO Constitution in 1946."

Ban Ki-moon, Chairman of Ban Ki-moon Foundation for a Better Future, 8th Secretary-General of the United Nations

"The physical, economic and psychological challenges posed by migration and displacement, and integration in host communities, are often misheard, overlooked or misperceived. I welcome how this Report assembles available global evidence on the health of people on the move - international migrants and those forcibly displaced - in a single authoritative document."

Abdulrazak Gurnah, Novelist and Professor, Nobel Prize in Literature (2021)

"This Report demonstrates that the most efficient way to meet the health needs of refugees and migrants in the short, medium and long term is by integrated health systems and by including refugees and migrants within systems that serve the host communities. In spite of the significant resources and technical improvements this may require, a more inclusive health system has proven to be hugely beneficial for all, refugees, migrants and host communities alike."

Midori de Habich, Former Minister of Health, Peru

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WHO report shows poorer health outcomes for many vulnerable refugees and migrants

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Around the world, millions of refugees and migrants in vulnerable situations, such as low-skilled migrant workers, face poorer health outcomes than their host communities, especially where living and working conditions are sub-standard, according to the first WHO World report on the health of refugees and migrants.

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Country Focus: Palestine
Palestine is an area of the eastern Mediterranean, comprising parts of modern-day Israel and the Palestinian territories of the Gaza Strip, which runs along the coast of the Mediterranean Sea and the West Bank, Which runs west of the Jordan River. In the 20th century, Palestine has been involved in an open warfare conflict that has affected the country. These conflicts have transpired because of conflicting claims of Jewish and Arab national movements. Close to 9 million Palestinians have been forced to migrate due to regional variances. 3% of this total migrated to Australia. Three common health concerns that affect Palestinian Migrants/Refugees.

Mental Health: Palestine has been involved in several conflicts over the past few decades, particularly the Civil between Palestine and Israel. This conflict has seen a rise in open warfare that has changed the lives and environment of Palestine and Palestinians. Many Palestinians Suffer from Anxiety and PTSD (Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder) from the brutality of the civil.

Treatment: These health concerns can be treated with regular visits to specialists such as a therapist, and in severe cases, medication can be prescribed, such as anti-anxiety medication.

Anaemia, Iron Deficiency, and Other Blood Conditions: Upon arrival to Australia, Palestinians can suffer from Food, Water, or shelter insecurity as they have fled their country because of conflicts. When running their countries, migrants will often only take what they can carry as their journey to a different country can be long and difficult. The lack of Food, Water and Shelter Security can cause health issues such as Iron deficiency, starvation and risk of death.

Treatment: One treatment can be giving knowledge of iron-rich diets as this can improve the health of a Migrant.

Immunization: Palestinian migrants can often be unvaccinated and exposed to viruses or bacteria different from Palestine. This can lead to disease and illnesses.

Treatment: Treatment can be vaccinated against diseases or taking medication to treat diseases or illnesses contracted.

Forced Migration review, (2006), Who are Palestinian Refugees, Who are Palestinian refugees? | Forced Migration Review (fmreview.org)

BMC Psychiatry, (2020), Anxiety disorders and PTSD in Palestine: a literature review, Anxiety disorders and PTSD in Palestine: a literature review | BMC Psychiatry | Full Text (biomedcentral.com)

Britannica, (2023), Palestine, Palestine | History, People, Conflict, & Religion | Britannica

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"By far the most protracted and largest of all refugee problems in the world today is that of the Palestine refugees, whose plight dates back 57 years. The UN General Assembly's Resolution 181 of November 1947 recommending the partition of Palestine led to armed clashes between Arabs and Jews. The conflict, which lasted from November 1947 to July 1949, led to the expulsion or flight of some 750,000-900,000 people from Palestine, the vast majority of them Arabs. The General Assembly's subsequent Resolution 194 of December 1948 stating that those 'refugees wishing to return to their homes and live in peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss or damage to property,' was never implemented. Israel refused to allow the repatriation of Arab refugees, most of whose villages had been destroyed."

"UNHCR's mandate does not extend to the majority of Palestinian refugees by virtue of Paragraph 7 (c) of the organization's Statute which excludes persons who continue to receive from other organs or agencies of the United Nations protection or assistance. A similar provision excludes these refugees from the scope of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention."

The State of the World's Refugees 2006, UNHCR Chapter 5[1]

Despite international recognition of the gravity of the problem, there remains a considerable lack of popular knowledge and/or misinformation about the world's largest refugee population. A recent study of TV news coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the UK discovered that most British viewers were unaware that Palestinians were uprooted from their homes and land when Israel was established in 1948.

Many of those familiar with the Palestinian case tend, as the authors of a working paper developed by the Refugee Studies Centre for the UK Department of International Development (DFID) noted, "to see them as a case apart from other refugees in the region and, indeed, the global context generally."[2] This can be ascribed, in part, to the contentious debate that envelops this refugee question, particularly the right of return. It is also due to the unique aspects of Palestinian displacement:

The UN General Assembly Resolution 181 of 1947 recommending the partition of Mandate Palestine into two states contributed to the initial forced displacement of Palestinians.

The universally-accepted definition of a 'refugee' - Article 1A (2) of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees - does not apply to the majority of Palestinian refugees.

The UN established separate international agencies (UNCCP and UNRWA - see below) to provide protection and assistance and to seek durable solutions for this refugee population based on principles elaborated in relevant UN resolutions.

Most Palestinians today are both refugees and stateless persons.

While voluntary repatriation remains in principle and in practice the primary durable solution for refugees worldwide, Israel - as the state of origin for the majority of the refugees - and key members of the international community, including the US and the European Union, continue to view host country integration and resettlement as the primary durable solutions for Palestinian refugees.

Palestinians and Israelis both make claims about the uniqueness of Palestinian refugees. Many Israelis, for example, claim that the separate regime established for Palestinian refugees (combined with the reluctance of Arab host states to resettle the refugees who cannot exercise their right of return) prevents a solution to the long-standing refugee problem. Palestinians argue that while the UN continues to affirm, in principle, the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes of origin, member states have failed to muster the political and material resources that have made refugee return possible in other contexts.

Root causes of displacement

Israelis and Palestinians, generally speaking, do not agree on the root causes of Palestinian displacement. Many Israelis argue that Palestinians fled during the 1948 war on orders of Arab commanders or that the mass displacement of the local Arab population was simply, in the words of Israeli historian Benny Morris, the unfortunate by-product of a war foisted upon the new Jewish state. Palestinians, on the other hand, describe 1948 as a Nakba (catastrophe) during which they were expelled by Israeli military forces and fled in fear, hoping to return to their homes once hostilities ceased.

The rival nature of Israeli and Palestinian narratives can be explained, in large part, by concerns about future refugee claims. Many Israeli Jews, for example, worry that an Israeli admission of responsibility will strengthen Palestinian demands for a right of return and for housing and property restitution. Nevertheless, archival research by Israeli historians like Morris, Tom Segev, Avi Shlaim and Ilan Pappe has tended to affirm central tenets of the Palestinian narrative of the 1948 war previously documented by Palestinian researchers such as Qustantin Zurayk, 'Arif al-'Arif and Walid Khalidi and in the oral testimonies of Palestinians who lived through the war.

Historical records - corroborated by UN and Red Cross archives - paint a picture of military practices that were, at best, questionable under existing principles governing the laws of war. Just before his assassination by Jewish extremists in September 1948, Count Folke Bernadotte, the UN Mediator for Palestine, reported "large-scale pillaging and plundering, and instances of destruction of villages without apparent military necessity." Even so, Pappe writes that the existence of a master plan to expel Palestinians is irrelevant: what mattered was "the formulation of an ideological community, in which every member, whether a newcomer or a veteran, knows only too well that they have to contribute to a recognised formula: the only way to fulfill the dream of Zionism is to empty the land of its indigenous population."

While the displacement of Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip during and after the 1967 war can be ascribed to a similar pattern of violations, the debate about why Palestinians fled in subsequent wars is arguably less contentious because prospective remedies - e.g. return to the 1967 Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - do not challenge the sovereignty and nature of Israel as a Jewish state. That is not to say that Israelis and Palestinians agree on remedies for refugees from the 1967 war and those displaced by nearly 40 years of military occupation. Israel's quarrel with the July 2004 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legal implications of the construction of the 650 km-long wall/barrier in the West Bank underscores the depth of disagreement between the two parties.

Who is a refugee?

Israelis and Palestinians also do not agree on who is a Palestinian refugee. During numerous negotiation sessions in the 1990s the parties failed to achieve consensus on a refugee definition. While Israel argued for a narrow definition restricted to first generation refugees - those actually displaced in 1948 and in 1967 - Palestinians advocated an inclusive or expanded definition that included children and spouses of refugees, and others in refugee-like conditions, including those deported from the OPT by Israel, persons who were abroad at the time of hostilities and unable to return, individuals whose residency rights Israel revoked and those who were not displaced but had lost access to their means of livelihood.

This disagreement is exacerbated by the fact that there is no comprehensive definition of a Palestinian refugee. The most commonly cited definition is that used by the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), the UN agency set up in 1949 - two years prior to the formation of UNHCR - to provide relief and assistance to the refugees in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria. Unlike Article 1A (2) of the 1951 Refugee Convention, however, the UNRWA definition merely establishes criteria for assistance - it does not define refugee status. A UN initiative in the 1980s to issue identity cards to all refugees, irrespective of whether or not they were recipients of international aid, failed due to the lack of cooperation among host states.

In the early 1950s, the UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine (UNCCP), which was established by General Assembly Resolution 194(III) to facilitate a solution to all aspects of the 1948 conflict, prepared a working definition of a Palestine refugee to identify those persons in need of international protection. The definition would have covered all persons displaced in Palestine during the 1948 war irrespective of ethnic, national or religious origins. In light of the intractable differences between Israel, the Arab states and the Palestinians, however, the Commission's protection mandate was greatly reduced and the definition was never adopted. The UN failed to provide the UNCCP with the machinery or resources to carry out its mandate in the context of a protracted conflict. The Commission reached the conclusion that it was unable to fulfill its mandate due to the lack of international political will. Today it has no budget and no staff.

Most Palestinian refugees fall under the scope of Article 1D of the 1951 Refugee Convention, which was inserted during the drafting process of the Convention to address the specific circumstances of Palestinian refugees. This took note of the fact that the UN had already set up specific agencies to protect and assist this refugee group. Only those Palestinians displaced for the first time after 1967 fall within the scope of Article 1A (2) of the Convention because they are not covered by the mandate of another UN agency. Nevertheless, Article 1D of the 1951 Refugee Convention is commonly misapplied in Palestinian asylum cases around the world.

How many refugees are there?

Not surprisingly, Israelis and Palestinians fail to agree on the number of Palestinian refugees. This is further complicated by lack of a universally-accepted refugee definition, a comprehensive registration system and frequent migration. But it also relates to security and political concerns in host countries like Jordan and Lebanon, fears about repatriation in the country of origin (Israel) and international concerns about capacity to deliver services and the impact on humanitarian aid budgets and to asylum claims. This explains the vast discrepancy in estimates of the Palestinian refugee population.

Israeli and Palestinian estimates of the total numbers of Palestinians displaced in 1948 range from a low of several hundred thousand upwards to nearly a million. The total numbers of Palestinians displaced for the first time from the 1967 OPT range from just over 100,000 to nearly 300,000. Demographic studies that compare the size of the pre-war Palestinian population to the number of Palestinians that remained after the end of both wars tend to confirm estimates in the higher range. Some estimate that around 20,000 Palestinians were displaced per annum after 1967.

Academic studies and popular media often cite UNRWA registration figures as the total size of the Palestinian refugee population. Latest UNRWA figures cite a total Palestinian refugee population of 4.25 million (Jordan 1.78m; Gaza 0.96m; West Bank 0.68m; Syria 0.42m and Lebanon 0.4m).[3] While UNRWA registration data provides a basic starting point, agency data excludes: 1948 refugees who did not register or meet UNRWA's eligibility requirements; 1967 refugees; those displaced after 1967 and IDPs. UNRWA registration files for IDPs inside Israel became inactive in 1952 and it is yet unclear if UNRWA will be asked to assume responsibility for new IDPs in the OPT.

Additional sources of information include UNHCR statistics for Palestinian refugees outside the five UNRWA areas of operation and in need of international protection, government statistical surveys,[4] independent demographic studies (carried out by organizations such as FAFO Institute for Applied Social Science[5]) and civil society estimates (such as those by Civitas[6]). Assuming a broad definition descriptive of the scope of displacement and the number of potential claimants - i.e. not necessarily all persons in need of day-to-day protection and including 1948, 1967 and post-1967 refugees - it is estimated that up to three-quarters of the Palestinian people have been displaced since 1948. The Bethlehem-based BADIL Resource Centre for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights[7] estimates the total number of displaced Palestinians to be over seven million.

Approaches to the Palestinian refugee question

There have been only two periods of official negotiations on the Palestinian refugee issue: early UN-facilitated negotiations in Lausanne (1949) and Paris (1951) and more recent talks held under the auspices of the Oslo peace process. The latter include the Quadripartite talks (1990s) to resolve the question of 1967 refugees and US-guided bilateral talks in Camp David (2000) followed by a short round in Taba (2001) addressing the question of 1948 refugees. All three sets of talks were elite-driven - with only minimal input from civil society - and ended without a solution.

Beginning in the 1990s Palestinian refugees began organising popular conferences, workshops and demonstrations demanding recognition of their rights and a more inclusive process. Recent research has begun to examine places like Bosnia for the problem of abandoned property laws, Guatemala for the experience of refugee participation, and South Africa for truth and reconciliation. Some refugees travelled to places as close as Cyprus and Bosnia and as far away as South Africa to see if anything could be learned from other refugee cases and pursuit of claims for property restitution.[8] Official approaches to find permanent solutions nonetheless still tend to view this refugee group as unique and thus in need of a unique solution. International law and the voices of refugees themselves have been marginalised, if not excluded, by this approach.

Above all the Palestinian refugee case is contentious because of the degree to which it poses a challenge to what Barbara Harrell-Bond refers to as the "tidy system of sovereign states." She argues that refugees represent "a fundamental challenge to sovereignty, by forcing international actors to consider ethical principles and issues of fundamental human rights, which are part of their international obligations." At the heart of this challenge is the question of how to respect the individual rights of Palestinian refugees in the context of Israel's collective demand to maintain its Jewish majority.

This is not just a theoretical or legal question. It is also about fundamentally different Israeli and Palestinian conceptions of the conflict and its solution. "How to overcome this abyss," writes American Professor of International Law Richard Falk, "is a challenge that should haunt the political imagination of all those genuinely committed to finding a just and sustainable reconciliation between Israel and Palestine."

Terry Rempel was a founding member of BADIL where he was Coordinator of Information and Research between 1998 and 2004. An independent consultant, he is completing a PhD at the University of Exeter. Email: t.rempel@exeter.ac.uk. A longer version of this article, containing more detailed endnote references, is online at: www.fmreview.org/pdf/rempel.pdf. For further information, see: www.badil.org/Refugees/refugees.htm

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"By far the most protracted and largest of all refugee problems in the world today is that of the Palestine refugees, whose plight dates back 57 years. The UN General Assembly's Resolution 181 of November 1947 recommending the partition of Palestine led to armed clashes between Arabs and Jews.

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Bonsai, translating to English meaning "plant in a pot," is an ancient Japanese and Chinese art style. The premise of Bonsai is to take trees you see from nature and create a smaller version that mimics the tree's structure. In Australia, Bonsai has been on the rise, and more people are creating Bonsai today.

Here are some of the most commonly used Australian Native trees for Bonsai.

Melaleuca: These Native Australian trees are absolute knockouts as bonsai. They are pest-free, tolerant of light shade and winter warmth, and easy to propagate by seed or cutting.

She-oak: It is an absolutely fantastic native for bonsai use, which could easily rival the Japanese Black Pine for its appearance and hardiness.

Ficus: The Ficus from the fig family is a vigorous plant. It is often recommended for beginners as they are incredibly resilient. A common phrase around the Bonsai community is "If you kill a Ficus. Maybe bonsai isn't for you".

Aus Bonsai, (2008), [Species Guide]Casuarina/She Oak, Australian Pine, [Species Guide]Casuarina/She Oak, Australian Pine - AusBonsai

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Volleyball in Australia has risen in popularity over the past couple of years. More and more programs have been created for a broader range of people playing volleyball. I began playing volleyball because of a Japanese animation called 'Haikyuu', which follows the story of two Japanese high schoolers trying to be the best of the best in professional volleyball. In Western Australia, Volleyball WA has been the leading program in organized and social volleyball. The WAVL, or the Western Australian Volleyball League, was organized by Volleyball WA and saw several thousands of competitors each season. I personally play for a social team; each Thursday, we play a different team from our division to see who can get the most points out of three 'sets'. Whoever gets the most wins the game.

Volleyball Wetsern Australia, (2023), Volleyball WA, About Us - Volleyball WA

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Volleyball WA is the official state administrative body for all volleyball disciplines and is sanctioned by the Australian Volleyball Federation and the Federation International de Volleyball