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Having or showing a dislike of or prejudice against people from other countries.
Example: The Holocaust is an example of xenophobia.

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In a report on the Status of German Unity released by the cabinet on Wednesday, leaders expressed concern about the increasing incidents of anti-immigrant and right-wing attacks, especially in eastern states that were part of the former German Democratic Republic.

Presenting the report, Social Democrat Iris Gleicke said she was "very upset" with the development. Right-wing attacks were now being carried out from the ranks of normal citizens or accepted by them. She said she expected the federal government and state and district administrations to "act decisively."

The document said that xenophobia, right-wing extremism and intolerance could lead to destroying all chances for increasing immigration in a region where the dwindling population could benefit from immigrants. It also expressed concern that the former East German states, other than Berlin, had the lowest ratio of foreigners compared to their western counterparts. This proved that anti-migrant violence was not because of a high proportion of refugees.

Confrontations between refugees and residents in Saxony's Bautzen made headlines this week

According to a report by Germany's domestic intelligence agency, there was an average of 10.5 extremist attacks for a million people in the western states. Eastern states like Mecklenburg-West Pomerania showed 58.7 attacks for a million people, followed by 51.9 in Brandenburg and 49.6 in Saxony.

"We East Germans have to take the matter into our own hands and decide whether we want to protect our cities and villages or leave them to the brown nightmare," Gleicke said, referring to the brown uniforms worn during the Nazi regime. People were obliged to not look away when people or refugee shelters were being attacked, she added.

Migrants essential for development

The report said the eastern part of Germany was catching up with its western half when it came to economic development and regional governments were doing a good job in training employees and improving the quality of life and the environment. However, compared to northern, southern and western Germany, the region still lagged behind in terms of economic performance, income, health and life expectancy.

The migration of skilled foreigners and EU citizens into the east would therefore help stabilize the decline in the number of people and offset the effect of an increasingly ageing population. A majority of refugees in Germany were under 30 years old and could therefore be trained for jobs. However, the eastern states needed to develop a richer culture of welcoming foreigners if they wanted a better future, the report said.

Iris Gleicke

Many East Germans, especially those with advanced skill sets, left their hometowns to look for more lucrative opportunities in the west after reunification in 1990. Consequently, the population in these areas declined. Neo-Nazi groups sprouted in several states, including Mecklenburg-West Pomerania and Saxony, home to the neo-Nazi group National Socialist Underground (NSU).

Of late, these groups have used terror attacks and the influx of refugees to highlight the failure of the government and gain public support. In 2014, members of PEGIDA (Patriotic Europeans against the Islamization of the West) began marches in the Saxon town of Dresden to protest what they perceived as the rising influence of Muslims. Mainstream political parties like Alternative for Germany (AfD) have also used these arguments to attract voters in regional elections.

Attacks on refugee shelters and asylum shelters have been on the rise across Germany after the country opened its borders to over one million migrants last year - mostly from the conflict-ridden Middle East and Africa. Nearly 1,050 cases of arson on refugee homes were registered in 2015. This year, the figures have already crossed 700 until now, according to the Federal Police Office.

mg/msh/blc (AFP, KNA, epd)

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Federal report laments rising xenophobia in Germany | DW | 21.09.2016

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In a report on the Status of German Unity released by the cabinet on Wednesday, leaders expressed concern about the increasing incidents of anti-immigrant and right-wing attacks, especially in eastern states that were part of the former German Democratic Republic. Presenting the report, Social Democrat Iris Gleicke said she was "very upset" with the development.

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A general vote by the electorate on a single political question that has been referred to them for a direct decision. (voters get to choose yes or no to a question like spending money on a new school).
Example: An example is having citizens vote on a town curfew.

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Now questions are being asked as to whether it has to happen. Here are the scenarios in the conversation.

Can the referendum be ignored?

The referendum itself was advisory, rather than legally binding, and nothing was legally set in motion as a result of the vote.

Theoretically, the government could ignore the result, although doing so would presumably prompt an angry reaction from the 52% of Brits who voted to leave.

"The referendum doesn't itself trigger Brexit," said Kenneth Armstrong, professor of European law at the University of Cambridge. "It still requires the decision of a government."

Specifically, a Brexit requires the UK government to invoke Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon, the EU legislation governing a potential breakup.

During the referendum campaign, Prime Minister David Cameron, who led the Remain campaign, repeatedly said that a Leave victory would automatically result in the triggering of Article 50. But in the wake of the shocking Leave victory, he has said he plans to resign in October and will leave it to his successor to invoke the article -- raising hopes among some that it might not happen.

Armstrong said that while the chances of Article 50 not being triggered as a result of the referendum were "very slim," the decision ultimately remains a political one.

"With the internal politics of the both the main political parties in such turmoil, it's so hard to know what the position of the UK government is going to be," he said.

Armstrong said the vote was "an instruction from the British people to withdraw from the European Union" and as such, "cannot be ignored."

However, the longer the decision to invoke Article 50 is delayed, the more opportunity there is for politics to intervene, he said.

For his part, Cameron told the House of Commons on Monday that the referendum result "must be accepted and the process of implementing the decision in the best possible way must now begin."

Will there be a second referendum?

Many disappointed Remain voters have focused their hopes on calls for another vote, with more than 3.5 million people signing an online petition calling for a do-over, and a Labour MP publicly calling for a second referendum to be held.

There is no legal obstacle to a second referendum being held, analysts say.

However holding a second, divisive referendum simply because some people were not happy with the outcome is unlikely to prove a palatable solution, said Armstrong.

"I don't believe that this petition for a second referendum in and of itself can halt Brexit," he said.

There's one scenario under which the issue could be revisited at the ballot box: A general election could serve as a proxy second referendum on the issue.

"It would need to be a general election in 3-4 months' time that indicated a changed politics, and maybe then you'd be right to go back and check with the people that this is what we really wanted," said Armstrong.

Will there be a general election?

But Cameron's announcement of his intent to step aside does not automatically mean a general election will be held.

In 2007, Gordon Brown succeeded Tony Blair as Prime Minister after Blair's resignation, without a public vote.

But the current crisis engulfing British politics is uncharted territory, and with so much at stake at a critical juncture in UK history, a consensus might emerge that a general election was needed to give a mandate to the new leaders, said Armstrong.

John Curtice, a political scientist at the University of Strathclyde, said a general election was most likely to occur as a result of the government of Cameron's eventual successor losing a vote of confidence.

Whether any potential snap election becomes a proxy on the Brexit issue depends largely on how much the Labour Party is willing to make it one.

"Given how many Labour voters voted to leave, this may just be a wound that the Labour Party will not want to rub," said Curtice.

Can Scotland or Northern Ireland block a Brexit?

In Scotland -- where 62% of voters cast a ballot to remain in the EU -- Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has suggested the devolved Scottish Parliament could attempt to veto a Brexit.

She also said Scotland could pursue a second referendum on leaving the United Kingdom in the event of a Brexit. Scots voted by 55.3% to stay in the UK at an earlier referendum in 2014.

Similarly, in Northern Ireland, where 56% of voters want to remain in the EU, Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness has called for a poll on a united Ireland.

Cameron said Monday that Scotland's Parliament did not have the legal power to veto the referendum result, a position backed by Mark Elliott, professor of public law at the University of Cambridge.

As Elliott explains in a blog post, this is because the UK Parliament in Westminster is sovereign, and has not given away any of its powers to devolved legislatures like those in Scotland or Northern Ireland.

But Jo Murkens, an associate professor of law at the London School of Economics, argues that while Scotland and Northern Ireland may lack the legal power to veto a Brexit, the threat of the breakup of the UK presented a "political and moral" veto.

It is incumbent on Westminster MPs -- who were not just there to "implement the view of the people," but to "exercise political judgment" -- to block the Brexit to prevent the fracturing of the kingdom, he told CNN.

"It's not 52 percent to 48 percent -- it's 2 to 2," said Murkens. "Two nations have voted to remain and two nations have voted to leave. And if the overriding objective is to keep the United Kingdom together and intact, then MPs have a duty to read this referendum result differently and say in order to preserve the UK we will not leave the EU."

Pro-Remain MPs outnumber Leave backers in the House of Commons by about 3 to 1.

Armstrong agreed that the sentiments in Scotland and Northern Ireland could play a major role in how Britain's political class navigates its way out of the crisis.

"Once that politics starts to play out a bit more, and it becomes clear that it's not just a case of the UK withdrawing from the European Union but the UK itself falling apart, that again may crystallize minds in terms of what the future looks like," he said.

Can the EU push Britain out?

Although European leaders have expressed frustration at the UK's failure to immediately invoke Article 50, they are effectively powerless to force Britain to do so.

It is entirely up to the defecting EU member to invoke Article 50 and no one in Europe can trigger the mechanism, said Armstrong.

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brexit: could the uk hold another vote? - cnn

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Now questions are being asked as to whether it has to happen. Here are the scenarios in the conversation. Can the referendum be ignored? The referendum itself was advisory, rather than legally binding, and nothing was legally set in motion as a result of the vote.

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the improvement or fixing of what is wrong, corrupt, unsatisfactory, etc.
Example: There were many reforms back around the Progressive Era such as an education reform, a women's rights reform, etc.

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Chance Seales, Media General National Correspondent - WASHINGTON (MEDIA GENERAL) -- Immigration issues sit at the nexus of the current election cycle.

Republican nominee Donald Trump made building The Wall central to his campaign, saying he would guard American citizens from illegal Mexican "rapists" waltzing across the open southern border.

Hillary Clinton's approach is the diametric opposite. Democrats are courting Hispanics, an essential and sizable segment of their base, by calling for fewer deportations and granting legal status to those already in the country illegally.

Both sides insist something must be done with the 11-14 million people living in America's shadows.

What to do about them is another issue entirely.

That major sticking point can be boiled down to three words: pathway to citizenship.

Citizenship at stake

When politicians throw around the term "pathway to citizenship," they could just as accurately be saying pathway to "voterhood."

As newly-minted American citizens, the former illegal immigrants would be allowed to cast votes in local, state and federal races -- easily swinging some of the final outcomes.

Among foreign-born Hispanic immigrants, Gallup found that 87 percent have favorable views of Clinton while only 13 percent approve of Trump.

Among U.S.-born Hispanics, Clinton still comes out on top but the approval gap is significantly smaller (43-29).

So if 11-14 million illegal immigrants -- who, by definition, were born abroad -- were permitted to vote, it would likely be an enormous electoral windfall for Democrats.

This better explains why Democrats demand that citizenship be included in comprehensive immigration reform (CIR), and most Republicans dismiss it out of hand.

Demographics matter

Following Mitt Romney's defeat in 2012, GOP leaders commissioned a postmortem that found Republicans severely lagged with minorities and must make a concerted effort to earn their votes in future elections if they have any hope of recapturing the presidency.

Needless to say, that hasn't happened in 2016.

Raw demographic realities are behind the prescribed pivot.

"The nation's racial and ethnic minority groups-especially Hispanics-are growing more rapidly than the non-Hispanic white population," reports Pew Research Center, finding that "Hispanics are more than a quarter of the nation's youngest residents, according to the new population estimates, accounting for 26.3% of the population younger than age 1."

Latina mothers give birth to an average of 2.4 children (compared to: 2.1 black; 1.8 Asian; 1.8 white).

In other words, the Latino population will continue climbing as the white vote diminishes.

Appealing primarily to older white men just won't cut it if politicains want to win future national elections.

Common ground

One of the dirtiest things you can say about a Republican in 2016 is that they're soft on immigration, illegal or otherwise.

But not so long ago in 2013, CIR was coming together in the Senate and its creators had their own name: the Gang of Eight.

The members were noteworthy senators, equally divided between parties: Marco Rubio (R-Fla), Jeff Flake (R-Ariz.), John McCain (R-Ariz), Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Robert Menendez (D-N.J.), Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.). Michael Bennet (D-Colo.).

The Gang of Eight's bill passed in the Senate, 68-32, designed to "clear the way for millions of undocumented residents to have a chance at citizenship, attract workers from all over the world and devote unprecedented resources for security along the U.S.-Mexico border," reports Politico.

House Republicans blocked the bill and, with it, any viable chance of passing CIR in the near term.

Immigration tides turn

Three short years later, immigration reform divides the electorate, U.S. Senate, and presidential contenders more than ever.

A steady stream of refugees flooding the southern border alarms many Americans. The Supreme Court, by default of a 4-4 tie, blocked President Obama's attempt to shield millions of illegal immigrants from deportation and provide them work permits.

Trump has now promised to triple the number of deportation officers. Clinton promises to lead otherwise law-abiding illegal immigrants to the promised land of citizenship.

Once a new president and Congress take their oaths in January 2017, voters expect the rhetoric to produce meaningful legislation.

But promises are easier made than kept in politics.

As for Sen. Graham, he's already said he plans to "take the Gang of Eight bill out, dust it off and ask anybody and everybody who wants to work with me to make it better to do so."

Whether that bill will clear the way for The Wall or citizenship pathway -- or both -- could become much clearer on November 8. Follow Chance Seales on Twitter: @ChanceSeales

Copyright by WSLS - All rights reserved

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Pathway to Citizenship: Immigration reform's immovable roadblock

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Chance Seales, Media General National Correspondent - WASHINGTON (MEDIA GENERAL) -- Immigration issues sit at the nexus of the current election cycle. Republican nominee Donald Trump made building The Wall central to his campaign, saying he would guard American citizens from illegal Mexican "rapists" waltzing across the open southern border.

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A procedure that allows citizens to remove and replace a public official before the end of a term of office.
Example: Eggo's waffles just had a recall for possible listeria contamination.

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The link you selected is for a destination outside of the Federal Government. CPSC does not control this external site or its privacy policy and cannot attest to the accuracy of the information it contains. You may wish to review the privacy policy of the external site as its information collection practices may differ from ours.

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To search for and expose real or alleged corruption, scandal, or the like, especially in politics.

Theodore Roosevelt used this term in a speech as a nickname for investigative journalists.

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Ray Stannard Baker, crusading reporter for McClure's. Photo courtesy of the Ray Stannard Baker Papers, Jones Library, Inc., Amherst, Massachusetts. Americans haven't always hated journalists. Nor have American Presidents.

At the turn of the last century, no magazines were more popular than the general interest monthlies-McClure's, Everybody's, Success-magazines that mixed fiction and verse with investigative journalism. And no public figure was more esteemed than Ray Stannard Baker, crusading reporter for McClure's. Readers-hundreds of thousands of them-waited eagerly each month for the latest Baker exposé. And President Theodore Roosevelt waited, equally eagerly, for consultations with this man whom he considered both friend and adviser.

Nothing pleased the President more than the opportunity to preview Baker's articles-" and that not because of any good I can do you, but because I have learned to look to your articles for real help," Roosevelt gushed. "You have impressed me with your earnest desire to be fair, with your freedom from hysteria, and with your anxiety to tell the truth rather than to write something that will be sensational."

Roosevelt granted Baker access to restricted government files and entertained his pet journalist at intimate Oyster Bay retreats. On display, or so it seemed, was the happy marriage of press and politics. Roosevelt and Baker-indeed, Roosevelt and the entire McClure's gang-saw themselves as partners in progressive reform. Only when Roosevelt turned on the reform press in April of 1906, branding them "muckrakers" in a much-publicized speech, did the instability of the partnership come clear.

"Even admitting that some of the so-called 'exposures' have been extreme, have they not, as a whole, been honest and useful?" Baker asked, on the eve of the President's attack. "Would not a speech, backed by all of your great authority, attacking the magazines, tend to give aid and comfort to these very rascals, besides making it more difficult in the future not only to get the truth told but to have it listened to?" Baker trusted that intimacy guaranteed fidelity.

Forwarding proofs of his next McClure's essay, he begged Roosevelt to "help me with it by telling me frankly whether you think I have overstepped the bounds of decent journalism."

But TR wasn't in the mood to listen anymore. William Randolph Hearst's Cosmopolitan magazine was skewering presidential pals in its series on "The Treason of the Senate;" socialists like Upton Sinclair were invading the investigative ranks and "decent journalism," in Roosevelt's reckoning, was no longer useful.

In its heyday, between 1903 and 1906, muckraking journalism was ubiquitous, urgent, influential. The "interests" (what we call today "special interests") threatened the commonweal; the press attacked the interests. Even in the wake of TR's tongue-lashing, investigative journalism continued to power Progressive reforms. Where have all the muckrakers gone?

Jacob Riis (left), who photographed impoverished social conditions, President Theodore Roosevelt, and Bishop John H. Vincent (right).
Photo courtesy of the Theodore Roosevelt Collection, Harvard College Library.

Where Have All the Muckrakers Gone?

Sure, there are writers doing impassioned investigative work today. But why do systemic defects receive so little sustained attention from the mainstream press?

The magic of Progressive era muckraking was its centrality. Muckrakers such as Lincoln Steffens and Ida Tarbell wrote for mass-market magazines. They turned local issues into national issues, local protests into national crusades. They didn't preach to the converted; they did the converting, helping transform America from a laissez-faire to a welfare state mentality.

To explain the relative passivity of today's popular press, critics venture two verdicts: social cooperation and economic cooperation. Investigative reporting, they argue, has been rendered obsolete by inside-the-beltway schmoozing and media conglomerates.

But Are These Really New Phenomena?

As the Baker-Roosevelt relationship demonstrates, intimacy with "sources" was no taboo for the reform journalists of the Progressive era. Nor were the original muckrakers scrappy independents: Many worked for media moguls like Hearst, Pulitzer, Lorimer, or Curtis. Railroad, traction, sugar and steel companies owned stock in publishing enterprises. "Back of the magazines and newspapers are the classes and special interests of society," fretted one critic in 1910. "[The magazines] do not need to be told what their editorial policy must be if they expect to enjoy the favor and patronage of the trusts and other money interests," warned another in 1912.

The muckrakers, meanwhile, defended their right to exert influence ("to become part of the event," in Baker's words), but they remained curiously unconcerned that they themselves might be "influenced" by others. In the spring of 1906, several McClure's reporters purchased their own journal, The American Magazine. Editor John Siddall sent Ida Tarbell to Boston to "hustle for money." "I suggested that she might tackle Douglas, Whitney and that whole Massachusetts tariff bunch. Just put it right up to them that she is going to work in our new magazine on the tariff. They have got to help," Siddall said. By 1911, the Crowell Company, a publishing conglomerate that featured one of J.P. Morgan's sidekicks, Thomas Lamont, on its board of directors, had absorbed the American. By 1912 the American was jumping text to the back pages "in the hope of catching the reader who might otherwise ignore" advertising matter.

Progressive era muckraking was hardly a crusade of virtuous outsiders against entrenched and corrupt interests. But it was, nonetheless, a powerful force for reform. So, again: Where have all the muckrakers gone?

Explaining the Absence of Muckrakers

Three hypotheses may help explain the demise of muckraking.

Pacing. Most of the investigative work immortalized as muckraking first surfaced in monthly magazines. Groundbreaking exposés like Tarbell's "History of the Standard Oil Company" and Baker's "Following the Color Line" were rationed out, month by month, like serial fiction. Who, today, is willing to wait a month for breaking news? We want our news now. And so do publishers and producers. As a result, the copy we get lacks the gravitas-not to mention the literary flair-of the best muckraking. S.S. McClure gave his reporters months, even years, to research stories. When Steffens chafed at office duties, McClure told him to "[g]et out of here, travel, go-somewhere.... Buy a railroad ticket, get on a train, and there, where it lands you, there you will learn to edit a magazine." Steffens hopped the Lackawanna (McClure's had plenty of free passes, thanks to advertising swaps) and spent two years exposing "The Shame of the Cities." Since then, the pace of news production, and consumption, has sped up considerably.

Power. "Here is the thing you must bear in mind," Roosevelt explained to Baker. "I do not represent public opinion: I represent the public. There is a wide difference between the two, between the real interests of the public, and the public's opinion of those interests. I must represent not the excited opinion of the most but the real interests of the whole people." The press, TR argued, may lead public opinion, and lead it astray, but only elected representatives may properly lead the people. To this day, it is the rare journalist who dares play at leadership. Editorial charisma is equated with subjectivity at best, sensationalism at worst. And no "responsible" journalist wants to slip into the sensationalist camp. The press remains its own best censor. What is public journalism, for instance, if not a self-imposed stifling mechanism: an effort to avoid the assertion of journalistic personality, the expression of journalistic expertise?

Characterization. Progressive era muckraking was story-oriented, narrative-based. Exposés had their heroes and-more vital-their villains. Bullying businessmen, spineless senators, corrupt judges: Bad guys doing bad things made the stories tick. Muckraking journalism explained systemic problems in human-interest terms. Writers showed readers who, exactly, was screwing whom. The more powerful the villain, the more powerful the exposé. In Ida Tarbell's telling, John D. Rockefeller was "no ordinary man": he had "the powerful imagination to see what might be done with the oil business if it could be centered in his hands, the intelligence to analyze the problem into its elements, and to find the key to control." The fact that there was "no more faithful Baptist in Cleveland than he" made Rockefeller all the more intimidating-and compelling-an adversary.

Who are today's villains? Super-geeks in Silicon Valley? Computer hackers? Luddites? And even if we could identify the villains, are journalists willing to go after them? Compared with journalists a century ago, the answer would seem to be no.

At the turn of this century, stories about indiscretions of public figures roused Americans to anger because journalists framed personal narratives in relentlessly public terms. Were government inspectors safeguarding the nation's meat supply? Were police fighting or feeding municipal corruption? Were railroad officials placing profits above public safety?

Americans like to direct their righteous indignation at people, not systems. The moment Bill Gates emerges, in print, as Rockefeller's equal in knavery, a man whose corporate interests work against the grain of the public good, the nation's story hour will have resumed.
Jessica Dorman, a former president of The Harvard Crimson, is an assistant professor of American Studies at Pennsylvania State University at Harrisburg.

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Ray Stannard Baker, crusading reporter for McClure's. Photo courtesy of the Ray Stannard Baker Papers, Jones Library, Inc., Amherst, Massachusetts. Americans haven't always hated journalists. Nor have American Presidents. At the turn of the last century, no magazines were more popular than the general interest monthlies-McClure's, Everybody's, Success-magazines that mixed fiction and verse with investigative journalism.

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An organized association of workers formed to protect and further their rights and interests; a labor union.
Example: Many labor unions came about in the Industrial revolution of the 19th century.

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A political organization in which an authoritative boss or small group, commands the support of a group of supporters and businesses (usually campaign workers), who receive rewards for their efforts. The machine's power is based on the ability of the workers to get out the vote for their candidates on election day. In many cases illegal actions are taken to control the government for the benefit of that group.
Example: Tammany Hall was a political machine in the 19th century that was created because of the rapid growth of America.

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A billionaire and Democratic donor said Tuesday he plans on shoveling $20 million into efforts to get millennials to support Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton.

Tom Steyer, a former hedge fund manager with Farallon Capital, told Lawrence McDonnell on MSNBC the sizable contribution would be used to mobilize 2 million young voters in eight swing states to boost support for Clinton.

The well-heeled liberal's overall effort, which includes help from various labor groups, is expected to total $55 million this election year.

Steyer said the efforts would be aimed toward policies targeting "economic justice, environmental justice, racial justice and good schools." He is targeting more than 200 college campuses.

Steyer's political group, NextGen Climate Action, announced a $25 million campaign in April to encourage young people to support and vote for green energy candidates in the November 2016 election.

NextGen has recently focused its efforts on college campuses in Pennsylvania, a swing state that could potentially determine the outcome of the November election.

The group is active on 70 college campuses in the Keystone State, and announced on Sept. 16 plans to expand to 22 others. The group told reporters it plans on using more than half of the money on campus engagement, and the other half on off-campus campaigns.

NextGen Climate justified the donation by pointing to a June 2015 poll showing 73 percent of young voters believe the U.S. should receive 50 percent of its energy from solar panels and windmills, among other renewable sources, by 2030.

Steyer's contribution will go to For Our Future, a super PAC designed to disrupt Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump's campaign in swing-states. He's essentially adding $15 million to a previous pledge of $5 million.

The environmentalist, who has compared himself to David in a David and Goliath-like fight against Trump and others, said his contribution is different than those made by the Koch brothers or fellow Las Vegas billionaire Sheldon Adelson, who is dumping millions of his own money into Super PACs to help Republican political candidates.

"You are not going to change someone's opinion about their relationship with their government and their society in a 15-second TV ad," Steyer said.
Follow Chris on Facebook and Twitter Content created by The Daily Caller News Foundation is available without charge to any eligible news publisher that can provide a large audience. For licensing opportunities of our original content, please contact licensing@dailycallernewsfoundation.org.

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Enviro-Billionaire Donating Millions To Clinton's Political Machine

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A billionaire and Democratic donor said Tuesday he plans on shoveling $20 million into efforts to get millennials to support Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. Tom Steyer, a former hedge fund manager with Farallon Capital, told Lawrence McDonnell on MSNBC the sizable contribution would be used to mobilize 2 million young voters in eight swing states to boost support for Clinton.

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Conditions relating to public health, especially the provision of clean drinking water, adequate sewage disposal and garbage disposal.
Example: Some not-so-developed countries (like Africa) have issues with clean water.

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"We can engineer sterile mosquitos or use sophisticated Internet tools to map data globally, but we should not forget that today 100 million people in Latin America still lack access to hygienic sanitation systems and 70 million people lack piped water in their places of residence," Léo

Heller, the Special Rapporteur on the human right to safe drinking water and sanitation, said in a press release.

Highlighting a strong link between weak sanitation systems and the current outbreak of the mosquito-borne Zika virus, as well as dengue, yellow fever and chikungunya, he stressed that "the most effective way to tackle this problem is to improve the failing services."

He noted that Latin America met the UN Millennium Development Goal (MDG) target for water in 2010, but the advancements are still not reaching all.

Regarding sanitation, the MDG target remains unachieved and 3 million people still practice open defecation. "Because of stricter definitions for the related goals within the framework of the new 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development these will reveal an even more dramatic lack of access to safe water and sanitation in the region," Mr. Heller warned.

"Governments in the region must speed up the improvement of water and sanitation conditions, in particular for the most vulnerable populations, in order to save lives in the face of this unfolding global health crisis," he urged.

Leilani Farha, Special Rapporteur on adequate housing, said that when people have inadequate living and housing conditions, where they do not have access to safely managed water services, they tend to store water in unsafe ways that attract mosquitos.

"In addition, poor sanitation systems where wastewater flows through open channels and is disposed of in unsafe pits leads to stagnant water and unfit housing - a perfect habitat for breeding mosquitos," she said.

The experts' views have also been endorsed by Dainius Puras, Special Rapporteur on health, and Philip Alston, Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty.

Independent experts or special rapporteurs are appointed by the Human Rights Council to examine and report back on a country situation or a specific human rights theme. The positions are honorary and the experts are not UN staff, nor are they paid for their work.

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Water and sanitation likely to be best answer to Zika virus, say UN experts

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Improving water and sanitation services may be the best answer to addressing the outbreak of the Zika virus, according to United Nations human rights experts, who stress that such critical factors should not be in the shadow of hi-tech solutions being considered.

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A run-down and often overcrowded apartment house, especially in a poor section of a large city.
Example: "In New York City–where the population doubled every decade from 1800 to 1880–buildings that had once been single-family dwellings were increasingly divided into multiple living spaces to accommodate this growing population." -History.com

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Tenements - Facts & Summary - HISTORY.com

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Find out more about the history of Tenements, including videos, interesting articles, pictures, historical features and more. Get all the facts on HISTORY.com

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Becoming more like a city. When populations of people grow, the population of a place may spill over from city to nearby areas. Maybe tall apartment buildings spring up on what had been the outskirts of town, bringing more people there to live and work.

Example: This also took place a lot in the Progressive Era because rural areas became apartment buildings and subways and other transportation took place.

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urbanization - Find news stories, facts, pictures and video about urbanization - Page 1 | Newser

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The right of citizens, outside the legislature (lawmakers), to introduce ideas for legislation (laws).

Example: People who work can show initiative by working extra hours and very hard.

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Coming to live permanently in a foreign country.

Example: Many people from Mexico immigrate illegally to the US.

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Hispanic immigrants, she says, have transformed the state she's called home for decades. And the ones who came to the United States illegally, she says, make a tough job market even tougher.

Langlois needs to find work, and fast: Her family is living in a motel after the power company turned out the lights in their trailer. She's sharing a car and cell phone with her father-in-law.

The Spanish question, she says, has abruptly ended more than one interview. She hopes it won't throw her out of the running this time, too.

"It's kind of, really, discrimination," she says. "If you're not here legally, then you need to go ahead and go back home. ... They need to come over here the right way. Don't sneak over. Don't stay here."

It's a sentiment that runs deep through some circles of this largely white, working-class town, which made headlines as the epicenter of Alabama's efforts to crack down on illegal immigration. Five years later, people in Albertville are still split over the changes they've seen -- and what they think should happen next.

So is the country.

A CNN/Kaiser Family Foundation poll (PDF) released this week reveals deep divides across the United States on immigration.

Working-class whites -- a group some analysts say could play a decisive role in the presidential election -- are far more likely than others to say immigrants who arrived illegally should be deported. More than half (55%) say that's something the government should attempt, compared with 27% of white college grads.

Those statistics don't surprise Glenda Barnes. The 70-year-old Albertville resident says she moved out of her neighborhood when immigrants started moving in. Her street started to go downhill, she says, as people crammed cars onto lawns and stopped taking care of homes.

"If you lived here, you'd understand," she says. "Our town was so neat, a nice little town. Now it's like we don't care, and everything's falling in."

Rachel Zavaleta isn't surprised by the numbers either. The 29-year-old still remembers what people shouted at her on the playground when she came to Albertville with her family nearly 20 years ago: Go back to Mexico.

A changing landscape

Debates about deporting immigrants who came here illegally aren't just political talking points in Albertville; they're personal.

This is a city where officials tried hard to force them out, in a state where lawmakers passed the toughest law in the country aimed at doing the same thing.

Five years later, even people who don't see eye to eye on immigration can agree on one thing: It didn't work.

Albertville proudly bills itself as "the Fire Hydrant Capital of the World," for the Mueller factory that's manufactured millions there. But across the state, it's better known for another industry: poultry processing plants, which employ thousands of workers -- many of them immigrants.

More than a quarter of the town's roughly 22,000 residents are Hispanic. And Alabama's 2011 immigration law scared many people who'd found jobs in the area.

Terrified they'd be rounded up and deported, they abandoned homes, pulled their kids out of school and moved to other states. Neighborhoods were left nearly empty. Shopping districts became ghost towns.

But in 2012, a federal appeals court gutted much of the law, ruling that parts of it were unconstitutional, including a requirement that public schools determine the immigration status of students and parents.

Now, Albertville's Latino immigrant population is thriving once again. A growing number of Haitian refugees, recruited by chicken plants in recent years, have moved to the city, too.

The large Catholic church where thousands pray in Spanish every Sunday just paid off its new $1.2 million building, thanks to donations from the congregation.

Eateries serving tacos and tamales are easier to find in some parts of the city than restaurants offering grits or fried catfish.

The relationships between residents -- and the approaches local leaders take -- have changed.

But it doesn't take long to see that tensions are still simmering.

Stop by the basketball court where Mexican workers are shooting hoops, and you'll hear how afraid they are that Donald Trump might be president, and what it was like a few years back when people couldn't get water or electricity in their homes unless they could prove they were here legally.

Sit for a moment in the Little League stands nearby, and a woman flipping through a coupon book as she leans back in a lawn chair will tell you how immigrants should stop speaking Spanish and sucking benefits from the system.

Step into a shopping mall off the busy four-lane highway through town, and you'll see immigrants searching for the right words in an English class as they talk with their teacher about what foods to eat on American holidays and how fast the cashiers speak at Walmart.

Cross the parking lot to visit the unemployment office, and you'll hear some people say the influx of immigrants gave the region's economy a boost, while others grumble it cost them their jobs.

'There's plenty of jobs'

Langlois runs her fingers through her hair as she scans the bulletin board at the unemployment office, looking for a lead.

Could she be a dishwasher or a welder? Will she go back to working at a chicken plant? Is there any other choice?

As an immigrant herself, Langloissays she's had to follow strict rules and make sure her documents are in order when she applies for jobs. And she resents immigrants who came to the United States illegally for finding ways to skirt the system.

"It's just not fair," she says. "It's like they're getting special treatment."

The CNN/KFF poll found that working-class whites were significantly more likely than other groups to say illegal immigration had directly affected them.

More than a quarter (27%) say their family has been negatively affected by undocumented immigrants taking jobs in their community, and among this group, 8 in 10 want the government to deport all undocumented immigrants.

The trend is even stronger in the South.

Working-class whites in this part of the United States are about twice as likely as those in other regions to say they've been affected (40% vs. 18% to 22% in other regions).

One possible explanation: The South is where demographers say they've seen the greatest growth in foreign-born and Hispanic populations in recent years.

But not everyone thinks immigration in the area hurts a shot at getting a job.

"There's plenty of jobs. You've just got to want to do it," Ronnie Wise says as he waits for an interview after filling out an application at the unemployment office. "A lot of people don't want to, and they (immigrants) will. If it weren't for them, we wouldn't have any chicken plants here."

If he meets immigrants who need work, Wise says he knows just what he'll do.

'There are so many of us'

Two belt buckles sit side by side in a glass display case at a gift shop on Main Street. One is a Confederate battle flag. The other says "Hecho en Mexico" -- Made in Mexico.

A Mexican family searches for shoes in the back of the store. An American woman circles the store and ends up at the cash register with an ashtray and a bottle of perfume called Love.

As she works the front counter at the Gift on Main/El Regalo, Rachel Zavaleta says it's great to see customers from different backgrounds shopping at the store.

Times have changed, she says, since the city and state tried to push out immigrants.

"Sometimes, you still get a dirty look when you go somewhere. But they don't do it as much, probably because they'd have to be giving dirty looks all day, since there are so many of us," she says.

But Trump's campaign is already rekindling friction, she says, in an areawhere he is heavily favored to win.

"You hear people talk, even your friends or people you know, about getting rid of immigrants. They're telling that to us, not realizing that we're Hispanic," she says. "It doesn't click in their heads how it would be affecting us."

A Hispanic mayor?

Fox News anchors rattle off headlines on TV as Joe Lusk gets ready to dig into his breakfast. After a waitress places his plate on the table, he bows his head in prayer.

The 59-year-old fence company owner is a lifelong Albertville resident. And he often stops to eat at this family-run restaurant, where a sign hanging by the front door pays tribute to "Southern living, where the tea is sweet, our words are long, the days are warm and our faith is strong."

Lately, he says, the topic of immigration has been coming up more often at the breakfast table.

Lusk sees the growing presence of immigrants in Albertville as a clash of cultures that's gradually gotten worse.

"There's no place," he says, "to really be away from them anymore."

There's no doubt that most immigrants work hard and mean well, he says.

But Lusk sees immigrants as a burden. So do nearly half (47%) of the white, working-class people polled, compared with 20% of white college grads.

He says immigrants are draining the school and health care systems, and that some of them have brought crime to the city.

Those who came illegally should be sent back, he says, but they probably never will be -- given how much of a financial interest many companies have in keeping them around.

"If they legalize," he says, "we'll probably have a Hispanic mayor in 10 years."

'Let's move forward'

Just a few blocks from the center of Albertville, a historical marker in front of the city's museum talks about migration. But it's referring to people who moved to this mountain town from Georgia and Tennessee in the 1800s.

It wasn't until about 30 years ago, museum board member Danny Maltbie says, that immigrants from other countries started trickling in.

Maltbie spends a lot of time digging up information about Albertville's history. Visit the retired automotive plant electrician while he's volunteering at the museum and he'll tell you about devastating tornadoes that ripped off roofs and forced the city to rebuild -- twice.

He'll tell you that the railroad rumbling through town changed everything, bringing fertilizer for the first time and giving farmers the chance to grow crops in the tough mountain soil. He'll tell you that the arrival of the chicken plants decades ago boosted the economy and eventually brought thousands of immigrants here.

And he'll tell you how happy he was to give a recent tour of the town cemetery to a class of high school students learning to speak English.

"I thought that was a very good thing that those kids came to see our museum and learn about our history," he says.

Now, he says, it's their history, too.

"They're here," he says. "Let's accept them. Let's move forward."

Local legend has it that signs near the US-Mexico border once informed immigrants that jobs were waiting for them in Albertville. Whether that's how they ended up here, there's no doubt they left their mark on the city once they arrived.

The museum's volunteer board has debated how to deal with the influx. Inside the one-room museum, there are displays about the town's founder, its Main Street and its small African-American population. But immigration is a topic that hasn't yet been touched on the museum's walls.

It's a sensitive issue, museum board member Glenda Wooten says, and they're still trying to sort out the right wording.

This month, volunteers added a new entry to the official timeline they hand out to visitors:

"1992: First Hispanics moved to Albertville from Mexico to work in the chicken plants. The children were enrolled in the school system, speaking no English and local administrators and teachers did not speak Spanish. Soon, Albertville City Schools' enrollment for Mexicans/Hispanic students was one of the largest in the state."

'Diversity is a strength'

About 40% of Albertville High School's more than 1,300 students are Hispanic, Principal Deidra Robinson says.

Students from different backgrounds didn't used to mingle much, she says, but now they stand shoulder to shoulder on the football field and sit together in the cafeteria.

"They just grew up together," she says.

And even when tension in the community has boiled over, she says, officials worked hard to keep it out of the schools.

"We don't let immigration or the diversity of our school be a barrier to our success," she says. "We see it as part of our success. ... It's helping prepare our students for the real world."

A majority (60%) of working-class whites in the CNN/KFF poll say increasing diversity is enriching American culture. But 33% view diversity as a threat, and 38% say increasing diversity is harmful because "some people feel like they no longer belong."

Robinson says teachers in Albertville make sure everyone has a place.

The school system has programs dedicated to helping newcomers who are still learning English, she says, and most immigrants who need the classes are quick learners.

There's one figure Robinson says she frequently mentions to skeptical parents and community members as she fights the misconception that large amounts of school resources are being spent on immigrants.

Only about 10% of her students are still learning English, she says.

"When somebody asks a question, they try to make it about color. I just go to turning it around. ... Most of them are actually proficient in both languages," she says. "That's a comfort to some people."

'I believe in the rule of law'

Chuck Ellis thinks of the way his 11-year-old daughter, Marli, wakes up in the morning.

She's full of joy when she gets out of bed, he says, knowing things will turn out OKno matter what happens during her school day. But Ellis knows dangers could be lurking.

That fear takes hold every time he thinks of the man Marli is named for: his brother-in-law, Marlin Strange, who was shot dead 17 years ago. A Mexican immigrant charged in the slaying is on the FBI's list of most wanted fugitives.

Illegal immigration, Ellis says, brought more drugs, crime and prostitution to Albertville. Houses were overrun, with people cramming into buildings and sleeping in shifts.

"It became crazy how many problems we ran into," says Ellis, a state trooper who was on the Albertville City Council from 2008 to 2012.

"I'm not racist," Ellis says. "I believe in the rule of law."

While in office, Ellis made fighting illegal immigration a priority. Public safety, he says, was his aim.

It's a concern for many Americans when they talk about immigration. About half (49%) of white working-class Americans think Latin American immigrants increase crime in communities, according to the CNN/KFF poll. That's higher than other groups polled; among white college grads the number is 32%.

Along with the city's then-mayor, Ellis supported ordinances that made English the official language, booted taco trucks from operating on Main Street, limited the number of people who could live inside a home and ordered store signs to include English translations.

And he invited someone to Albertville to help the city take more substantive measures: Kris Kobach, a prominent conservative attorney who made a name for himself helping governments across the country craft laws to crack down on illegal immigration.

In the end, the city decided not to hire Kobach. But Alabama legislators did; he was one of the primary architects of the state's immigration law. And Ellis is proud of inviting him to Albertville. He still has a copy of a newspaper front page that shows him shaking Kobach's hand.

Ellis isn't on the City Council anymore; he lost his bid for re-election in 2012. But he's considering another run for county sheriff (he lost his bid to unseat the incumbent in 2014). Rounding up millions of immigrants who entered the United States illegally and deporting them isn't feasible, he says. But more needs to be known about who's already here.

"The big thing is the vetting process, making sure that people have done the right things, that people don't have illnesses, that people aren't bad people," he says, "because we've got enough bad people in the country without letting in more."

'I'm not stealing anyone's job'

Nancy Salazar says she'll never shake how it felt to live in Albertville when city and state leaders took aim at illegal immigration. Even though she was born in the United States, Salazar says she felt the glaring heat of racism then. And sometimes, she still does.

Hard-working immigrants are the bedrock of Albertville's economy, she says, and it's unfair to blame them for crime in the city or anywhere else.

"We are not what they think," she says. "They are just outraged Hispanics have something."

In English, Salazar speaks with the smooth lilt of a Southern belle. And in Spanish, her words slice through the air with the sharp precision of a native speaker.

The 30-year-old preschool teacher, who was born in Florida to parents who immigrated to the United States from Mexico, sees the importance of keeping traditions alive.

On the wall of her living room, her high school senior picture shows her wearing the silver dangly earrings she'd put on for cheerleading practice; she's still embarrassed she forgot to wear pearls that day.

Nearby, she keeps a large Virgin of Guadalupe figure standing next to a big-screen TV.

Her husband, Freddy, who was born in Mexico, says he's worked hard in difficult conditions to become a supervisor at a nearby poultry plant. His fingers are so swollen from his years on the job that he struggled to get a ring on his finger when the couple recently renewed their marriage vows.

"The racists are the ones who don't know the work that we do. They judge without knowing. ... There's never going to be an American doing the work I do. I'm not stealing anyone's job," he says. "There simply is work."

'An invaluable resource'

Monte Weldon walks over to a giant Scrabble board on the ground just a few steps from her stall at the Albertville Farmers Market and spells out T-O-M-A-T-O.

It's one of many crops Americans wouldn't have a chance to enjoy, she says, without immigrant labor.

"They get a bad rap, but you know what, a lot of people would go hungry if they weren't there," she says. "They're an invaluable resource."

As she sells tomatoes, okra and black-eyed peas, Weldon says she usually tries to steer clear of arguments over immigration. It's one of those issues where people never seem willing to listen or change their minds.

Instead, she focuses on her children.

"I taught my kids to understand about different people, different ways to believe. I raised my children in church," she said. "We're not God. It's not our place to judge."

The color of your skin doesn't matter, she says, and everyone's blood is red.

'We're a community'

"How are we all going to live together here?"

That's the question the exasperated publisher of a local newspaper asked back in 2009 at a town meeting as residents and local leaders sparred over immigration.

Back then, it seemed like the fury might never die down.

Now, while national debate over immigration rages, many in this city have settled for a reluctant truce. Some hope they'll have another shot at getting their way. And others wonder if they're experiencing the uneasy calm that comes before a storm they won't be able to stop.

Lindsey Lyons led Albertville's efforts to crack down on illegal immigration and trumpeted the state's law on national media. As mayor, he kept a US Border Patrol baseball cap on display in his City Hall office.

Lyons, who lost his post in 2012, declined to comment for this story. When he spoke with CNN in 2011, he said he had run for office because he was tired of the DUIs, drug trafficking and gang activity that he saw immigrants bringing to Albertville.

"We have a right and moral responsibility," he said, "to protect our citizens and our quality of life."

Tracy Honea, who ousted Lyons and just won re-election, says when it comes to immigration, he's doing his best to play the hand he was dealt.

"I truly believe folks need to be legal," he says, "but it's out of our control on a national level."

Honea says he tries to take a positive approach as mayor.

"We've worked really hard at trying to create an atmosphere that we're a community, and it's a growing community," he says.

On his office wall, Honea keeps a framed photo of Ronald Reagan riding a white horse that he was thrilled to win at a silent auction. Beneath the photo is a quote from the former US President's 1985 State of the Union address:

"Freedom is not the sole prerogative of a chosen few; it is the universal right of all God's children."

Earlier this year, a class of high school students learning English visited City Hall.

Honea fielded questions from them inside the City Council's chambers. And in a class photo outside, he stood behind them, smiling.

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immigration: alabama town mirrors us class divide  - cnn

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Alabama town mirrors US class divide on immigration

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Hispanic immigrants, she says, have transformed the state she's called home for decades. And the ones who came to the United States illegally, she says, make a tough job market even tougher. Langlois needs to find work, and fast: Her family is living in a motel after the power company turned out the lights in their trailer.

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The process by which an economy is transformed from primarily agricultural (farming) to one based on the manufacturing of goods (machines and factories). Individual manual labor is often replaced by mechanized mass production, and craftsmen are replaced by assembly lines.

Example: The Progressive Era contained a lot of industrialization because there were many industries created and companies kicked off.

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It may sound like another example of rivalry between the world's most populous nations.

The Communist Party recently announced a Made in China program aimed at transforming its manufacturing sector, months after Prime Minister Narendra Modi unveiled his Make in India plan, also targeted at manufacturing. Look closer though and the signs point to a broad shift that could draw the two Asian giants closer economically in the years ahead.

Made in China 2025 is a 10-year campaign to push the country beyond labor-intensive work into more sophisticated sectors, from robotics to aerospace. Modi's goal is to bring basic manufacturing to an economy that needs more decent-paying jobs. In short, China has set its sights on rivaling Germany or Japan, while India will happily settle for where China is now.

"Whatever industries China will be shedding over the years, India can capture," said Frederic Neumann, co-head of Asian economic research at HSBC Holdings Plc in Hong Kong. "The advanced guys will find that they finally have to compete head to head with China and I think it's going to be a big, big headache for these industrialized countries."

Besides sheer scale, China is years, if not decades ahead of its neighbor. According to International Monetary Fund and World Bank data, China's gross domestic product per capita is almost five times that of India at $7,600 and its manufacturing sector is 10 times bigger at about $3 trillion. Still, China is losing workers by the millions, similar to what Japan experienced in the late 1990s.

Jet Planes

Among its ambitions, China wants to jump into areas such as factory automation and build the types of computerized controls needed to make high-precision goods like iPhones or cars. The government is also hoping to challenge Airbus Group NV and Boeing Inc.'s dominance of the market for jet planes.

Also on the wish list: advanced medical devices, energy-saving vehicles, marine engineering and high-end ships for things such as deep sea exploration and equipment for electric power and agriculture.

Analysts have already been busy mining Made in China 2025, putting their spreadsheets on overdrive and spitting out predictions as to which companies stand to gain from the program. Citigroup Inc. has a list of 11 top beneficiaries ranging from Lenovo Group Ltd. to Zhengzhou Yutong Bus Co. China International Capital Corp.'s list exceeds 30 names including Zoomlion Heavy Industry Science & Technology Co., while Macquarie Group Ltd. identified more than 40 companies including Great Wall Motor Co. and Sino Biopharmaceutical Ltd.

Grand Ambitions

Still, the campaign is in its infancy and China doesn't always deliver on its grand ambitions. For example, the government no longer talks about its target to have 5 million electric vehicles on its roads by 2020 as sales never caught on.

That said, China has reason to be pursuing an upgrade. Gone are the days of 10-percent-plus growth as the world's second-largest economy heads toward its slowest year of expansion since 1990. Labor shortages are driving up wages and squeezing low-end manufacturers such as clothing makers. Industrial profits in the country are down this year, particularly at state-owned enterprises.

Illustrating China's woes, exporters in the Pearl River Delta manufacturing hub face chronic labor shortages and rising costs. In a recent Standard Chartered Plc survey, wages in the region are forecast to rise by 8.4 percent this year, and over 85 percent of respondents said labor shortages are as bad as last year. Around 11 percent of companies surveyed plan to move factories overseas to keep costs down, with Vietnam and Cambodia topping the list of preferred destinations.

More Factories

Vietnam and Cambodia? Not if India's prime minister has his way. Announced in September, Modi's Make in India campaign seeks to bring in foreign investment and raise the share of manufacturing in Asia's third-largest economy to 25 percent by 2022 from the current 18 percent, a percentage that's largely been unchanged since 1947. Count Foxconn Technology Group among companies getting drawn. Its FIH Mobile Ltd. unit has said it will begin assembling smartphones in the country this year.

While there are some overlaps with the China campaign, such as promoting biotechnology and renewable energy, many of the 25 industries in Make in India are sectors that aren't exactly cutting edge, such as textiles, leather and mining.

"Promoting the manufacturing sector in India starts from a very low base and it's going to be aiming to capture a lot of the low-skilled jobs that are leaving China in the tens of millions," according to Peter Martin, associate director for India at APCO Worldwide.

India's Turn

India may be ripe to take China's place. Manufacturing's share of the economy typically starts surging when a country's average income -- in terms of purchasing power parity -- crosses $5,000 and will continue to soar until $10,000, according to a McKinsey & Co. study. India's per capita income on that basis is at $5,850 and China's at $11,850, according to the World Bank estimates.

Yet challenges abound. India's notorious bureaucracy contributed to the country ranking 142 of 189 -- that's lower than Ethiopia and Sierra Leone, while China ranks 90th -- on the World Bank's latest Ease of Doing Business Index. Red tape is so bad it usually takes 30 days and 12 clearances to get a company registered in the industrial hub of Noida, near New Delhi. That's three times longer than in an OECD country.

And while it's still early days for the campaigns, history points to China being more successful at getting things done. Three decades ago, both economies were at similar levels. China's economy took off since then and exceeded $10 trillion last year, while India has yet to crack $2 trillion.

"The Chinese state is capable of articulating and consistently driving a set of goals," APCO's Martin said. "It's a challenge for India to match that kind of consistency in its policy drive toward manufacturing. And that has to do with a really fundamental difference in the political systems which relates closely to India's decentralized democracy versus China's developmentalist one-party state."
- With assistance by Clement Tan, and Siddharth Vikram Philip
(Updates with more potential beneficiaries in eighth paragraph.)

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Made in Chindia: Two Paths Toward Industrialization

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It may sound like another example of rivalry between the world's most populous nations. The Communist Party recently announced a Made in China program aimed at transforming its manufacturing sector, months after Prime Minister Narendra Modi unveiled his Make in India plan, also targeted at manufacturing.

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Dishonest or fraudulent conduct by those in power, typically involving bribery (giving money for favors).

Example: Some large companies are corrupt with power.

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Brazil's former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva will stand trial on corruption and money laundering charges over an alleged scheme at the state oil company, Petrobras, a judge has said.

Prosecutors say he accepted 3.7m reais ($1.11m; £867,000) in bribes connected to the multi-billion dollar scheme.

Lula, 70, had already been charged in August with allegedly obstructing investigations.

He denies any wrongdoing and says the accusations are politically motivated.

"I am sad," Lula said. "It is a big farce, a big lie, a big pyrotechnic show.

"What's happening isn't getting me down, but just motivates me to go out and talk more."

Lula: The most hated and loved man in Brazil

What has gone wrong in Brazil?

Judge Sergio Moro, who is overseeing Operation Car Wash, the investigation into corruption allegations at Petrobras, said there was "sufficient evidence of [Lula's] responsibility".

The money that the ex-president allegedly received was laundered through the purchase and renovation of a beach apartment, prosecutors say.

The flat was built by a construction company implicated in the scandal.

His wife, Marisa Leticia, and six others have also been indicted.

Lula was accused by prosecutors of being the "boss" of the scheme, estimated to have cost the company more than $2bn (£1.5bn).

Several politicians and Petrobras executives have been arrested and sentenced as a result of the two-year inquiry.

Investigators believe overpriced contracts with Petrobras were given in return for bribes.

Some of the illicitly-obtained money was used to finance the electoral campaign of top Brazilian politicians, they allege.

Lula, who served as president between 2003 and 2011, was one of Brazil's most popular leaders and is seen as a possible candidate for the 2018 presidential elections.

However, the popularity of his Workers' Party plummeted this year and his chosen successor Dilma Rousseff was impeached last month.

A criminal conviction would bar him from running in 2018.

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Brazil's Lula to be tried for corruption

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Brazil's former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva will stand trial on corruption and money laundering charges over an alleged scheme at the state oil company, Petrobras, a judge has said. Prosecutors say he accepted 3.7m reais ($1.11m; £867,000) in bribes connected to the multi-billion dollar scheme.