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Ethnic cleansing in Myanmar continues to be one of the most significant and fastest growing humanitarian crisis affecting the international community. The Rohingya ethnic group are disenfranchised from their country of origin and continue to have their human rights violated by the Myanmar state and military. Progress in achieving equal rights and safe returns home for the Rohingya population is still far from being resolved, but more developments are being made to ensure their well-being and safety is being prioritised. The UNHCR, as well as other non-governmental organisations,  are working together with several different nations to bring awareness to these issues and support military preventative measures (Aljazeera 2019). Additionally, more states are committed to helping those in need by pledging further humanitarian aid (BBC News 2018).

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The causes of ethical cleansing are particularly varied, there is a considerable amount of factors that act as an increasing role in triggering these violent actions to occur. The underlying factors involved vary from structural factors, cultural, economic factors which all play a considerable role as a catalyst for ethnic cleansing to evolve. These factors contribute to triggering a behaviour where groups are adequately able to inflict violence on minority groups that are considerably vulnerable (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2019). Fragile and unsteady states fall victim to acts of ethnic brutality, as the state falls into a  period in which they are considered powerless or weak it allows an influx of disruption within the state, increasing the likelihood of a lack of legal and political obedience. Ultimately the absence of authority and discipline leads to an upsurge of vicious acts against those that are sequentially inferior within the state, this increasingly often leads minority ethnic groups to become prone to being easily attacked and harmed due to the increasing absence of security within the country (Tepfenhart 2013). The lack of ethnic group representation in politics creates the underlying cause of ethnic conflict, without the ability to partake in decision making it leaves ethnic groups to become increasingly vulnerable within the state, the absence of ethnic minority involvement within the political field can distinguish if an ethnic conflict can or can not transpire. The absence of ethnic groups in the political field will increasingly concede to ethnic minorities to continually become more prone to falling victim to the effects of ethnic conflict. In addition, political tactics are prominent in this period of time within leaders particularly the use of tactical speech, for instance, the use of hate speech which is utilised by leaders in order to instigate violence within ethnic groups. Economical problems similarly partake in increasing the uprising of ethnic conflict within states, economic problems such as collapses or stagnations can increasingly trigger tensions within an ethnic group. These ethnic groups are set into challenging circumstances where in most cases resources are limited leaving many ethnic groups to act against one another's out of frustration. An increasing prominent factor that plays a crucial role in the likelihood of ethnic cleansing is cultural factors, throughout history discrimination has and is the pinpoint of ethnic cleansing in most circumstances, demolitions of holy sites or restrictions of certain languages have led to excessive conflict predominantly (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2019).

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Ethnic cleansing can be defined as “the removal of members of an unwanted ethnic group in order to establish an ethnically homogenous geographic area” (History.com, 2018).In most circumstances, ethnic cleansing is accomplished through aiming in destroying infrastructures such as homes, cultural sites, farms or the use of methods such as forced migration in which many ethnic groups are deported. Ethnic cleansing includes the conflict between two ethnic groups within a state, one group may play a dominant role within the state while the other is seemingly inferior, the ‘Purity of race is a major goal” within achieving ethnic cleansing (ScienceDirect,2019). Ethnic Cleansing has become an exceeding problem where race, ethnic and religious difference has become an incentive for actions hate and division. Under International law ethnic cleansing has not been obtained as an act of crime, leading many civilians to fall victim to these brutal conflicts due to the lack of protection under the U.N treaty. The term “ethnic cleansing” came into context as a major system of violence on a group of people at the time of the Yugoslavia conflict in the 1990s.Events of cleansing on the basis of religious or ethnic reasoning has consistently occurred throughout history,for instance the events of holocaust which involved the brutal destruction of six million Jews through the use of mass killings  and concentration camps to the brutal  massacre of 800,000 women and men in Rwanda during the 1990’s (History.com, 2018). Although the use of terms such as Genocide and ethnic cleansing are put into the same context there is an important distinctive difference between the two phrases. In reference to genocide the actions are seemingly more brutal,these actions are intentionally done in order to eliminate an entire group of people with the use of mass murders and brutal killings, while on the  other hand the process ethnic cleansing includes events where particular groups are forcibly displaced from an area on the  bases of  race, religion or nationality (PBS News Hour, 2017),this process is applied  in order to destroy cultural groups with the use of various methods such as the destruction of holy places such as mosques, churches, and monuments (Tepfenhart 2013).

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Statement by Kofi Annan, Chairman of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State

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Statement by Kofi Annan, Chairman of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State

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Statement by Kofi Annan, Chairman of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State

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Aljazeera 2019, EU
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Life in the Rohingya Refugee Camps, Bangladesh 

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Life in the Rohingya Refugee Camps, Bangladesh 

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Life in the Rohingya refugee camps of Bangladesh

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The primary reason for armed conflict and violence between the Rohingya people and the Myanmar government rests solely on "differing religious" and perceived ethnic identities dating back to British colonial rule in the 1800s, which saw a substantial increase in the Muslim community (Mercy Corps 2019). The perceived threat of the Rohingya has resulted in the Myanmar government systemically, forcing their removal from the region (Mercy Corps 2019). In 2016, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), a guerrilla force from the Buddhist Rakhine ethnic group, emerged and co-ordinated "small-scale attacks on Border Police stations killing nine officers – sparking the current crisis" (Beech 2019). The state military has also planted land mines along the Bangladesh border to prevent the Rohingya from returning (Vox 2017).

Recently in May 2019, after UN officials visited Myanmar and Bangladesh, the UN Human Rights Council released a statement calling for countries to impose weapons and arms embargos on the Myanmar military and government (McVeigh 2019). These include sanctions on weaponry, military equipment utilised for internal repression and export restrictions on monitoring apparatuses (Aljazeera 2019). The barring and economic arms isolation is aim to hold the government accountable for its violations of human rights and condemn their offenses internationally. Consequently, many Western and European nations have vowed to impose these sanctions on the Myanmar government (McVeigh 2019). The US, significantly, has placed sanctions on their security forces and banned military officials from US aid. Britain has also vowed to follow with similar financial penalties (McVeigh 2019).

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About 14 top military and border officials are under individual EU sanctions over alleged human rights violations, including killings and sexual violence [Wa Lone/Reuters]

The European Union has extended a ban on selling arms to Myanmar and prolonged sanctions against high-ranking officials over their role in the Rohingya crisis.

The measures, which include an embargo on weapons and other equipment that could be used for repression, will stay in place until at least April 30, 2020.

"The sanctions include an embargo on arms and equipment that can be used for internal repression, an export ban on dual-use goods for use by the military and border guard police, and export restrictions on equipment for monitoring communications that might be used for internal repression," the EU said in a statement.

About 14 top military and border officials are under individual EU sanctions - barring them from travelling to or through the European bloc and freezing any assets they hold in Europe - over alleged human rights violations, including killings and sexual violence.

It also recalled that it had last adopted conclusions on Myanmar in December 2018 and called on the government of Myanmar to take "meaningful action" without further delay and to make progress in all areas of concern set out in the council's previous conclusions in February 2018.

The EU also refuses to cooperate with, or provide training to, the Myanmar military.

The Rohingya, described by the United Nations as the world's most persecuted people, have faced heightened fears of attack since dozens were killed in communal violence in 2012.

In August 2017, almost 750,000 Rohingya refugees fled a military crackdown in northern Myanmar to cross into Bangladesh, where 300,000 members of the persecuted community were already in camps.

Many Rohingya refugees said there had been mass rapes and slaughters, and UN officials have said the crackdown needs a genocide investigation.

Since August 25, 2017, nearly 24,000 Muslim-majority Rohingya have been killed by Myanmar's state forces, according to a report by the Ontario International Development Agency (OIDA).

More than 34,000 Rohingya were also thrown into fires, while over 114,000 others were beaten, said the report, titled Forced Migration of Rohingya: The Untold Experience.

Some 18,000 Rohingya women and girls were raped by Myanmar's army and police and over 115,000 Rohingya homes were burned down and 113,000 others vandalised, it added.

The UN has also documented mass gang rapes, killings - including infants and young children - and brutal beatings and disappearances committed by Myanmar state forces.

In a report, UN investigators said such violations may have constituted crimes against humanity and genocidal intent.

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EU extends ban on arms sales to Myanmar over Rohingya crisis

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The European Union has extended a ban on selling arms to Myanmar and prolonged sanctions against high-ranking officials over their role in the Rohingya crisis. The measures, which include an embargo on weapons and other equipment that could be used for repression, will stay in place until at least April 30, 2020.

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The Rohingya crisis is often regarded as a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing" under UN guidelines (BBC News 2018). Myanmar has become synonymous with the brutalities of ethnic cleansing and compared to the likes of Sarajevo and Darfur (Beech 2019). In 2017, violent clashes erupted as the state government carried out a mass expulsion of the Rohingya population along with widespread atrocities against the group, including rape, killings, and arson attacks on entire villages in the Rakhine state (Mercy Corps 2019). These acts were referred to by the United Nations as crimes of Genocide (Beech, 2019). Because of these violent acts and years of discrimination, uprisings surged on the part of the Rohingya, further escalating violence in the region and presenting new challenges (Mercy Corps 2019).

Health & Safety
As of March 2019, reports released stated immense overcrowding in refugee camps along with limited access and funds for resources to support the civilians now living in Cox's Bazar, a district in Bangladesh (Mercy Corps 2019). This report raised several health and safety concerns. Living conditions are cramped with poor hygiene, vulnerability to contagious diseases, quality of water is minimal and contaminated, and scarce medical and psychological aid for those affected by the displacement or suffering from traumatic experiences (Médecins Sans Frontières 2019). Additionally, weather conditions are raising serious emergency concerns as the cyclone and monsoon season edges closer (Médecins Sans Frontières 2019).

UN Officials visit affected communities
The UN high commissioner Filippo Grandi and two head UN officials visited refugee settlements in Bangladesh as well as communities in Rakhine State, Myanmar to discuss the hardships endured by the Rohingya and possible developments/projects to better their wellbeing (Murray 2019). They also consulted with state leaders regarding practical solutions for safe and voluntary returns to Myanmar, as well as preparations ahead of looming emergency weather circumstances in Cox's Bazar (Murray 2019). These visits are aimed to "highlight the need for strong international humanitarian support" and investigate  current events (Wells 2019).

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COX'S BAZAR, Bangladesh - The world must not turn away.

It was both a plea and a warning issued by three senior UN officials visiting the Kutupalong refugee camp today, the largest in the world.

The settlement is home to more than 630,000 Rohingya refugees who fled the violence in Myanmar directed against them in 2017. An estimated 190,000 live in settlements in the vicinity, along with 330,000 of the most affected host communities. The monsoon season approaches.

The three UN leaders emphasized that solidarity with the refugees, and the local people hosting them, continues.

"I'm really appealing to donors, in light of the hardship of the people here, in light of the potential risks posed by cyclones and monsoons," said Filippo Grandi, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. "We need those resources - not in three months, not in four months, but now."

He was with Mark Lowcock, the UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, and António Vitorino, Director General of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) on a three-day visit to Bangladesh.

Now is time to act for Rohingya refugees: UN chiefs (Alexandre St-Denis, camera-editor / Michelle Hoffman, producer)

In Dhaka on the first day they met with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, thanking her for the government's enormous and generous efforts on behalf of the Rohingya over several decades, and especially since the start of the 2017 crisis.

The three UN leaders then made a point of visiting the camps together. The UN, they said, had responded to the Rohingya crisis in a unified manner. They wanted to emphasize that that unity and solidarity with the refugees, and the local people hosting them, continues. UNHCR, IOM and partners work in support of the government to manage the 34-camp complex.

The problems the refugees face remain immense. The leaders noted that more than half of the 540,000 refugee children under the age of 18 have no access to education, and the rest have access only to very limited schooling. Only a handful of teenagers are going to school.

The three leaders met men serving as role models to the community, as well as female outreach volunteers. Both groups focus on raising awareness and supporting prevention of sexual and gender-based violence. Both told the delegation that in the absence of opportunities to work, learn and build skills, idleness among refugees is dispiriting - and over time, deeply damaging.

"So many of us are uneducated," Mohammed Faisal, 23, a male role model said, referring to many male refugees he knows. "They say, we are useless." And for some men, their frustration leads them to feel distressed.

"One of the things UN and other agencies can do," Mark Lowcock said later, "is to make sure that all those issues that women and girls are vulnerable to are thought about here with care and understanding while people are still stuck in the camps."

The looming monsoon season and the need for money to prepare was a major concern, but the environmental effects of the refugees' arrival were also discussed. The building of the camps led to massive deforestation. A major reforestation project has begun.

The UN leaders pointed out that the Joint Response Plan for 2019 has set aside a large percentage to help the local Bangladeshi population with environmental and agricultural improvements. They also called for more development support for the people in impacted communities in the Cox's Bazar District.

The leaders watched as hundreds of Rohingya lined up for the joint government and UNHCR biometric registration. More than 200,000 refugees have already registered for an identity card. Almost all see it as a way to open a door to eventual return to Myanmar.

"This document gives me the sense that something good will come of it in the future," Nisa Alin said. She fled in terror with her four daughters in August 2017. "This will help us to go back, I hope, but with our rights restored."

"Having an identity is a basic human right," Grandi said after talking to refugees going through the registration process. "All their life, many have been without proper identification, so having this is an incredible step into a more dignified and safe life."

"This document gives me the sense that something good will come of it in the future."

"The Rohingya refugees are fully aware that if they return to Myanmar they need to guarantee that such a return is joined to a recognition of their fundamental rights as human beings," Antonio Vitorino said. "It is absolutely necessary to find a solution that guarantees the interests of the refugees to return to Myanmar to rebuild their lives."

But pursuing a solution for the Rohingya refugees will be challenging and patience is needed. Grandi later told reporters that efforts to engage with the Myanmar government have been slow. An agreement to allow UNHCR to visit some 1,000 Rohingya villages has led to visits to just 100, although a limited number of quick impact projects have now started.

Grandi said he was hoping to visit Myanmar again in May to assess the situation in Rakhine, where the Rohingya fled from. He underlined that the key moves and progress must be made by Myanmar.

"The Myanmar side must address the issue of Rohingya rights," he said. "That includes freedom of movement, access to jobs and services, and a path to citizenship."

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United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

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World must not turn away from Rohingya crisis, say UN chiefs

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COX'S BAZAR, Bangladesh - The world must not turn away. It was both a plea and a warning issued by three senior UN officials visiting the Kutupalong refugee camp today, the largest in the world. The settlement is home to more than 630,000 Rohingya refugees who fled the violence in Myanmar directed against them in 2017.

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The Rohingya are a Muslim ethnic group, formerly resided in the Rakhine State, Myanmar (BBC News 2018). They are often referred to as stateless or 'illegal immigrants' because the government does not consider them legitimate citizens. Therefore, not included as one of the ethnic groups comprising Myanmar (Mercy Corps 2019). The animosity between the state and the Rohingya stems back fifty years. It was intensified by World War II when the Muslim communities supported the British army while the Buddhist population supported the Japanese (Mercy Corps 2019). After Burma (currently known as Myanmar) succeeded independence in 1948, the Muslim communities fought for civil and equal rights but were defeated by the Buddhist state, further escalating the division in the country (Mercy Corps 2019).  In 1962, the Burmese army gained control of the region in a military coup and destroyed the country's constitution, establishing nationalism based on Buddhist ideals. As a result, the Rohingya were pushed out and perceived as threats (Mercy Corps 2019).

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In August 2017, a deadly crackdown by Myanmar's army on Rohingya Muslims sent hundreds of thousands fleeing across the border into Bangladesh.

They risked everything to escape by sea or on foot a military offensive which the United Nations later described as a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing".

In January 2020, the UN's top court ordered the Buddhist-majority country to take measures to protect members of its Rohingya community from genocide.

But the army in Myanmar (formerly Burma) has said it was fighting Rohingya militants and denies targeting civilians. The country's leader Aung San Suu Kyi, once a human rights icon, has repeatedly denied allegations of genocide.

Who are the Rohingya?

Described by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres as "one of, if not the, most discriminated people in the world", the Rohingya are one of Myanmar's many ethnic minorities.

The Rohingya, who numbered around one million in Myanmar at the start of 2017, are one of the many ethnic minorities in the country. Rohingya Muslims represent the largest percentage of Muslims in Myanmar, with the majority living in Rakhine state.

They have their own language and culture and say they are descendants of Arab traders and other groups who have been in the region for generations.

But the government of Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist country, denies the Rohingya citizenship and even excluded them from the 2014 census, refusing to recognise them as a people.

It sees them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

Since the 1970s, Rohingya have migrated across the region in significant numbers. Estimates of their numbers are often much higher than official figures.

In the last few years, before the latest crisis, thousands of Rohingya made perilous journeys out of Myanmar to escape communal violence or alleged abuses by the security forces.

The exodus began on 25 August 2017 after Rohingya Arsa militants launched deadly attacks on more than 30 police posts.

Rohingyas arriving in Bangladesh said they fled after troops, backed by local Buddhist mobs, responded by burning their villages and attacking and killing civilians.

At least 6,700 Rohingya, including at least 730 children under the age of five, were killed in the month after the violence broke out, according to medical charity Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF).

Amnesty International says the Myanmar military also raped and abused Rohingya women and girls.

The government, which puts the number of dead at 400, claims that "clearance operations" against the militants ended on 5 September, but BBC correspondents have seen evidence that they continued after that date.

At least 288 villages were partially or totally destroyed by fire in northern Rakhine state after August 2017, according to analysis of satellite imagery by Human Rights Watch.

The imagery shows many areas where Rohingya villages were reduced to smouldering rubble, while nearby ethnic Rakhine villages were left intact.

Human Rights Watch say most damage occurred in Maungdaw Township, between 25 August and 25 September 2017 - with many villages destroyed after 5 September, when Myanmar's de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, said security force operations had ended.

A report published by UN investigators in August 2018 accused Myanmar's military of carrying out mass killings and rapes with "genocidal intent".

The ICJ case, lodged by the small Muslim-majority nation of The Gambia, in West Africa, on behalf of dozens of other Muslim countries, called for emergency measures to be taken against the Myanmar military, known as Tatmadaw, until a fuller investigation could be launched.

Aung San Suu Kyi rejected allegations of genocide when she appeared at the court in December 2019.

But in January 2020, the court's initial ruling ordered Myanmar to take emergency measures to protect the Rohingya from being persecuted and killed.

While the ICJ only rules on disputes between states, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has the authority to try individuals accused of war crimes or crimes against humanity. The body approved a full investigation into the case of the Rohingya in Myanmar in November.

Although Myanmar itself is not a member of the court, the ICC ruled it had jurisdiction in the case because Bangladesh, where victims fled to, is a member.

Myanmar has long denied carrying out genocide and says it is carrying out its own investigations into the events of 2017. The country's Independent Commission of Enquiry (ICOE) admitted that members of the security forces may have carried out "war crimes, serious human rights violations, and violations of domestic law", but claimed there was no evidence of genocide.

Its full report has not yet been released, but questions have been raised.

With more than half a million Rohingya believed to still be living in Myanmar's northern Rakhine province, UN investigators have warned there is a "serious risk that genocidal actions may occur or recur".

The situation that led to "killings, rapes and gang rapes, torture, forced displacement and other grave rights violations" in 2017 remained unchanged, the investigators said in September, blaming a lack of accountability and Myanmar's failure to fully investigate allegations or criminalise genocide.

Rakhine province itself is the site of an ongoing conflict between the army and rebels from the Buddhist-majority Rakhine ethnic group.

What about the refugees?

The massive numbers of refugees who fled to Bangladesh in 2017 joined hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who had fled Myanmar in previous years.

Kutupalong, the largest refugee settlement in the world according to UNHCR, is home to more than 600,000 refugees alone.

While an agreement for the return of refugees was reached in early 2018, none returned. They said they would not consider going back to Myanmar unless they were given guarantees they would be given citizenship.

And as a BBC investigation showed, even those considering returning in the future may not be able to, with villages destroyed to make way for government facilities.

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Myanmar Rohingya: What you need to know about the crisis

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Who are they, why are they fleeing from Myanmar and what is the international community doing?

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On the 6th of April in the year 1994, President Habyarimana accompanied by Burundi’s president Cyprien Ntaryamira were travelling over Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, via plane until it was shot down, leaving no survivors. However, no factual evidence had been issued, Tutsi rebel groups such as the RPF were quick to be blamed. As a consequence, on the following day, 7th of April, plans were laid to eradicate the Tutsi people. Executions were carried out by means of lists provided by the government identifying individuals of opposition, as well as checking identity cards at set up roadblocks. Rampages were so extreme friends, neighbours, teachers, students were horrendously killing one another, so much so that some husbands were killing their Tutsi wives. The extent of ethnic cleansing which erupted became unmeasurable as there were thousands of fatalities each day, some reporting up to 10,000 per day (France 24, 2019). In addition to the ‘hit lists’, weapons were additionally provided and propaganda vastly spread resentment against the Tutsi to further “weed out the cockroaches.” Some of the violence which Tutsi people endured included torture, rape, beheadings and killings through beatings, machetes and much more. It was also documented that approximately 100,000 Hutus were wiped out due to neutral standings and few revenge killings. Matters worsened as there was a lack of intervention from the international community leaving for such brutality to continue for a period of 100 days.

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In the meantime RPF forces continued their fight inevitably causing a civil war to coincidentally occur with the genocide. Slowly they were able to regain power of Rwanda, leaving for 2,000,000 Hutus to flee out of fear to surrounding countries. Once victory was established a government was set in place under the rule of Pasteur Bizimungu and Paul Kagame, leader of the RPF, as the Vice President. An agreement similar to that which had been agreed in Tanzania was also implemented. With a new system of government and the outlaw of previous president’s Habyarimana NRMD party, which had incited the ethnic cleansing of the Tutsis, steps towards reconciliation became possible. Now, 25 years on such ethnic divide does not remain prominent, as Rwandans have grown to coexist with each other. Identity cards separating ethnic groups have now been diminished and few of those responsible are serving for the crimes they have committed. Although more improvements are yet to be made.

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Existing tensions dating back years involving the two primary ethnic groups situated in Rwanda, the Tutsi and Hutu, was the main contribution to the commencement of the brutal events of ethnic cleansing. Differentiations in lifestyle led the Tutsi to care for cattle, a course of labour which was perceived more valuable, and therefore leave the Hutu to maintain the land. During the colonial era hatred sharpened as Belgium granted power to the Tutsi people, thus, enhancing their status and granting them privilege for the next 20 years, despite the fact that the Hutu inhabited 85 percent of Rwanda (History.com, 2018).The Belgians achieved this by recording the two ethnicities on identity cards to distinguish the two groups. Riots outbroke in opposition for the injustice, which consequently led to the death of 20,000 Tutsi (BBC World News Africa, 2011). However, it wasn’t until 1962 when Rwanda gained independence, that the Hutu majority had the ability to gain control, causing even greater violence to occur. Hence, after fears of retaliation many Tutsi sought refuge in neighbouring countries such as Uganda, Tanzania and Burundi. The remaining Tutsi subsequently became an even lesser population occupying Rwanda. For the next years 20 years or so, Juvénal Habyarimana, a man of Hutu decent, governed as the Rwandan president. Under his rule all political activity was restricted, and some initiatives were undertaken to seek reconciliation between the two groups. Although, that only earned the anger of both parties as conflict had occurred so recently and led to the formation of extreme Hutu groups, one of which known as, Akazu. It was only until the 1990s did temporary negotiations begin, where a ceasefire had been declared. This was as a result of forces consisting of Tutsi refugees forming what to be known as the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF), founded in Uganda, becoming increasingly aggressive, as efforts were made to invade Rwanda. Further peacekeeping initiatives were made through an agreement signed by the president in August 1993, which called for the coexistence of the RPF and Hutu in government in the city of Arusha, Tanzania. Yet, this did not sit well with Hutu extremists.

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As of April this year, the country of Rwanda, located in East Africa, marked its 25th anniversary of one of the most significant events of the late twentieth century. An instance fuelled by hatred, carried over the course of 100 days, and lead to the brutal killings of over 800,000 people. Today, it is perceived one of the greatest downfalls in common era, due to not only the extent of bloodshed and slaughter which had taken place but also a downfall due to the lack of intervention from the international community, despite signs and room for possible prevention from earlier on.

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case study

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It is estimated that over a million Rohingya have fled Myanmar due to Ethnic Cleansing. There is no clear legal definition for this term as it is technically not recognized as an independent crime under International Law (Vox, 2017). However, ethnic cleansing is customarily considered the systemic and violent removal of an undesired ethnic or religious group from a given territory, using force or intimidation (The United Nations 2019). The human rights abuses and violent attacks on the Rohingya have made it a major global humanitarian issue. Today, most Rohingya Muslims have fled and sought refuge in neighbouring regions, primarily Bangladesh, or living in internment camps (Beech 2019). However, with a vast influx of refugees continuing to cross the border into Bangladesh, the country has come under pressure to stop the intake due to the lack of resources available (BBC News 2019). There are also serious health risks associated with those living in refugee camps. Recently in May 2019, the UN high commissioner and top tier officials visited Myanmar and Bangladesh to highlight the concerns of the Rohingya and raise awareness to what has become one of the most significant international crises today (Fleming 2019).

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ETHNIC CLEANSING IN MYANMAR         THE ROHINGYA CRISIS

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ETHNIC CLEANSING IN MYANMAR         THE ROHINGYA CRISIS

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Case Study

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Ethnic cleansing more common in authoritarian states

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Ethnic cleansing more common in authoritarian states

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Arguments for the causes of ethnic cleansing are highly disputed and are particularly linked to authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. Ethnic conflict is particularly likely to occur in states where ethnic groups lack adequate representation in public and political institutions. Rudolph Rummel, a professor of political science argued that 'the more authoritarian a state is the more likely it is to commit crimes such as ethnic cleansing' (Carrie Booth Walling 2000). This could be because such regimes with discriminatory legislation and lack of opportunities for ethnic groups are unable to participate in decision-making processes and therefore are more vulnerable to ethnic conflict compared to liberal democracies that focus on the ideals of inclusion amongst all.

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Myanmar's military must be prosecuted for Rohingya 'ethnic cleansing', UN told

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Myanmar's military must be prosecuted for Rohingya 'ethnic cleansing', UN told

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Nikki Haley, the US ambassador to the UN, joined other security council members in calling for prosecutions, saying: “The facts of the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya must be said, and they must be heard" (The Guardian 2018).

As world leaders remain silence, millions of Rohingya Muslims are denied their basic human rights as tens of thousands have either died or fled their home land in Myanmar all because of their ethnic identity.

Myanmar’s de facto ruler Aung San Suu Kyi has not commented on the report that exposes the treatment of Rohingya, but a government spokesman said the international community was making "false allegations". What's alarming is the denial and lack of acknowledgement by Myanmar's leaders who have no intentions of admitting the issue let alone searching and developing a solution.

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Myanmar's military must be prosecuted for Rohingya 'ethnic cleansing', UN told

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UN secretary general calls for action and accountability to tackle on one of the world's worst humanitarian crises

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Ethnic cleansing can be seen as the result of misuse of insecurity and the manipulation of national history by power-seeking political elites. According to the elite manipulation theory, 'elites use ethnic violence as a purposeful and rational strategy for obtaining and maintaining political power' ( Mumbi Z. Ngug 2013). They instigate ethnic violence as a way of gaining political support.

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The Chinese Communist party is at the forefront of the issue. Prior to coming to power, the Communists supported the right of the national self-determination, once in power they narrowed their view of self-determination to mean autonomy within a united China. The new Communist government declared in 1949 that China was a “united nation of multiple nationalities”. This policy, they argued, was the “outgrowth of the historical development of the past several thousand years” (Hyer 2006).

As well as aiding the rapid industrialisation of the region, many see the influx of Han as an attempt to stamp out the Uighurs cultural, ethnic and religious influence over the province and kill off any unified separatist movement.

Beijing has labelled those who are fighting for an independent state in the Northwest province of Xinjiang as terrorists. The Chinese government has labelled these acts as part of a network of international Islamic terror, with supposed “funding from the Middle East, training in Pakistan and combat experience in Afghanistan” as found by Chung (2002, p.9).

Considering the ethnic character and the geopolitical significance of the region is of such importance, the nationalist movement in Xinjiang is probably more threatening to China’s unity than any such movements in other regions in China such as Tibet or Mongolia (Hyer 2006).  This has to be the main reason for the persecution of Uighur Muslims.

It is up to international bodies such as the United Nations, and all developed countries to publicly condemn the acts by the Chinese government and to pressure them into adhering to their international treaties.

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Justification By The Chinese Government 

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Justification By The Chinese Government 

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After denying that such heinous activities occur within China, in 2017, a Chinese government official responded to claims of human rights violations by stating that they were completely “untrue”. The reasoning behind the crackdown is because Chinese officials are concerned that most Uighurs hold radical and extremist ideas and they view the camps as a way of “eliminating threats to China’s territorial integrity, government and population” (Lindsay 2019). The Chinese government has come to characterise any expression of Islam in Xinjiang as extremist. The most unwanted scenario to the Chinese would be the Uighur Muslim movement in Xinjiang externally joining with international Muslim movements throughout Asia and the Middle East, bringing an influx of Islamic extremism and a desire to challenge the central government (Davis 2008).

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The Chinese government has reportedly detained more than a million Muslims in reeducation camps. Most of the people who have been arbitrarily detained are Uighur, a predominantly Turkic-speaking ethnic group primarily from China's northwestern region of Xinjiang.

Human rights organizations, UN officials, and many foreign governments are urging China to stop the crackdown. But Chinese officials maintain that what they call vocational training centers do not infringe on Uighurs' human rights. They have refused to share information about the detention centers, however, and prevent journalists and foreign investigators from examining them.

When did mass detentions of Muslims start?

Some eight hundred thousand to two million Uighurs and other Muslims, including ethnic Kazakhs and Uzbeks, have been detained since April 2017, according to experts and government officials [PDF]. Outside of the camps, the eleven million Uighurs living in Xinjiang have continued to suffer from a decades-long crackdown by Chinese authorities.

Most people in the camps have never been charged with crimes and have no legal avenues to challenge their detentions. The detainees seem to have been targeted for a variety of reasons, according to media reports, including traveling to or contacting people from any of the twenty-six countries China considers sensitive, such as Turkey and Afghanistan; attending services at mosques; and sending texts containing Quranic verses. Often, their only crime is being Muslim, human rights groups say, adding that many Uighurs have been labeled as extremists simply for practicing their religion.

Hundreds of camps are located in Xinjiang. Officially known as the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, the northwestern province has been claimed by China since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) took power in 1949. Some Uighurs living there refer to the region as East Turkestan and argue that it ought to be independent from China. Xinjiang takes up one-sixth of China's landmass and borders eight countries, including Pakistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan.

Experts estimate that Xinjiang reeducation efforts started in 2014 and were drastically expanded in 2017. Reuters journalists, observing satellite imagery, found that thirty-nine of the camps almost tripled in size between April 2017 and August 2018; they cover a total area roughly the size of 140 soccer fields. Similarly, analyzing local and national budgets over the past few years, Germany-based Xinjiang expert Adrian Zenz found that construction spending on security-related facilities in Xinjiang increased by 20 billion yuan (around $2.96 billion) in 2017.

What is happening in the camps?

Information on what actually happens in the camps is limited, but many detainees who have since fled China describe harsh conditions. Detainees are forced to pledge loyalty to the CCP and renounce Islam, they say, as well as sing praises for communism and learn Mandarin. Some reported prison-like conditions, with cameras and microphones monitoring their every move and utterance. Others said they were tortured and subjected to sleep deprivation during interrogations. Some contemplated suicide or witnessed others kill themselves.

Detention also disrupts families. Children whose parents have been sent to the camps are often forced to stay in state-run orphanages. Uighur parents living outside of China often face a difficult choice: return home to be with their children and risk detention, or stay abroad, separated from their children and unable to contact them.

Why is China detaining Uighurs in Xinjiang now?

Chinese officials are concerned that Uighurs hold extremist and separatist ideas, and they view the camps as a way of eliminating threats to China's territorial integrity, government, and population.

Arbitrary detention became widely used by regional officials under Chen Quanguo, Xinjiang's Communist Party secretary, who moved to the province in 2016 after holding a top leadership position in Tibet. Known for increasing the number of police and security checkpoints, as well as state control over Buddhist monasteries in Tibet, Chen has since dramatically intensified security in Xinjiang.

In March 2017, Xinjiang's government passed an anti-extremism law that prohibited people from growing long beards and wearing veils in public. It also officially recognized the use of training centers to eliminate extremism.

Under President Xi Jinping, the CCP has pushed to Sinicize religion, or shape all religions to conform to the officially atheist party's doctrines and the majority Han-Chinese society's customs. Though the government recognizes five religions-Buddhism, Catholicism, Daoism, Islam, and Protestantism-it has long feared that foreigners could use religious practice to spur separatism.

The Chinese government has come to characterize any expression of Islam in Xinjiang as extremist, a reaction to past independence movements and occasional outbursts of violence. The government has blamed terrorist attacks on the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, a separatist group founded by militant Uighurs, in recent decades. Following the 9/11 attacks, the Chinese government started justifying its actions toward Uighurs as part of the Global War on Terrorism. It said it would combat what it calls "the three evils"-separatism, religious extremism, and international terrorism-at all costs.

In 2009, rioting in Xinjiang's capital, Urumqi, broke out as mostly Uighur demonstrators protested against state-incentivized Han Chinese migration in the region and widespread economic and cultural discrimination. Nearly two hundred people were killed, and experts say it marked a turning point in Beijing's attitude toward Uighurs. In the eyes of Beijing, all Uighurs could potentially be terrorists or terrorist sympathizers.

During the next few years, authorities blamed Uighurs for attacks at a local government office, train station, and open-air market, as well as Tiananmen Square in Beijing. The government also feared that thousands of Uighurs who moved to Syria to fight for various militant groups, including the self-proclaimed Islamic State, after the outbreak of civil war in 2011 would return to China and spark violence.

Are economic factors involved in this crackdown?

Xinjiang is an important link in China's Belt and Road Initiative, a massive development plan stretching through Asia and Europe. Beijing hopes to eradicate any possibility of separatist activity to continue its development of Xinjiang, which is home to China's largest coal and natural gas reserves. Human rights organizations have observed that the economic benefits of resource extraction and development are often disproportionately enjoyed by Han Chinese, and Uighur people are increasingly marginalized.

What do Chinese officials say about the camps?

Once the camps began receiving international media attention, government officials denied their existence. Then, starting in October 2018, officials started calling them "vocational education and training programs." In March 2019, their official name became "vocational training centers," and Xinjiang's governor, Shohrat Zakir, described them as " boarding schools " that provide job skills to "trainees," who are voluntarily admitted and allowed to leave the camps. But human rights organizations say detainees are prevented from exiting as they please.

Chinese officials maintain that the camps have two purposes: to teach Mandarin, Chinese laws, and vocational skills, and to prevent citizens from becoming influenced by extremist ideas, to "nip terrorist activities in the bud," according to a government report. Pointing out that Xinjiang has not experienced a terrorist attack since December 2016, officials claim the camps have prevented violence.

The government has resisted international pressure to allow in outside investigators, saying anything happening inside Xinjiang is an internal issue. It denies that people are forced to denounce Islam, are detained against their will, and experience abuse in the camps. In early 2019, it organized several trips for foreign diplomats to visit Xinjiang and tour a center; a U.S. official criticized them as " highly choreographed."

What is happening outside the camps in Xinjiang?

Even before the camps became a major part of the Chinese government's anti-extremism campaign, the government was accused of cracking down on religious freedom and basic human rights in Xinjiang.

Experts say Xinjiang has been turned into a surveillance state that relies on cutting-edge technology to monitor millions of people. Under Xinjiang's Communist Party leader, Chen, Xinjiang was placed under a grid-management system, as described in media reports, in which cities and villages were split into squares of about five hundred people. Each square has a police station that closely monitors inhabitants by regularly scanning their identification cards, taking their photographs and fingerprints, and searching their cell phones. In some cities, like Kashgar in western Xinjiang, police checkpoints are found every one hundred yards or so, and facial-recognition cameras are everywhere. The government also collects and store citizens' biometric data through a required program advertised as Physicals for All.

Many aspects of Muslim life have been erased, journalists reporting from Xinjiang have found. Communist Party members have been recruited since 2014 to stay in Uighur homes and report on any perceived "extremist" behaviors, including fasting during Ramadan or abstaining from alcohol. Officials have destroyed mosques, claiming the buildings were shoddily constructed and unsafe for worshippers. Uighur parents are banned from giving their babies certain names, including Mohammed and Medina. Halal food is becoming harder to find in Urumqi as the local government has launched a campaign against it.

Beijing has also pressured other governments to repatriate Uighurs who have fled China. In 2015, for example, Thailand returned more than one hundred Uighurs, and Egypt deported several students in 2017. Chinese Uighurs living abroad fear they will be deported and sent to the camps.

What has the global response been?

Much of the world has condemned China's detention of Uighurs in Xinjiang. The UN human rights chief and other UN officials have demanded access to the camps. The European Union has called on China to respect religious freedom and change its policies in Xinjiang. And human rights organizations have urged China to immediately shut down the camps and answer questions about disappeared Uighurs.

Notably silent are many Muslim nations. Prioritizing their economic ties and strategic relationships with China, many governments, including those of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Indonesia, have ignored the human rights abuses. Turkey became the only Muslim-majority country to voice concern when its foreign minister called on China to ensure "the full protection of the cultural identities of the Uighurs and other Muslims" during a UN Human Rights Council session in early 2019.

Top officials in the Donald J. Trump administration, including Vice President Mike Pence and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, have spoken out against China's actions. U.S. diplomats hosted a meeting alongside the UN Human Rights Council in March 2019, urging China to stop detaining Muslims. A 2019 State Department report detailed China's human rights abuses in Xinjiang and throughout the country.

But members of Congress and activists have criticized the U.S. government for inaction. In a March 2019 letter [PDF], a bipartisan group of lawmakers asked the administration to investigate whether China is using American technology to surveil and detain Uighurs, as well as to draft a plan to "hold Beijing accountable." For its part, the State Department said it was considering " targeted measures," including sanctions, on Chinese officials.

Human Rights Watch has advocated other actions the United States and other countries could take: publicly challenging President Xi; sanctioning senior officials, such as Chen; denying exports of technologies that facilitate abuse; and preventing China from targeting members of the Uighur diaspora. But no country has taken action beyond issuing critical statements.

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China's Crackdown on Uighurs in Xinjiang

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The Chinese government has reportedly detained more than a million Muslims in reeducation camps. Most of the people who have been arbitrarily detained are Uighur, a predominantly Turkic-speaking ethnic group primarily from China's northwestern region of Xinjiang. Human rights organizations, UN officials, and many foreign governments are urging China to stop the crackdown.

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Murder of 86-year-old Greek Christian man puts spotlight on Turkey's ethnic cleansing

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Murder of 86-year-old Greek Christian man puts spotlight on Turkey's ethnic cleansing

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An 86-year-old ethnic-Greek citizen of Turkey, Zafiris Pinaris, was found murdered showing clear signs of tour in his home on the island of Imbros with his hands and feet tied on May 14 showing clear signs of being tortured.

According to a 'parliamentary motion by the opposition MP Tuma Celik, Greek, Assyrian and Armenian houses have been targeted'(Greek City Times 2019). Until the 1960s, Imbros was primarily inhabited by 5500 ethnic Greeks whereas compared to today, only 300 Greeks populate the small island. This is due to a strategic planned ethnic cleansing carried out by the Turkish government who did not honour the 1923 Lausanne Treaty – which was supposed to protect the Greek residents.

Between 1960 and early 1990’s the Turkish government abolished the use of the Greek language, confiscated Greek properties, destroyed about 200 churches and chapels, Greeks schools were also closed down and the Turks even established a semi-open prison where inmates were allowed to ‘wander on the island to commit violent crimes' (Greek City Times 2019) against the Greek population. The world only had knowledge of the ethnic cleansing that took place in Imbros in 2014 when a ‘Top Secret’ report was found in a second-hand bookshop in Izmir.

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An 86-year-old ethnic-Greek citizen of Turkey, Zafiris Pinaris, was found murdered in his home on the island of Imbros with his hands and feet tied on May 14. He was reportedly tortured. The local press covering the incident are labeling it a hate crime and Turkish authorities have opened an investigation into the matter.

The opposition MP, Tuma Çelik, has submitted a parliamentary motion regarding Pinaris to be answered by the Minister of Justice Abdulhamit Gül. The motion said that "Since the past, Greek, Assyrian and Armenian houses have been targeted and 'treasures' have been hunted for in those places on the pretext that the minorities are 'wealthy.'"

"Pinaris was an artisan, very healthy despite his age and a member of the Greek society who lived in the island for a long time. It has been stated in the news that three people were detained on the ground of their involvement in the attack and that those who entered the house of Pinaris to steal his money battered and killed him," the motion reads.

"Pinaris was first taken to the Gökçeada State Hospital and then to Bursa Forensic Medicine Institute for autopsy. However, since last week, there has been no statement made by the local authorities regarding the incident," the motion continued, adding that, "the murder of Zafiris Pinaris has led to the recurrence of the previous traumas as well as uneasiness among the island residents."

Imbros is historically a Christian island that was primarily inhabited by Greeks from antiquity until the 1960s. When Constantinople (today Istanbul) was invaded by Ottoman Turks in 1453, Imbros also fell to the Ottoman Empire and then passed on to its successor, Turkey.

According to the 1960 population census, around 5,500 ethnic Greeks lived in the island of Imbros. Today, the Greek population there is around 300. This decline of population is the result of a carefully planned campaign of ethnic cleansing that lasted for decades.

The 1923 Lausanne Treaty, which recognized the borders and independence of Turkey, established a special status - including the right to a Greek local administration - for the then Greek-populated Aegean islands, Imbros and Tenedos (Bozcaada). The Greek residents were supposed to be protected by the Turkish government, according to the treaty.

However, those provisions of the treaty were never honored by Turkey.

"The Turkish government promptly took over the administration of the islands, including the judiciary, the police, and the port authorities and customs officers. It also chose the members of the administrative council. Turkey confiscated the lands of those who had left the islands and did not permit the owners to return. The use of the Greek language for official communications was abolished," according to a 1992 report by Helsinki Watch.

And in the 1960s, an ethnic cleansing campaign was accelerated by the Turkish government.

The fact that the ethnic cleansing was state-planned came to light in 2014 when the human rights lawyer, Erhan Pekçe, found in a second-hand bookshop in Izmir a report marked "Top Secret" about the practices implemented by the government to Turkify Imbros.

The Committee Against Racism and Discrimination of Turkey's Human Rights Association (IHD) then held a press conference in Istanbul on September 6, 2014, the anniversary of the September 1955 anti-Greek pogroms, when activists shared the findings of the report with the public and distributed its copies to journalists in attendance.

Ayşe Günaysu, a prominent human rights activist based in Istanbul, was among the team that led the efforts of bringing awareness to the ethnic cleansing in Imbros. "According to this top-secret report, Turkey's National Security Council (NCS) took a decision in 1964 about Imbros' Turkification," she told The Daily Caller. "The aim of the NCS was 'to prepare all the necessary economic, social and spiritual conditions for the Turkification of the island, enabling the [Turkish] immigrants to permanently settle on the island and for a full eradication of the Greek aspirations.'"

"The names of the Greek inhabitants of the island were also listed one-by-one in the report with information about their respective professions and alleged political tendencies," Günaysu added. "The report also refers to Greek schools and other Greek institutions as 'hotbeds of conspiracy.'"

The Turkification of the island happened in "a detailed and carefully designed process," said Günaysu. "The sense of security, educational rights, language, and economic well-being of the Greek Christians on that island were all targeted systematically."

"In 1965 a 'semi-open prison' was opened on the island. The inmates were allowed to wander around everywhere on the island, committing violent crimes against the Greek population, such as harassment, rape, arson, attacks on Greek homes, and robbery. In 1991, once the Greek population was reduced to a mere remnant, the prison was closed down. The lands owned by the Greek population and the properties of all Greek foundations began to be confiscated in the 1960s. Greek schools were closed down. The island was then declared a 'military zone' in 1970," said Günaysu.

While all these policies were implemented, ethnic Turks were settled on the island en masse. And in 1970, the name of the Imbros island was changed to "Gökçeada," accompanied with the Turkification of the names of hundreds of historically Greek localities.

"The rapid decrease in the Greek resident population and the equally rapid increase in the number of Muslims/Turks clearly reveal the 'population engineering' designed by the Turkish state," according to Günaysu.

"Attorney Pekçe also found out that the sale of property to Greek Christians was subject to a special procedure and permission different from the one provided for Muslim citizens," Günaysu added.

Meanwhile, Christian places of worship on Imbros have also been systematically targeted. "Between 1960 and 1990 about 200 churches and chapels were reportedly destroyed," according to Helsinki Watch.

A 1992 letter to Helsinki Watch by the the Panimbrian Committee, a group of emigres from Imbros living in Greece, also revealed the terror imposed on Greek islanders, who were "considered by the [Turkish] authorities to be second class citizens." The letter said, in part:

"Their painful experiences since 1964 have made a deep mark on their lives. They are afraid to express their feelings, to protest against certain actions of the authorities or the Turkish settlers, to call themselves Greeks, to call the island 'Imbros' instead of 'Gökçeada' or even to allow anybody to make use of their names when they give some information referring to the violation of their rights, fearing the consequences which they will have to face from the Turkish authorities. We encounter the same attitude and the same fear also in persons who, living in Greece and visiting Imbros during the summer, are afraid of the consequences during a possible next visit.

"Several Greeks residing on the island are recipients of letters containing threats on their lives, mentioning that they will have the fate of Deliconstandis who was murdered in 1990, and stating that they should either leave the island or sell their remaining unexpropriated real estate."

Zafiris Pinaris was one of the few who chose to stay in his ancestral homeland against all odds. And for that, on May 14, he was tortured to death.

According to Helsinki Watch, "The Turkish government has denied the rights of the Greek community on Imbros and Tenedos in violation of the Lausanne Treaty and international human rights laws and agreements."

The result of all the systematic pressure and attacks against ethnic Greeks has been the annihilation of the Greek population of the island.

Thecleansingcleaning of Greeks of Imbros reveals once again the relentless Turkish genocidal hatred for Hellenic culture and Christianity. Turkey is a member of NATO, and its accession to the EU is supported by the political elite of much of Western Europe.

*This article first appeared in The Daily Caller and has been republished with permission.

ABOUT Uzay Bulut: is a Turkish journalist and political analyst formerly based in Ankara. She graduated from Istanbul's Bogazici University in 2007 with a BA in Translation and Interpreting Studies. She holds a master's degree in Media and Cultural Studies at Ankara's Middle East Technical University. Her writings have appeared in a variety of publications including Gatestone Institute, the Clarion Project, the Armenian Weekly, PJ Media, CBN News, the Algemeiner, the Kurdish newspaper Rudaw, International Business Times UK and the Voice of America. She has also contributed to several Israeli media outlets including the Jerusalem Post, Arutz Sheva (Israel National News), Israel Hayom and Jerusalem Online. Bulut's journalistic work focuses mainly on Turkey's ethnic and religious minorities, anti-Semitism, political Islam and the history of Turkey. She is currently based in Washington, D.C.

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Murder of 86-year-old Greek Christian man puts spotlight on Turkey's ethnic cleansing - Greek City Times

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According to the 1960 population census, around 5,500 ethnic Greeks lived in the island of Imbros. Today, the Greek population there is around 300. This decline of population is the result of a carefully planned campaign of ethnic cleansing that lasted for decades.

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Throughout history, extending back to early centuries ethnic cleansing has been closely associated with the process of state building and the political ideology of ‘the homogenous sovereign state and the principle of national self-determination’ (Carrie Booth Walling 2000). State-directed movements of ethnic groups are designed to strengthen state power over a specific territory and is accomplished by removing the despised ethnic group to ensure that their return is unfeasible. The fundamental method used by states, government elites and rival ethnic groups was to use terror to carry out such practices. These practices often include the prohibition of any ethnic association which includes banning of minority language or religion and 'marriage restrictions intended to prevent the ethnic group from reproducing’ (Carrie Booth Walling 2000).

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Political background of ethnic cleansing 

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Political background of ethnic cleansing 

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Sudan’s Transition Hasn’t Ended Abuses in Darfur

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Sudan’s Transition Hasn’t Ended Abuses in Darfur

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Where human rights are abused, a lack of publicity is a significant obstacle to ensuring that the reparations made or suggested by international organisations or non-governmental organisations are effective.

The management of human rights crises must be ongoing. Despite Omar al-Bashir’s loss of presidency, government forces continue to target civilians and protesters. Where it is limited to simply suppressing violence or targeting, accountability is lacking. Without accountability to leaders that enact atrocities, protection cannot fully be afforded to those affected (Henry 2019).

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REUTERS/Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah

Since Omar al-Bashir was ousted as Sudan's president on April 11, thousands of protesters have continued to hold vigil at the military headquarters in Khartoum. And the transitional military council that now rules the country has been negotiating with political opposition groups to form a civilian-led sovereignty council. By most accounts, government security forces have treated the protesters fairly, a welcome respite after violent crackdowns over the last few months that resulted in over 100 deaths and hundreds of injuries.

But this hasn't been the case in Sudan's restive Darfur region. On May 4, residents of the Otash displaced person's camp joined protests in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur. Government forces, which according to witnesses included the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a paramilitary group responsible for grave crimes in Darfur, Southern Kordofan, and Blue Nile over the past five years, tried to disperse the protesters by beating and shooting live bullets and teargas at them, reportedly killing an 18-year old and injuring others in the process. Days earlier, media reported RSF soldiers used violence to break up protests in Zalingei, Central Darfur.

The RSF are still being implicated in crimes against civilians in Darfur, even as their commander, Mohamed Hamdan "Hemeti," is now deputy head of the transitional military council. But the crackdown in Nyala exposes the grim reality that civilians in Darfur still face violence and abuse more than elsewhere, and often out of public view. As one young man who witnessed protesters being dispersed told us: "The security forces always treat us [in Darfur] differently."

Darfur's legacy of conflict includes decades of government scorched-earth tactics, pushing millions of people out of their villages, burning large swathes of land, and killing hundreds of thousands of civilians. The crimes were so grave the International Criminal Court brought charges against then-president al-Bashir for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. But various reports show government forces continue to commit atrocities against villagers, especially in the Jebal Mara area.

Sudan's leaders should not just end these abuses but take steps toward justice. They should cooperate with the International Criminal Court by handing al-Bashir over, and ensure credible, independent investigations into recent and past crimes by all forces, including Hemeti's RSF.

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Sudan's Transition Hasn't Ended Abuses in Darfur

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By most accounts, Sudan's government security forces have been treating protesters fairly, a welcome respite after violent crackdowns over the last few months that resulted in over 100 deaths and hundreds of injuries. But this hasn't been the case in Sudan's restive Darfur region.

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Human Rights Watch calls on authorities to carry out Omar al-Bashir’s 2009 ICC arrest warrant

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Human Rights Watch calls on authorities to carry out Omar al-Bashir’s 2009 ICC arrest warrant

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The International Criminal Court has a key role in the response to human rights violations. Where Omar al-Bashir was accused of ethnic cleansing, there are limitations to determining this.

Like many other international and non-governmental organisations, there are no true ways to enforce accountability and the conviction of leaders who commit crimes against humanity.

The ongoing situation in Darfur is similar in its complexity to the Rohingya crisis, where the accountability of those who perpetuate ethnic cleansing are not able to be completely held responsible. Groups such as the Human Rights Watch and organs of the United Nations can only do so much, since they cannot use force to ensure states adopt certain recommendations (Mackintosh & Griffiths 2019).

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By Eliza Mackintosh and James Griffiths

Updated 10:29 p.m. ET, April 11, 2019

What we covered here

Dictator deposed: Sudanese strongman Omar al-Bashir has been forced out of power in a military coup.

Who is Omar al-Bashir? The ousted president ruled Sudan for 30 years after seizing power in a coup in 1989. He is accused of war crimes and genocide for his brutal crackdown in Darfur.

Why now? Bashir was removed after months of anti-regime protests, with the military abandoning him and siding with those seeking his downfall.

What happens next? In a televised statement, the army announced a two-year military council to oversee a transition of power and declared a three-month state of emergency. Activists have demanded the military hand over power to a civilian government as soon as possible.

Expand

We're concluding our live coverage of the coup in Sudan, which saw former president Omar al-Bashir ousted from power and his government dissolved after months of demonstrations, but stay with CNN as we follow the story.

If you're looking for more, try these links:

Human Rights Watch calls the ouster of long-time Sudan strongman Omar Bashir "momentous" and welcomes the release of political detainees, according to a statement from HRW Associate Africa Director Jehanne Henry.

But Henry goes on to ask Sudan's leaders to respect the rights of Sudanese to continue to protest peacefully and enact reforms to "reverse the entrenched patterns of repression and immunity."

Henry also says a curfew set in place by the government is a "test" for how they will deal with the continuing sit-in, and a test for acting leader, Sudan's Defense Minister Awad Mohamed Ahmed Ibn Auf, who has declared a two-year military council to oversee a transition of power in the wake of the coup.

Henry says of Ibn Auf, "He doesn't have a good record at all" and the "US has sanctioned him for his role in Darfur atrocities." For that reason, she adds, "protestors watching are right to be skeptical."

Henry also calls on Sudanese authorities to execute the 2009 International Criminal Court arrest warrant against Omar al-Bashir for crimes against humanity and war crimes. Bashir stands accused of conducting a campaign of ethnic cleansing in the country's Darfur region.

State Department spokesperson Robert Palladino said on Thursday that "the Sudanese people should determine who leads them and their future," and that they "should be allowed to do so sooner than two years from now."

Palladino said the US is "monitoring" the situation and that the "big focus for the United States right now is the safety and welfare of our embassy team on the ground as well as private citizens, American citizens in Sudan."

After three decades of rule, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir has been arrested and forced from power in a military coup.

Bashir's government has been dissolved, and a military council has assumed control for two years to oversee a transition of power, Sudanese Defense Minister Awad Mohamed Ahmed Ibn Auf said in a televised statement Thursday.

Egypt's Foreign Ministry has issued a statement in support of developments in Sudan, emphasizing it stands by "all choices made by the brotherly people of Sudan and their desire to freely shape the future of their country at this crucial stage."

Egypt will continue to "respect the complete sovereignty of Sudan and its national decision," the statement goes on to say.

Egypt also says it has "full confidence" in the ability of the people of Sudan and "their loyal national army in overcoming this critical state". Egypt also calls on the international community to support the decision made "by the people of Sudan" and to assist Sudan in its efforts for a "peaceful transition towards a better future," adds the statement issued Thursday.

Egypt of course shares a border and much history with its neighbor to the south.

The United Nations has released $26.5 million from its emergency relief fund to provide "food, livelihood, nutrition, health, water and sanitation assistance" to over 800,000 people "affected by a worsening economic crisis and food insecurity" across Sudan over the next six months.

Read the UN's statement:

"The economic crisis has had knock-on effects on the wider humanitarian situation that go beyond food insecurity. Higher food prices mean that families are eating less nutritious food and more young children and pregnant women are getting sick. Families struggle to afford even limited medical treatment. With jobs lost, they are also being forced to pull their children out of schools."

Sudan's anti-government demonstrations, which have led to the fall of one of the world's longest-serving dictators, originally began over a rise in the cost of living, fuel shortages and a hike in food prices.

Human Rights Watch has called on Sudanese authorities to execute the 2009 International Criminal Court arrest warrant against Omar al-Bashir for crimes against humanity and war crimes.

Bashir stands accused of conducting a campaign of ethnic cleansing in the country's Darfur region. He was nearly arrested in 2015 while visiting South Africa. He faces five counts of crimes against humanity and two counts of war crimes in connection to Sudanese military actions in Darfur.

Jehanne Henry, associate Africa director at Human Rights Watch, said that the release of political prisoners following the coup announcement was a necessary start, but that Sudan's leaders must do more to respect human rights.
Here's what Henry said:

"This significant development reinforces the authorities' obligation to address egregious human rights abuses suffered by so many Sudanese over the last three decades. Al-Bashir's ouster is a testament to the tenacity of the protesters, who remained in the streets despite the government's violent repression
The release of detainees in Khartoum is a necessary start, but Sudan's leaders need to ensure that all those wrongfully detained are released and that the rights of the Sudanese people to protest peacefully are fully respected. They should also hand al-Bashir and the others facing ICC international arrest warrants over to the court at once as victims of the gravest crimes in Darfur should not have to wait any longer for justice."

CNN just spoke to two residents of Khartoum, Sudan, about the Sudanese military's announcement of a two-year transitional council.
Tarek, an engineer in Khartoum, told CNN:

We oppose the statement... it did not cover what people were hoping it would from the army. We expected a statement that would meet the demands of the revolution. Everyone rejects it, we reject it. People will continue to protest until the complete demands of the revolution are met. People are continuing to protest with passion until the demands of the revolution are met God willing.

Mohammad, a student in Khartoum, told CNN:

We did not listen to the whole statement. The one thing we know is that there will be a two-year transitional government. We come here tonight as you can see for the martyrs, who were killed by the regime, and the regime is still here. It was toppled once, and it will be toppled again, and this is the only solution we have. This is all I want to say.

Dictator deposed: Sudanese strongman Omar al-Bashir has been forced out of power in a military coup.

Who is Omar al-Bashir? The ousted president ruled Sudan for 30 years after seizing power in a coup in 1989. He is accused of war crimes and genocide for his brutal crackdown in Darfur.

Why now? Bashir was removed after months of anti-regime protests, with the military abandoning him and siding with those seeking his downfall.

What happens next? In a televised statement, the army announced a two-year military council to oversee a transition of power and declared a three-month state of emergency. Activists have demanded the military hand over power to a civilian government as soon as possible.

We're concluding our live coverage of the coup in Sudan, which saw former president Omar al-Bashir ousted from power and his government dissolved after months of demonstrations, but stay with CNN as we follow the story.

If you're looking for more, try these links:

Human Rights Watch calls the ouster of long-time Sudan strongman Omar Bashir "momentous" and welcomes the release of political detainees, according to a statement from HRW Associate Africa Director Jehanne Henry.

But Henry goes on to ask Sudan's leaders to respect the rights of Sudanese to continue to protest peacefully and enact reforms to "reverse the entrenched patterns of repression and immunity."

Henry also says a curfew set in place by the government is a "test" for how they will deal with the continuing sit-in, and a test for acting leader, Sudan's Defense Minister Awad Mohamed Ahmed Ibn Auf, who has declared a two-year military council to oversee a transition of power in the wake of the coup.

Henry says of Ibn Auf, "He doesn't have a good record at all" and the "US has sanctioned him for his role in Darfur atrocities." For that reason, she adds, "protestors watching are right to be skeptical."

Henry also calls on Sudanese authorities to execute the 2009 International Criminal Court arrest warrant against Omar al-Bashir for crimes against humanity and war crimes. Bashir stands accused of conducting a campaign of ethnic cleansing in the country's Darfur region.

State Department spokesperson Robert Palladino said on Thursday that "the Sudanese people should determine who leads them and their future," and that they "should be allowed to do so sooner than two years from now."

Palladino said the US is "monitoring" the situation and that the "big focus for the United States right now is the safety and welfare of our embassy team on the ground as well as private citizens, American citizens in Sudan."

After three decades of rule, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir has been arrested and forced from power in a military coup.

Bashir's government has been dissolved, and a military council has assumed control for two years to oversee a transition of power, Sudanese Defense Minister Awad Mohamed Ahmed Ibn Auf said in a televised statement Thursday.

Egypt's Foreign Ministry has issued a statement in support of developments in Sudan, emphasizing it stands by "all choices made by the brotherly people of Sudan and their desire to freely shape the future of their country at this crucial stage."

Egypt will continue to "respect the complete sovereignty of Sudan and its national decision," the statement goes on to say.

Egypt also says it has "full confidence" in the ability of the people of Sudan and "their loyal national army in overcoming this critical state". Egypt also calls on the international community to support the decision made "by the people of Sudan" and to assist Sudan in its efforts for a "peaceful transition towards a better future," adds the statement issued Thursday.

Egypt of course shares a border and much history with its neighbor to the south.

The United Nations has released $26.5 million from its emergency relief fund to provide "food, livelihood, nutrition, health, water and sanitation assistance" to over 800,000 people "affected by a worsening economic crisis and food insecurity" across Sudan over the next six months.

Read the UN's statement:

"The economic crisis has had knock-on effects on the wider humanitarian situation that go beyond food insecurity. Higher food prices mean that families are eating less nutritious food and more young children and pregnant women are getting sick. Families struggle to afford even limited medical treatment. With jobs lost, they are also being forced to pull their children out of schools."

Sudan's anti-government demonstrations, which have led to the fall of one of the world's longest-serving dictators, originally began over a rise in the cost of living, fuel shortages and a hike in food prices.

Human Rights Watch has called on Sudanese authorities to execute the 2009 International Criminal Court arrest warrant against Omar al-Bashir for crimes against humanity and war crimes.

Bashir stands accused of conducting a campaign of ethnic cleansing in the country's Darfur region. He was nearly arrested in 2015 while visiting South Africa. He faces five counts of crimes against humanity and two counts of war crimes in connection to Sudanese military actions in Darfur.

Jehanne Henry, associate Africa director at Human Rights Watch, said that the release of political prisoners following the coup announcement was a necessary start, but that Sudan's leaders must do more to respect human rights.
Here's what Henry said:

"This significant development reinforces the authorities' obligation to address egregious human rights abuses suffered by so many Sudanese over the last three decades. Al-Bashir's ouster is a testament to the tenacity of the protesters, who remained in the streets despite the government's violent repression
The release of detainees in Khartoum is a necessary start, but Sudan's leaders need to ensure that all those wrongfully detained are released and that the rights of the Sudanese people to protest peacefully are fully respected. They should also hand al-Bashir and the others facing ICC international arrest warrants over to the court at once as victims of the gravest crimes in Darfur should not have to wait any longer for justice."

CNN just spoke to two residents of Khartoum, Sudan, about the Sudanese military's announcement of a two-year transitional council.
Tarek, an engineer in Khartoum, told CNN:

We oppose the statement... it did not cover what people were hoping it would from the army. We expected a statement that would meet the demands of the revolution. Everyone rejects it, we reject it. People will continue to protest until the complete demands of the revolution are met. People are continuing to protest with passion until the demands of the revolution are met God willing.

Mohammad, a student in Khartoum, told CNN:

We did not listen to the whole statement. The one thing we know is that there will be a two-year transitional government. We come here tonight as you can see for the martyrs, who were killed by the regime, and the regime is still here. It was toppled once, and it will be toppled again, and this is the only solution we have. This is all I want to say.

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Sudan's Omar al-Bashir forced out in coup

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By Eliza Mackintosh and James Griffiths Updated 10:29 p.m. ET, April 11, 2019 What we covered here Dictator deposed: Sudanese strongman Omar al-Bashir has been forced out of power in a military coup. Who is Omar al-Bashir? The ousted president ruled Sudan for 30 years after seizing power in a coup in 1989.

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Release of prize-winning Reuters journalists in Myanmar welcomed by UN

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Release of prize-winning Reuters journalists in Myanmar welcomed by UN

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The release of journalists Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo following their conviction in Myanmar illustrates the complexity of managing a crisis such as human rights violation. Because of the circumstances surrounding the issue and the nature of the Myanmar government, it means that members of the international community are required to exercise caution in approaching the issue.

Although there is undoubtedly a focus on affording the protection of Rohingya peoples, it also shows the involvement that is required by international organisations such as the United Nations to encourage a state to work towards democracy and greater press freedom (United Nations News 2019).

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In a statement given to the global news agency, UN Secretary-General António Guterres said that he was "relieved" to learn of their release.

Reuters journalists Wa Lone, who is 33, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 29, were convicted and sentenced to seven years in jail last September, after being convicted of breaking the Official Secrets Act.

They had been investigating the killing of 10 ethnic Rohingya Muslim men by security forces and Buddhist civilians in western Rakhine State, during an army operation that began in August 2017.

The UN country team in Myanmar released a statement welcoming their release, saying that the it marked a "step forward" towards improving press freedom, and should be seen as a "sign" of Government commitment to the continuing democratic transition. "The UN stands ready to continue to support Myanmar in its complex transition process" said the statement from Yangon.

OHCHR Spokesperson Ravina Shamdasani said that while it was good news that Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo had been released after more than 500 days in custody, "they should never have been convicted and arrested in the first place".

"Our office, you may recall had put out a report in September last year, right after their sentences were first confirmed, and that report detailed the very dire situation for freedom of expression in Myanmar, and this has not changed," she said, while also citing concerns about "flaws" in the judicial process that led to the journalists' conviction, as well as the use of "restrictive legislation...to limit freedom of the press and to silence dissent in the country".

The two journalists were released along with more than 6,500 inmates on Tuesday, as part of an annual amnesty which has seen thousands of other prisoners pardoned since last month.

The report the two men authored featured testimony from the alleged perpetrators, witnesses and families of the victims. It was awarded the prestigious Pulitzer Prize in New York, for international reporting in April, as well as the 2019 UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize.

Describing the journalists' "dedication" and "courage" as an inspiration to others, UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay insisted on Tuesday that their release had helped to advance Press freedom.

"This is a relief for them, their loved ones, but also a positive step forward for press freedom," she said. "UNESCO recalls that it is essential to the functioning of our democracies that journalists can carry out their mission without fear of reprisals."

The widespread military action reported on by the Reuters journalists prompted hundreds of thousands of Rohingya to flee across the border to Bangladesh, leading the then UN human rights chief, Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, to describe the exodus as a "textbook example of ethnic cleansing".

Today, around a million Rohingya refugees remain in camps in southern Bangladesh, amid ongoing UN-led efforts to repatriate them when conditions are deemed sufficiently safe for them to do so.

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Release of prize-winning Reuters journalists in Myanmar welcomed by UN

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In a statement given to the global news agency, UN Secretary-General António Guterres said that he was "relieved" to learn of their release. Reuters journalists Wa Lone, who is 33, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 29, were convicted and sentenced to seven years in jail last September, after being convicted of breaking the Official Secrets Act.

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Why the UN Chief’s Silence on Human Rights is Deeply Troubling

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Why the UN Chief’s Silence on Human Rights is Deeply Troubling

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The accountability of government leaders that violate human rights often rests on the actions of the international community. With increased interconnectedness, many human rights are built within international relations. The involvement of key actors, such as the United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, are paramount.

There is an evident tension between diplomacy and the response to human rights violations.

Despite the forced indoctrination of one million Uighur Muslims in China, which a number of governments have expressed concern over, it contrasts against the praise given to President Xi Jinping. Additionally, where Guterres has not followed up on the United Nations Security Council to manage the Myanmar ethnic cleansing, is problematic.

Despite the conflict between appeasing powerful leaders and managing the abuse of human rights, such a lack of involvement by key actors does little to impact and prevent the atrocities states commit against marginalised groups (Roth 2019).

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Halfway through his first five-year term, U.N. Secretary General António Guterres is becoming defined by his silence on human rights - even as serious rights abuses proliferate.

U.N. secretaries general have all struggled with when to speak out, trying to balance their role as quiet mediators of disputes with the need to represent core U.N. values. Outspoken support for rights can close some diplomatic doors but keeping quiet leaves the perception that the United Nations is indifferent to atrocities, abandoning the victims while often undermining prospects for peace. Guterres has firmly sided with quiet diplomacy.

He set the tone early in his tenure, which corresponded with President Trump's inauguration. Guterres criticized Trump's "Muslim ban" only after many other governments had condemned it - and then without mentioning Trump.

Guterres perhaps didn't want to risk giving Trump an excuse to stop sending checks to the United Nations. But that reluctance to speak out has also characterized his approach to other powerful governments such as Saudi Arabia, China and Russia.

Numerous governments have voiced concerns about China's detention of 1 million Turkic, mainly Uighur, Muslims for forced indoctrination. Yet Guterres has not said a word about it in public. Instead, he praises China's development prowess and rolls out the red carpet for President Xi Jinping.

Guterres has also repeatedly declined to exercise his authority to establish fact-finding missions into egregious rights violations, such as Saudi Arabia's murder of Post contributing columnist Jamal Khashoggi, the use of chemical weapons in Syria, and the murder of two U.N. sanctions monitors in Congo.

Apart from his spokesman's feeble appeal to the United States to fulfill its legal obligations as host for the United Nations, Guterres has stayed silent on the Trump administration's revocation of a visa for the International Criminal Court's chief prosecutor over possible investigations of U.S. torture in Afghanistan. By contrast, Guterres needlessly allowed himself to be photographed at a recent African Union summit standing next to then-Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Darfur.

On rare occasions, Guterres has taken a principled stand for rights, including resisting Guatemalan President Jimmy Morales's campaign to destroy the U.N.-backed International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala as it investigates Morales for corruption. In September 2017, Guterres urged the Security Council to stop the Myanmar military's ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims, albeit with little follow-up when it did nothing.

But for most rights issues, the dominant sound coming from the 38th floor of U.N. headquarters has been silence.

There is no doubt that Guterres is a skilled and conscientious diplomat, but his decision to suppress his voice on human rights, especially as civilians are targeted in armed conflicts, is misguided.

The Syrian military, with the support of Russia, Iran and Hezbollah, has systematically attacked civilians and civilian institutions such as hospitals in areas held by anti-government forces. The Saudi-led coalition has repeatedly attacked markets, mosques, funerals and even a school bus in Yemen while maintaining a blockade that has exacerbated the world's largest humanitarian crisis, with millions facing famine. The Myanmar military committed widespread and systematic murder, rape and arson to force more than 730,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee to Bangladesh. To pretend that these conflicts can be mediated without addressing the human rights abuses at their core is to divorce the negotiating room from the ugly reality on the ground.

Peace talks for Syria have been on and off again for years. But if Guterres remains silent about the government's responsibility for the vast majority of atrocities that are at the heart of the conflict, it will only make peace more elusive.

The rise of autocrats presents a profound threat to human rights, yet Guterres is also notably silent, even without a mediating role to play.

Other U.N. chiefs have managed a better balance. Kofi Annan's human rights voice arguably enhanced his power as a mediator. Ban Ki-moon launched "Human Rights up Front," to ensure that U.N. field representatives did not prioritize good relations with a government over speaking out against atrocities they witnessed. Under Guterres, that important initiative has been sidelined.

For more than two years, Guterres offered excuses for not publicly defending human rights. He wanted to focus on internal reforms. He needed to stabilize relations with Trump. But today's crises are too acute, the civilian victims too numerous, for Guterres to reduce his job to mediator in chief.

Speaking out is never easy. There is often a political, even a personal, price to pay. But that is the cost of leadership. Guterres should show that he can fulfill the full scope of his responsibilities as U.N. secretary general. His excessively quiet diplomacy is selling short his position and the promise of the United Nations.

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Why the UN Chief's Silence on Human Rights is Deeply Troubling

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Halfway through his first five-year term, U.N. Secretary General António Guterres is becoming defined by his silence on human rights - even as serious rights abuses proliferate. U.N. secretaries general have all struggled with when to speak out, trying to balance their role as quiet mediators of disputes with the need to represent core U.N.

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China has launched a harsh surveillance scheme on Uighur Muslims, which is continually being maintained through harsh and repressive acts towards the minority group. Many victims of this claim that the current campaign of persecution is worse than the 1966-1976 Cultural Revolution in China because of the highly invasive mass surveillance which heavily restricts individual movement, their behaviour and private conversations. The inhabitants of Xinjiang have been stripped of their right to practice their religion freely and have been forced to pledge loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party and renounce Islam. The Chinese government continues to perpetrate massive human rights abuses against the Uighur population, directly in violation of its international human rights obligations under these two treaties; the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights and ratified the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Concepcion 2000). This has caused international bodies, such as the United Nations to publicly condemn the acts of the Chinese government.

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UNICEF boss urges Myanmar to enact Kofi Annan’s recommendation on Rohingya crisis

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UNICEF boss urges Myanmar to enact Kofi Annan’s recommendation on Rohingya crisis

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The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has placed importance upon a key facet of the ethnic cleansing crisis faced by Rohingya people in Myanmar. They have raised concerns for the safety of Rohingya children living in Bangladeshi refugee camps and for the lack of adequate education those remaining in Myanmar cannot access.

UNICEF has urged for Myanmar to take into consideration and implement recommendations given by a panel managed by the former United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan.

Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh pose a significant issue. Hosted in another developing state with limited economic resources, the support it has already extended has little capacity to improve. Children face the dangers of illness and natural disaster in Bangladesh refugee camps. On the other hand, children in Myanmar require greater education and when it is needed, security (McPherson 2019).

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YANGON (Reuters) - The head of the U.N. children's fund urged Myanmar on Monday to implement the recommendations of a panel on the Rohingya crisis led by former U.N. head Kofi Annan, saying it had yet to create conditions right for the return of refugees from Bangladesh.

Speaking at a forum in the capital, Naypyitaw, UNICEF executive director Henrietta Fore said children from the Rohingya Muslim minority, a persecuted and mostly stateless community from Buddhist-majority Myanmar, were living "a precarious and an almost hopeless existence" in camps in neighboring Bangladesh.

About 730,000 Rohingya have fled Rakhine state, in western Myanmar, since a military crackdown in 2017 after Rohingya insurgents attacked security posts, U.N. agencies estimate. Tens of thousands remain behind in Rakhine, where they are subjected to restrictions on movement and have limited access to healthcare and education.

Fore said Myanmar's "commitment" to enacting the recommendations of Annan's committee - which include ensuring freedom of movement and access to education - would help mend the lives of suffering children.

"We urge the government to seize this moment and translate this potential into reality for all children," she said on the first visit by a UNICEF head in decades. "Taking these steps will also go a long way toward creating the right conditions for the return of refugees from Bangladesh."

The Annan commission was created by Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi in 2016 to find long-term solutions to deep-seated ethnic and religious divisions in Rakhine.

But implementation of its recommendations has been beset by crises and setbacks.

A day after the panel issued its report in August 2017, Rohingya insurgents launched attacks on security forces, provoking a military crackdown the U.N. investigators described as "ethnic cleansing" with "genocidal intent". Myanmar denies the charge.

In mid-2018, a Myanmar minister told Western diplomats that eight of Annan's recommendations - including one that asks authorities to take steps to amend the 1982 citizenship law that had rendered the Rohingya stateless - were problematic and could not be immediately fulfilled.

The commission's recommendations included points urging the government to "immediately expand primary education to the communities in northern Rakhine State, and intensify efforts to ensure that teachers assigned to Muslim villages resume their work, including by providing adequate security when necessary".

It also called on authorities to "ensure that all children in the state have access to education in Myanmar language" and that the tertiary education access is expanded.

In August, UNICEF warned of what it described as a "lost generation" of Rohingya children, with half a million in refugee camps in Bangladesh facing dangers including disease and floods and those still in Myanmar lacking access to proper education.

"We urge that the necessary steps are taken to enable their safe, voluntary and dignified return back to their homes where their rights are respected and they can once again live peaceably with their neighbors," said Fore.

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office of the un high commissioner for refugees

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UNICEF boss urges Myanmar to enact Kofi Annan's recommendations on...

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The head of the U.N. children's fund urged Myanmar on Monday to implement the recommendations of a panel on the Rohingya crisis led by former U.N. head Kofi Annan, saying it had yet to create conditions right for the return of refugees from Bangladesh.

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Arab League Summit: Leaders must address region’s shameful human rights violations

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Arab League Summit: Leaders must address region’s shameful human rights violations

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Amnesty International, a human rights-based non-governmental organisation, highlights the lack of accountability both at a regional and international scale, of Middle East and North African leaders.

There is concern for the continuation of human rights violations. Leaders have been alleged to commit genocide, suppress free speech and arbitrarily detain protesters and peaceful critics.

The Summit’s location, Tunisia, is seen as a reminder that people across the region called for political reform and better facilitation of human rights. Despite this, the Arab Summit has encouraged little responsibility for leaders. With a lack of accountability and no possible impact of such actions on the annual Summit, little is expected to change in the decisions of regional governments that abuse human rights (Amnesty International 2019).

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arab league summit; tunisia; human rights violations; repression;

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Arab League Summit: Leaders must address region's shameful human rights violations

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Arab leaders must bring an end to the widespread repression that has become a hallmark of governments in the region.

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China’s predominant regime has been redefined through several time periods regarding the treatment of religion and ethnicity within China. Traditionally, ethnic minorities that are adherent to religions other than Chinese Buddhism raised fears of social unrest in China (Davis 2008). Specifically, the Muslim Uighur population who compromise the main Turkic ethnic minority in China who reside in Xinjiang. Xinjiang, previously known as Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), is located on the former Silk Road in Northwest China, the province is rich in oil and other resources, and has therefore been the target of a state-oriented mass migration of Han Chinese (China's dominant ethnic group) into the province. This is the main reason for the undeniable divide between the traditional Han and the Uighur’s. The Uighur Muslims have been “victims of severe economic, racial, social and cultural discrimination by the Chinese government” as stated by Concepcion (2000, p.20). The main reason for the inability for the Muslim Uighur population of Xinjiang to be fully accepted by the Chinese is because as a group, the Uighurs have little in common with China in terms of culture, language and history.

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The Persecution of Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang, China. 

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The Persecution of Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang, China. 

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Case study

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UN mission urges cutting off financial ties with Myanmar army

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UN mission urges cutting off financial ties with Myanmar army

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An independent investigation into the allegations of ethnic cleansing in Myanmar have been carried out by the United Nations, the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, chaired by Marzuki Darusman.

Darusman has noted concerns towards the lack of progress and alleviation of the issue.

There is continued displacement of Rohingya people from Rakhine state, Myanmar, desertion of lived areas and targeted attacks by Myanmar authorities. The Myanmar military has denied allegations of violating human rights and claim to only respond to attacking Rohingya numbers, not civilians.

The Mission has placed a focus on managing the Myanmar military. The economic, financial and political stakeholders who support the military have been investigated to understand how the UN might better suppress it (Al Jazeera News 2019).

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More than a million Rohingya have fled military 'clearance operations' in the northwest Rakhine region [Jorge Silva/Reuters]

A United Nations fact-finding mission has urged cutting off all business with Myanmar's military as part of efforts to hold the army accountable for human rights abuses.

In a statement on Tuesday, the UN Human Rights Council said there had been no progress towards resolving the crisis over Myanmar's mostly-Muslim Rohingya minority, more than one million of whom have fled military "clearance operations" in the northwest Rakhine region.

"The situation is at a total standstill," said Marzuki Darusman, chairman of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar.

Myanmar authorities have razed deserted Rohingya villages and those remaining in the country live in displacement camps in fear of further military reprisals.

"Due to the gravity of the past and continuing violations, attention must be given to the political, economic and financial ties of the Myanmar military - to identify who and what should be targeted so we can cut off the money supply as a means of increasing the pressure and reducing the violence," Christopher Sidoti, a member of the mission, said in the statement.

The mission found that the military committed atrocities against many ethnic groups living within Myanmar. It also faulted armed ethnic groups for committing human rights abuses.

Myanmar denies allegations of human rights violations, saying its security forces have not targeted civilians and have taken action only in response to attacks by Rohingya fighters.

UN officials and others have likened the actions to ethnic cleansing, or even genocide.

The fact-finding mission is to hand its findings to a new group of the Human Rights Council, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, in September. That organisation was set up to handle criminal prosecution of violations of international law.

The crisis in Rakhine has soured Myanmar's relations with the United States, which had rolled back economic sanctions over the past decade to support political change in the country as it transitioned towards democracy.

The US Treasury has imposed sanctions on Myanmar security forces and Washington has barred Myanmar military officials involved in the Rakhine operations from US assistance.

Britain has also cut some support and the UN, as well as independent rights advocates, want governments to do more to hold the military accountable.

SOURCE: Al Jazeera and news agencies

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UN mission urges cutting off financial ties with Myanmar army

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A United Nations fact-finding mission has urged cutting off all business with Myanmar's military as part of efforts to hold the army accountable for human rights abuses. In a statement on Tuesday, the UN Human Rights Council said there had been no progress towards resolving the crisis over Myanmar's mostly-Muslim Rohingya minority, more than one million of whom have fled military "clearance operations" in the northwest Rakhine region.

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How have international organisations, governments and non-government organisations responded to ethnic cleansing?

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How have international organisations, governments and non-government organisations responded to ethnic cleansing?