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First of all the area of bolivia goes back a long time to tiwanaku and then the inca. which the main language is mainly spanish and exploitive with the spanish crown and the spanish in control.

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Argentinian Independence | 3 Minute History

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When the Spanish first arrived in Argentina in the early 1500s, the area was populated by many different indigenous groups, each with their own language and culture. In the northwest of Argentina, the local populations had been conquered by Inca armies and incorporated into their empire around 1480, only a few decades earlier.

After the Spanish conquest, the American territory was divided into two viceroyalties that directly represented the Spanish king: The Viceroyalty of New Spain (first established after the fall of the Aztec Empire in 1521), which at its peak included the Spanish colonies of North America, Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and most of Central America, and the Viceroyalty of Peru, founded after the fall of the Inca Empire in 1534, which included Panama and almost all of South America (the Portuguese gained control of present-day Brazil). The area we now know as Argentina formed part of the Viceroyalty of Peru, which had its capital in Lima.

In the 18th century, the Spanish split the Viceroyalty of Peru into two new viceroyalties: New Granada and Río de la Plata. The Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata, established in 1776 with Buenos Aires as its capital, encompassed modern-day Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, and part of Brazil.

In the political structure imposed by Spain, most of the people the monarchy chose to occupy important positions were , people born in Spain, which angered the , Europeans born in Latin America. This rivalry, along with the ideas of the American and French revolutions and the prohibition on trade with other nations and foreign colonies, fueled the fire of the criollos' desire for social change.

They got a chance to act in 1806, when a British fleet attacked and captured Buenos Aires. The Spanish viceroy, a peninsular named Rafael de Sobremonte, fled the city with the public treasury during the battle, following a 1778 law stating that treasuries must be kept safe and viceroys must avoid capture during an invasion so they cannot be forced to sign an official surrender. Despite this law, Sobremonte was widely seen as a coward. In his absence, Santiago de Liniers managed to liberate Buenos Aires from the British in 1806 using criollo militias. The Audiencia of Buenos Aires barred Sobremonte from returning and named Liniers an interim viceroy. Fearing subsequent invasions, the population of Buenos Aires, including criollos and slaves, was armed and arranged into military bodies. When the British attacked again in 1807, the militias forced them to surrender.

After the two military victories, Liniers was a revolutionary hero. However, his situation soon changed. Back in Europe, French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte invaded Spain in 1808, with Spanish King Ferdinand VII abdicating the throne on May 6 of the same year. Although he had served with the Spanish military for many years, Liniers was a Frenchman (in fact, his birth name was Jacques de Liniers, although he is better known by the Spanish version of his name). Some people in the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata thought that with Napoleon's invasion of Spain, a Frenchman had no place as a viceroy of a Spanish territory. The peninsular Martín de Álzaga led a mutiny and tried to force Liniers out of office in an open cabildo (a special type of assembly). Most of those who supported the mutiny were peninsulares, but a small number of criollos also joined. However, the criollo militias led by Cornelio Saavedra surrounded the plaza where the cabildo was and forced the rebels to disperse. As a price for the failed mutiny, the rebel peninsular militias were disarmed, thus increasing the power of the criollos.

In part to calm the rising tensions between the peninsulares and the criollos, the Junta of Seville, formed in Spain after Napoleon's invasion, sent peninsular Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros to replace Liniers as Viceroy of Río de la Plata in 1809. General Manuel Belgrano encouraged Liniers to fight the appointment, but he decided not to put up any resistance.

As time went on, French troops gained more and more control of Spain, finally taking Seville on February 1, 1810. The Junta of Seville moved to Cadiz and dissolved itself, though the Council of Regency of Spain and the Indies was created to replace it. The news that the Junta of Seville was no more reached Buenos Aires on May 18, sparking the May Revolution, lasting from May 18 to May 25, 1810.

In Buenos Aires, group of criollo lawyers and military officials quickly organized an open cabildo on May 22 to discuss the future of the viceroyalty. The delegates agreed that Cisneros had no right to govern since the government he had been appointed by no longer existed. In his place, a junta was formed to govern the viceroyalty. Initially, Cisneros was appointed president of the Junta, but this was met with so much popular resistance by the angry crowds that formed outside the cabildo (in what is known today as the Plaza de Mayo) that he was forced to resign. On May 25, 1810 Argentina's first independent government, the Primera Junta (First Assembly), was formed. The stated role of the Primera Junta was to rule the viceroyalty in name of the deposed Spanish King Ferdinand VII, but Spain would never regain control of the region. Today, May 25 is a public holiday in Argentina that honors the Primer gobierno patrio or the First National Government.

The Primera Junta was formed by representatives from Buenos Aires, who sent word to other cities in the viceroyalty and asked them to send deputies. However, the other main cities refused to acknowledge the new Junta and armed conflict between the new government and those loyal to the Spanish crown began in 1810.

After years of many battles on multiple fronts, on July 9, 1816, the Congress of Tucumán formally declared the independence of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata from Spain. Today, this is the day Argentina celebrates Independence Day, although the Argentinian War of Independence did not officially conclude until 1818.

Important Figures in the Argentinian War of Independence

José de San Martín (1778-1850)
A national hero in both Argentina and Peru, in 1811 San Martín resigned from his military career fighting for Spain in Europe and Africa and returned to his home country of Argentina to join the revolutionary movement. San Martín was an important war general and helped Argentina, Peru, and Chile gain independence. Today, most Argentinian cities have a statue of San Martín, and in the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Cathedral there is an eternal flame, lit in 1947 and burning ever since, in tribute to General San Martín and the Unknown Soldier of the War of Independence.

Manuel Belgrano (1770-1820)
Another one of Argentina's libertadores, Belgrano was an important criollo in Buenos Aires who fought against the two British invasions (1806 and 1807), supported the May Revolution and served in the Primera Junta, fought in the Argentinian war of independence, and created the flag of Argentina in 1812. He also played a role in the independence of Bolivia and Paraguay.

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Around the turn of the 18th century, enlightenment ideas, social rivalries, and prohibitions on trade fueled the desire for social change. Learn more about the

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The independence of bolivia was achieved after a series of long turmoil under the spanish crown. this was a elongated process of over 15 years and included numerous skirmishes and countless deaths of people.

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Bolivian Independence, achieved after centuries of Spanish colonial rule, was a process that spanned more than 15 years, from 1809 to 1825, and involved numerous battles and countless deaths. The struggle for independence started locally and later Simon Bolivar and Antonio Jose de Sucre gave cohesiveness to a fragmented and unorganized cause.

Ultimately, this new and independent country, Bolivia, would get its name from the Simon Bolivar, the military and political leader that changed the course of Colonial South America. Bolivia during the 18th century was known as Upper Peru and as was an autonomous region dependant on the Viceroyalty of Peru. Local government was the responsibility of the Royal Audience directed by a President.

This Audience was known as the Audiencia de Charcas. As was the case in other places, the Spanish overseers were widely ignorant of the situation of the people and considered themselves superior to the indigenous people. It was not uncommon for these Oidores to make the people bow to them. In 1776 a reorganization of territories was ordered by Spain and Upper Peru joined the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata against the wishes of the Viceroyalty of Peru-which would stand to lose valuable natural resources and the money that would come with them.

This would bitterly divide the relationship between these two regions. Further dividing the bases of power was the implementation of the intendancy system that subdivided the power of Viceroy and created internal power struggles between Intendants and Viceroys. At the start of the 19th century, a perfect storm of circumstances came together to fan the flames of independence in South America.

In 1807, Napoleon invaded Spain in a quest to increase his empire. This created an enormous vacuum of power and oversight in South America permitting the independence movements to begin their fight in earnest while the Spanish Monarchy was distracted with its own problems back home.The first wave of nationalist uprisings in Bolivia occurred in 1809 when the government juntas of Charcas and La Paz were formed as a reaction to the events in Spain-the chaotic, almost anarchic, situation in Spain was duplicating itself in Bolivia.

The junta in Charcas was created by the removal of the President, Ramon Garcia Leon de Pizarro, by the Audience because the Spanish Oidores suspected him of wanting to join with Portugal. The representatives of the Monarchy decided to convert Upper Peru into a junta that would remain loyal to Spain in spirit while isolating itself politically from the other surrounding regions including the Viceroyalty of Peru. In La Paz, the junta there was an effort to break free from Spanish rule altogether and wanting complete independence from any European power. These juntas ended up being short-lived, however, and soon fell back under Spanish control thanks to the intervention of the Viceroy of Peru and the better equipped Royalists easily defeated the nationalists, who were lacking in money, resources and military experience.The defeat of the juntas did not mark the end of the independence movement; they constituted an important part of the history of Bolivia. The juntas were able to promote and encourage the independence movement which was kept alive by a six guerrilla armies that formed away from the cities and took control of various regions of Bolivia.

In 1810, these six breakaway regions would come to be known as republiquetas (little republics) and each were headed by a caudillo (military leader or dictator). These regions had little or no influence in the surrounding areas but were strong enough to withstand any interference by the royalist forces for more than 15 years.With the American war of independence still fresh in the mind of the world; especially in South America which was subject to Colonial Spanish rule, people began to question the legitimacy of colonial occupation. In 1807, a South American aristocrat and liberal thinker had just returned from his travels in Europe.

In Venezuela, this man, Simon Bolivar was beginning a revolution of South American independence from Spain. His struggle would take him all over South America and his cause gained followers every day that passed. After having liberated Colombia, Venezuela, and Ecuador, Bolivar was now close to liberating Peru in 1821. In Upper Peru, following 1817, there was relative calm with the power of the caudillos and the Viceroy of Peru reaching a point of equilibrium. In 1820 this equilibrium was broken with the conservative general, Pedro Antonio de Olañeta, refusing to recognize the Spanish Constitution of 1812 and breaking away from the Viceroyalty of Peru. He also refused to join the rebel armies of Bolivar that were beginning to approach Upper Peru as he considered himself "the only defender of the throne and altar" in the region. With the fall of Peru to Bolivar, the next he set his sights on was Upper Peru.

In the latter half of 1823 the forces of Bolivar crossed Bolivia and on December 9, 1824, the rebel forces under the command of Antonio Jose de Sucre defeated the royalist army in the Battle of Ayacucho.The remaining royalist forces were easily defeated at El Callao but there remained one last military obstacle: General Olañeta. As the last holdout, he attempted to surrender Upper Peru to Brazil in the last ditch effort to maintain Spanish control in the area but to no avail. In one final battle on April 9, 1825, Olañeta and Sucre met on the battlefield. Olañeta's troops now knowing that defeat would be their destiny murdered Olañeta on the battlefield and surrendered to the rebel army.

Spain's last outpost in South America was now lost forever. A constitutional congress was summoned and on August 6, 1825, to create a new Magna Carta as well as a name to this newly independent country Bolivia in honor of the aristocrat turned liberator, Simon Bolivar. From August 12 to December 29, 1825, Bolivar led Bolivia on the path to democracy and independence and after he stepped down fellow war hero, Antonio Jose de Sucre would continue in the presidency.

Today, Bolivia's Independence Day is now celebrated every year on 6th August. Celebrations are held throughout the country and it is a common sight to see schoolchildren parading through the streets in their school uniforms while proudly carrying the Bolivian flag.

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Bolivian Independence - History of Bolivia - don Quijote

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Bolivian Independence. From August 12 to December 29, 1825, Simon Bolivar led Bolivia on the path to democracy and independence.

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From how early the empire was formed it became a european superpower that could threaten all of the major longstanding superpowers in the world.

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The German Empire was founded on January 18, 1871, in the aftermath of three successful wars by the North German state of Prussia. Within a seven-year period Denmark, the Habsburg monarchy, and France were vanquished in short, decisive conflicts. The empire was forged not as the result of the outpouring of nationalist feeling from the masses but through traditional cabinet diplomacy and agreement by the leaders of the states in the North German Confederation, led by Prussia, with the hereditary rulers of Bavaria, Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, and Württemberg. Prussia, occupying more than three-fifths of the area of Germany and having approximately three-fifths of the population, remained the dominant force in the nation until the empire's demise at the end of another war in 1918.

At its birth Germany occupied an area of 208,825 square miles (540,854 square km) and had a population of more than 41 million, which was to grow to 67 million by 1914. The religious makeup was 63 percent Protestant, 36 percent Roman Catholic, and 1 percent Jewish. The nation was ethnically homogeneous apart from a modest-sized Polish minority and smaller Danish, French, and Sorbian populations. Approximately 67 percent lived in villages and the remainder in towns and cities. Literacy was close to universal because of compulsory education laws dating to the 1820s and '30s.

Domestic concerns

From its origins in 1871, the empire was governed under the constitution designed four years earlier by Otto von Bismarck, the Prussian prime minister, for the North German Confederation. This constitution reflected the predominantly rural nature of Germany in 1867 and the authoritarian proclivities of Bismarck, who was a member of the Junker landowning elite. There were two houses: the Reichstag, to represent the people, and the Bundesrat, to represent the 25 states. The former comprised 397 members elected by universal manhood suffrage and a secret ballot. The constituencies established in 1867 and 1871 were never altered to reflect population shifts, and rural areas thus retained a vastly disproportionate share of power as urbanization progressed. In theory the Reichstag's ability to reject any bill seemed to make it an important reservoir of power; in practice, however, the power of the lower house was circumscribed by the government 's reliance on indirect taxes and by the parliament's willingness to approve the military budget every seven (after 1893, every five) years. Most legislative proposals were submitted to the Bundesrat first and to the Reichstag only if they were approved by the upper house. Although members of the Reichstag could question the chancellor about his policies, the legislative bodies were rarely consulted about the conduct of foreign affairs. Imperial ministers were chosen by and were responsible to the emperor rather than to the legislature.

A problem that was to plague the empire throughout its existence was the disparity between the Prussian and imperial political systems. In Prussia the lower house was elected under a restricted three-class suffrage system, an electoral law that allowed the richest 15 percent of the male population to choose approximately 85 percent of the delegates. A conservative majority was always assured in Prussia, whereas the universal manhood suffrage resulted in increasing majorities for the political centre and left-wing parties in the imperial parliament. William I was both German emperor (1871-88) and king of Prussia (1861-88). Apart from two brief instances the imperial chancellor was simultaneously prime minister of Prussia. Thus, the executives had to seek majorities from two separate legislatures elected by radically different franchises. A further problem was that government ministers were generally selected from the civil service or the military. They often had little experience with parliamentary government or foreign affairs.

The constitution had been designed by Bismarck to give the chancellor and monarch primary decision-making power. Universal manhood suffrage had been proposed because of Bismarck's belief that the rural population would vote for either the Conservative or Free Conservative parties. (Female suffrage had not been proposed because politics was considered a male preserve at the time.) The Progressives, a left-wing liberal party, were expected to do poorly in the two-thirds of Germany that was rural in 1867. Bismarck had not counted on new parties such as the Centre Party, a Roman Catholic confessional party, or the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands; SPD), both of which began participating in imperial and Prussian elections in the early 1870s. The Centre generally received 20-25 percent of the total vote in all elections. The SPD grew from 2 seats in the first imperial election to 35 by 1890, when the SPD actually gained a plurality of votes. Bismarck termed the Centre and SPD along with the Progressives Reichsfeinde ("enemies of the empire") because he believed that each sought in its own way to change the fundamental conservative political character of the empire.

Beginning in 1871, he launched the Kulturkampf ("cultural struggle"), a campaign in concert with German liberals against political Catholicism. Bismarck's aim was clearly to destroy the Centre Party. Liberals saw the Roman Catholic church as politically reactionary and feared the appeal of a clerical party to the more than one-third of Germans who professed Roman Catholicism. Both Bismarck and the liberals doubted the loyalty of the Catholic population to the Prussian-centred and, therefore, primarily Protestant nation. In Prussia the minister of ecclesiastical affairs and education, Adalbert Falk, introduced a series of bills establishing civil marriage, limiting the movement of the clergy, and dissolving religious orders. All church appointments were to be approved by the state. As a result hundreds of parishes and several bishoprics were left without incumbents. Clerical civil servants were purged from the Prussian administration.

The Kulturkampf failed to achieve its goals and, if anything, convinced the Roman Catholic minority that their fear of persecution was real and that a confessional party to represent their interests was essential. By the late 1870s Bismarck abandoned the battle as a failure. He now launched a campaign against the SPD in concert with the two conservative parties and many National Liberals. Fearing the potential of the Social Democrats in a rapidly industrializing Germany, Bismarck found a majority to outlaw the party from 1878 to 1890, although constitutionally it could not be forbidden to participate in elections. Party offices and newspapers were closed down and meetings prohibited. Many socialists fled to Switzerland and sought to keep the party alive in exile. During the 1880s Bismarck also sought to win the workers away from socialism by introducing legislation granting them modest pensions, accident insurance, and a national system of medical coverage. Like the Kulturkampf, the campaign against the SPD was a failure, and, when the 1890 elections showed enormous gains for the Reichsfeinde, Bismarck began to consider having the German princes reconvene, as in 1867, to draw up a new constitution. The new emperor, William II, saw no reason to begin his reign (1888-1918) with a potential bloodbath and asked for the 74-year-old chancellor's resignation. Thus, Bismarck, the architect of German unity, left the scene in a humiliating fashion, believing that his creation was fatally flawed. Indeed, his policy of supporting rapid social and economic modernization while avoiding any reform of the authoritarian political system did lead to an atmosphere of persistent crisis.

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Germany - Unification, Imperialism, WWI: The German Empire was founded on January 18, 1871, in the aftermath of three successful wars by the North German state of Prussia. Within a seven-year period Denmark, the Habsburg monarchy, and France were vanquished in short, decisive conflicts.