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By: Micheal Hayden, Riley Druia, and Ashley Michilli
13 African Americans + white civil rights activists + The Freedom Riders
The Little Rock Nine + Freedom Riders
The Little Rock Nine and Freedom Riders

"The Case"
The Little Rock Nine
Freedom Riders
The Beginning
September of 1957
Nine black school children
Sought out better education for themselves
college students
artists
teachers
Brown v. The Board Of Education
- School to reverse
its policy of racial segregation.
Issued on May 17, 1954
Laws establishing segregated schools to be unconstitutional
Presidential Intervention
Dwight D. Eisenhower
-Avoid confrontation, in
Arkansas
-Sent 1,000 National guard to the the
school
Rode interstate bus to segregated south; 1961
National Gaurd
Irene Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia
and
Boynton v. Virginia
1,000 troops
Protected the students
Ordered by President Eisenhower
Helped to protect the nine students
Amazing!
The federal government did nothing
Changed the course of history
Initiated opportunities for others
1st Freedom Ride left Washington, D.C., May 4, 1961,
arrive in New Orleans on May 17.
Southern States ignored rulings
Boynton outlawed racial segregation
ICC ruling Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company (1955)
Riders:
Rode interstate buses in South
Challenged local laws on segregation
seating
Similarities
Called attention to laws
-for segregation
-racism
Both contributed to civil rights
New ways of thinking
Gave sense of empowerment
Started a revolution
restaurants
waiting rooms
(Five years prior)
Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
Freedom Riders
Freedom riders

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Freedom Riders Freedom Riders Freedom Riders Freedom Riders Freedom

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National Gaurd Irene Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia

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By: Micheal Hayden, Riley Druia, and Ashley Michilli 13 African Americans + white civil rights activists + The Freedom Riders The Little Rock Nine + Freedom Riders The Little Rock Nine and Freedom Riders "The Case" The Little Rock Nine Freedom Riders The Beginning September of 1957Nine black school children Sought out better education for themselvescollege studentsartiststeachersBrown v.

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Return to discussion of school rights from weeks 1&2

https://prezi.com/sdcjzjrnl6-r/the-little-rock-nine-freedom-riders/

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http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/civil-rights/

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Australia first appeared on the international Human Rights Watch list last year. We're not only back on the list this year, but we're even bigger human rights abusers.

We were already being targeted for our abuse of asylum seekers, Aboriginal Australians and laws which prevent same-sex marriage.

But it's our new counter terrorism laws that have ensured Australia remains on the list in 2015.

Human Rights Watch is a "nonprofit, nongovernmental human rights organization made up of roughly 400 staff members around the globe". The group was established in 1978 and it does not accept government funding. It's staffed by human rights professionals including country experts, lawyers, journalists, and academics of diverse backgrounds and nationalities.

Here's the five areas where Australia is most exposed.

1. Treatment of asylum seekers

No surprises to see this one included in the list, with the Abbott government overseeing new levels of brutality, building on Labor's disastrous decision to back a return to punitively focused offshore processing. The report reflects on the poor conditions in detention, the indefinite detention of refugees with adverse security assessments, and the practice of using "enhanced screenings" on asylum seekers arriving by boat, who are not provided with legal representation or the right to appeal.

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al-Hussein is quoted as critiquing Australia's refugee policies for "...leading to a chain of human rights violations, including arbitrary detention and possible torture following return to home countries".

The report also says the focus on offshore settlement had muted Australia's criticism of authoritarian regimes in Sri Lanka and Cambodia.

2. Aboriginal incarceration

An issue that is very slowly starting to be acknowledged by the political mainstream, the report points to the oft quoted statistic that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians account for just 3 per cent of Australia's population, but 27 per cent of the adult prison population (and more than 40 percent of juveniles in detention).

As the death of Julieka Dhu showed late last year, incarceration is often a result of the most trivial of infractions, but has deadly consequences.

The report also notes Aboriginal Australians continue to "die at alarmingly high rates from treatable and preventable conditions such as diabetes and respiratory illnesses".

3. Disability Rights

A shocking forty-five per cent of Australians with disabilities live near or below the poverty line, according to the report, and a Human Rights Commission inquiry found inadequate safeguards and poor access to support.

Despite this, the Coalition government abolished the role of Disability Discrimination Commissioner shortly after coming to office, and have moved to push people off the higher paying Disability Support Pension.

In a blow for advocacy in the field, activist and comedian Stella Young passed away late last year, a short time after the ABC axed Ramp Up, a website dedicated to news and opinion for and from the disability community.

Oh, and Scott Morrison is now the Minister for Social Services.

4. Marriage Equality

A policy long ago embraced by Britain's Conservative Party and broadly popular in Australia, it's hard to imagine this change can be resisted much longer, with Labor bumbling towards consensus on the issue.

In the ACT, Labor introduced same-sex marriage laws, only to have them overturned by the High Court after the Abbott Government intervened immediately after the ACT laws were passed.

5. The squeeze on free expression

The report focuses heavily on the new anti-terror laws, some of which will be back before Parliament when the Christmas break comes to an end. It criticises the "overly broad new offense" of 'advocating terrorism' and laws restricting travel to "declared areas".

Attention is also drawn to the pending data retention laws, which would force telecommunications companies to retain metadata for a period of two years to allow for ASIO access. And let's not forget that if journalists report on a special intelligence operation, they face up to a decade in jail. There is no public interest exemption.

One tranche of the new laws also allows the government to spy on what Fairfax's Ben Grubb describes as " the whole internet" with a single warrant.

It's not just those of us who chase yarns for a living facing greater surveillance of our work. It's everyone.

Donate To New Matilda

New Matilda is a small, independent media outlet. We survive through reader contributions, and never losing a lawsuit. If you got something from this article, giving something back helps us to continue speaking truth to power. Every little bit counts.

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Boats and boating--Equipment and supplies

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Human Rights Watch 2015: The 5 Biggest Issues Facing Australia - New Matilda

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Australia first appeared on the international Human Rights Watch list last year. We're not only back on the list this year, but we're even bigger human rights abusers. We were already being targeted for our abuse of asylum seekers, Aboriginal Australians and laws which prevent same-sex marriage.

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11min  Only

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How Racist Are You? - Jane Elliott's Blue Eyes/Brown Eyes Exercise

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Magna Carta: American & British Legal Heritage Preview

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Full Program Airs Saturday, June 27, 2015 at 9:10pm ET. For More Information: http://www.c-span.org/series/?ahtv

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The English and Colonial Roots of the U.S. Bill of Rights
Introduction
We start off in the first column with the 26 rights contained in the U.S. Bill of Rights. There are two main "root" sources presented in this table for the U.S. Bill of Rights, namely, the colonial heritage and the English tradition. And the question we are looking at is to what extent is the U.S. Bill of Rights dependent on, or derived from, the English past and/or the colonial past?

I have chosen three English documents which are regularly relied on to make the case that there is a direct and strong link between the English inheritance and the U.S. Bill of Rights. Also reproduced are six colonial sources in an attempt to capture the emergence of a separate American Mind, albeit still a colonial mind. This is not to suggest that these are the only such sources; however, I believe that these six documents best tell the story I am attempting to convey.

What is surprising, and counter to the usual portrayal that there is a strong and direct reliance of the U.S. Bill of Rights on the English heritage, is that only 9 out of the 26 rights in the U.S. Bill of Rights can be traced back to Magna Carta! Similarly, 7 can be traced to the English Petition of Rights, and 6 to the English Bill of Rights. When we account for duplication among the three sources, the maximum number amounts to 10 of 26. Nevertheless, we still need to remember that close to 40% is not numerically negligible.

What is indisputable, and also surprising in the opposite direction, is the even stronger relationship between the U.S. Bill of Rights and the Colonial past. 18 of 26, or just under 70%, can be traced directly to the Colonial tradition. And 15 of 26, or close to 60%, come from one source alone: the Massachusetts Body of Liberties of 1641!

Even more importantly, there is a distinctively qualitative difference in the emerging Colonial American version of rights. Unique is the emergence of the individual right of religious worship, the political rights of press and assembly, and what became the Sixth Amendment in the U.S Bill of Rights dealing with accusation, confrontation, and counsel. These are home grown.
Click on a column header or the bullets in the columns to view that column's document.

Content of Bill of Rights

Rights of Conscience/Free Exercise
♦♦♦♦♦♦

Freedom of Assembly
♦♦♦

Freedom of Petition
♦♦♦♦♦♦

Keep and Bear Arms/Militia
♦♦♦♦

Quartering of Troops
♦♦♦♦

Due Process of Law
♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦

Takings/Just Compensation
♦♦♦

No Excessive Bail and Fines
♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦

No Cruel and/or Unusual Punishments
♦♦♦♦♦♦♦

Speedy/Public Trial in Criminal Cases
♦♦♦♦

Nature of Accusation
♦♦♦♦

Confrontation of Accusers
♦♦♦♦♦

Common Law and Jury Trial
♦♦♦♦♦♦♦

(Local) Impartial Jury for All Crimes
♦♦♦♦♦♦♦

Grand Jury for Loss of Life or Limb
♦♦♦

Totals

9

7

16

6

5

6

7

8

8

26

Commentary
What part do the English Heritage and the Colonial tradition play in helping us to discover the roots and development of the United States Bill of Rights? One thesis is that the there is a continuous development from English roots through nearly two hundred years of colonial times into the Bill of Rights. Another thesis is that there is a separate and different colonial tradition that provides for an American version of a Bill of Rights.
The Magna Carta, 1215
Despite the presence of words such as "scutage," and "wapenstakes," which locate the Great Charter squarely in the feudal era, the spirit of the document speaks to subsequent generations. The Magna Carta is more than a practical document specifically designed to solve feudal difficulties. True, King John was forced at gun point to recognize the existence of the traditional rights of the barons, but there are a set of principles which inform the sixty-three chaptered document signed in Runnymede in 1215 and reaffirmed by subsequent British monarchs. The principles extend beyond the often recognized origin of the no taxation without representation doctrine in chapter 12 and the due process clause of chapter 39. The concepts of trial by jury and no cruel punishments are present in chapter 21; and the confrontation clause of the Sixth Amendment is anticipated in chapters 38, 40, and 44. But the most important contribution of the Magna Carta is the claim that there is a fundamental set of principles which even the King must respect. Above all else, Magna Carta makes the case that the people have a "right" to expect "reasonable" conduct by the monarch. These rights are to be secured by the principle of representation outlined in the longest chapter.
The English Petition of Right, 1628
The 1628 Petition of Right is the second of the three British documents that provided a strong common law component to the development of the American Bill of Rights. The authors of the statute consciously invoke the memory of the rule of law heritage of the Magna Carta: they insist that the monarchy honor and respect rights to which Englishmen have been accustomed for centuries. In the thirteenth century, the nobles petitioned the King to abandon his arbitrary and tyrannical policies; four centuries later, it was the commoners who petitioned the King to adhere to the principles of reasonable government bequeathed by the English tradition. Under the leadership of Sir Edward Coke, a legal scholar-turned-practical politician, Parliament petitioned Charles I, son of the recently deceased King James I, to uphold the traditional rights of Englishmen. Among the customary "divers rights and liberties of the subjects" listed were no taxation without consent, "due process of law," the right to habeas corpus, no quartering of troops, the respect for private property, and the imposition of no cruel punishment.

To be sure, King Charles did not consider himself bound by the petition; in fact he disregarded it. Nevertheless, it would be wrong to underestimate the importance of the document. On the one hand, it reaffirmed the right to petition as a fundamental right that can be invoked legitimately against a monarch who has strayed from traditional principles. Moreover, Coke's argument still had considerable appeal over one hundred years later on the other side of the Atlantic. During the 1760s, the American colonists articulated their grievances against King George in terms reminiscent of Coke's petition to uphold the rights of Englishmen. On the other hand, King Charles's rejection of the appeal shows the inherent limitations of the right to petition.
The Massachusetts Body of Liberties, 1641
The Massachusetts Body of Liberties, adopted in December 1641, was the first attempt in Massachusetts to restrain the power of the elected representatives by an appeal to a document that lists the rights, and duties, of the people. The document, drafted and debated over several years, combines the American covenanting tradition with an appeal to the common law tradition. Containing ninety-eight sections, it covers the rules concerning judicial proceedings (sections 18-57); "liberties more peculiarly concerning the free man" (sections 58-78); and the rights of women (79-80), children (sections 81-84), servants (85-88), foreigners (89-91), and animals (92-93). Section 94 provides biblical justification supporting the death penalty in twelve cases, and Section 95 contains eleven liberties given by "the Lord Jesus... to the Churches." The most enduring part of the Body of Liberties are the preamble and the first seventeen sections, which contain the essential rights of the common law tradition. Of particular importance are references to what by now were traditional on the American side of the Atlantic: the equal treatment of all persons under laws passed by the legislature, just compensation for property taken for public use, the right to petition government for redress of grievances, the right to trial by jury, the right to travel, and lastly, the right to trade.
The Fundamental Laws of West New Jersey, 1677
The "great charter" of New Jersey, 1677, done in the name of the "Proprietors, Freeholders, and Inhabitants of the said Province," was modeled on the Rhode Island Charter. The New Jersey framers also attempted to secure the potentially conflicting goals of local self government and adherence to enduring principles. The first twelve chapters of the forty-four chapter charter concern the selection and duties of Commissioners, the encouragement of land ownership, and provision for the construction of public highways. Chapters 24-44 cover relations with the Indians, wills and testaments, and taxes and assessments. The critical middle eleven sections cover the "common law or fundamental rights and priviledges of West New Jersey." Among the rights to be protected are the rights to the free exercise of religion, due process of law, trial by jury, and to confront witnesses in an open court of law. Finally, the government is obligated to ensure that every person shall "be free from oppression and slavery."
The Pennsylvania Frame of Government, 1681
In 1681, King Charles II granted Quaker William Penn ownership of the "Province of Pennsilvania." The 1682 Frame of Government was designed "for the good Government thereof" and included a "grant" of "divers Liberties, Franchises and Properties." This document is unique to the seventeenth-century American experience; the authorizing, or granting, agent was neither the English monarch nor the people. Penn, as lone founder, "did grant and confirm unto" the inhabitants certain individual rights. And yet, scholars are surely correct to note that this document ranks among "the most influential of the Colonial documents protecting individual rights," against the abuse of governmental powers.

There is both a constitutional and legalistic tone to the document. First, a preamble announcing the purposes of government and declaring that the rule of "good laws," supported by a wise and virtuous people, is to be chosen over "the rule of one, few, and many" magistrates in a country inhabited by "a loose and depraved people." This is followed by a "Frame," containing twenty-four sections guaranteeing the right of participation and outlining the powers and responsibilities of government officials. Finally, there is an extensive itemization of civil and criminal rights and expectations. The list not only includes the familiar common law right to fair trial by a jury of one's peers, but also detailed provisions for the careful handling of such specific matters as court fees, fines, and documents.

The document also addresses the American religious paradox. On the one hand, Section XXXV declares that inhabitants "shall, in no ways, be molested or prejudiced for their religious persuasion, or practice, in matters of faith and worship, nor shall they be compelled, at any time, to frequent or maintain any religious worship, place or ministry whatever." On the other hand, specific provision is made in Section XXXVI for the observance of "the Lord's day," and punishments are indicated in Section XXXVII for "offences against God." There is a political, as well as a theological, reason for itemizing twelve offences of "uncleanness," eight offences of "violence," and eleven offences productive of "rudeness, cruelty, looseness, and irreligion." These thirty-one "offences against God" are examples of the "wildness and looseness of the people" that, in turn, "provoke the indignation of God against a country."
The English Bill of Rights, 1689
The third British contribution to the development of the American Bill of Rights is the 1689 English Bill of Rights. The "Convention Parliament" of 1689 declared an end to the three-year reign of James II – formerly the Duke of York – and passed an Act to secure "the Kingdom from Popery and Arbitrary Power." To that end, Parliament listed twelve indictments against him and issued a declaration of the rights and liberties of the subject. Never again, declared the agreement between the Parliament and the newly enthroned monarchs - King William of Orange and Queen Mary, daughter of dethroned King James II -– must the "Religion, Laws, and Liberties" of the Realm "be in danger of being subverted." To that end, several ancient rights of Englishmen are reaffirmed: the right to petition government for the redress of grievances, the expectation that governmental policy shall confirm to the rule of law, that standing armies in peace time without the consent of Parliament is illegal, and "that Excessive Bail ought not to be required, nor Excessive Fines imposed; nor cruel and unusual Punishments inflicted." Parliament also declared that henceforth it was going to be a major political actor; the representatives of the people shall be guaranteed the freedom of speech and debate and that there were to be frequently held elections. Included in this was the right of the people to bear arms. Not included, however, in the declaration of rights that Englishmen have are the right to the free exercise of religion and the right to choose their form of government.
The Pennsylvania Charter of Privileges, 1701
A final document worthy of consideration is the 1701 Pennsylvania Charter of Privileges. This was the last and, perhaps, "the most famous of all colonial constitutions." This charter, also written by William Penn, replaced the original 1682 document as the fundamental law of the colony. (The necessary "Six parts of Seven of the Freemen" requested an amendment to the 1682 Frame of Government.) The new charter, which remained in force for the next one hundred and seventy five years, was designed to be more "suitable to the present Circumstances of the Inhabitants." The most important structural changes are the provisions for annual county-based elections to a unicameral General Assembly and an enhanced political role for the legislature. Enhanced protection is also given to freedom of conscience. For example, the free exercise of religion clause is placed first, and is unamendable, and religious qualification for holding office is limited to belief in Jesus Christ. Moreover the "offences against God" section of the 1682 charter are absent. Finally, Penn included the right of criminals to have "the same Privileges of Witness and Council as their prosecutors."

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The English and Colonial Roots of the U.S. Bill of Rights | Teaching American History

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Introduction We start off in the first column with the 26 rights contained in the U.S. Bill of Rights. There are two main "root" sources presented in this table for the U.S. Bill of Rights, namely, the colonial heritage and the English tradition. And the question we are looking at is to what extent is the U.S.

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Lesson 3: Universal Declaration of Human Rights

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Lesson 3: Universal Declaration of Human Rights

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Lesson 2:  Magna Carta - influence on US BoR

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Lesson 2:  Magna Carta - influence on US BoR

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Living Black: The Freedom Rides

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Lesson 9: Australian Indigenous Civil Rights Context

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Lesson 9: Australian Indigenous Civil Rights Context

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Peer Feedback Form: Group Research Presentation

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Peer Feedback Form: Group Research Presentation

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Page #2

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Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies

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Left Wellington and arrived in Dubbo about 6.30 pm. Had tea, went for a swim, then to the Dubbo hotel. We noticed a sign above the doorway of the halfway hotel - "Aborigines not allowed in the Lounge without the Licensee's permission". We didn't do anything. Slept in the Methodist Church.

Sunday Gulargambone.

Up at 6.30. Left at 9.15. Heard some radio publicity about us. Arrived in Gulargambone about 11.30. Very small. Told that only certain aborigines allowed in pub, and aborigines not served in the cafe (the only one). Got permission to go on the reserve (for 1 hour only), Everyone very pleased with the interviews. The people better off than at Wellington, but not much. Reserve closer in, seemed healthier. Spoke to Mr and Mrs Baxter - very old and very interesting. Apparently town jobs for aborigines impossible to get, shearing jobs pay well but are uncertain and seasonal. Welfare board and police very much disliked. Housing very poor.

In the afternoon we took a few surveys in the town. Left Gulargambone at about 4 pm and arrived in Walgett about 10 to 7. On the way Jerry (from S.A.) demonstrated boomerang throwing and some of us had a go. At Walgett we settled into the Church hall and then went for a swim. Later the boys had a few basketball matches with the local aborigines' basketball teams.

Monday Walgett

Up at 7.00. Heard announcement over radio that we intended to picket RSL at 12.00. All surprised that news had got out. Had meeting and decided to acquiesce in police demands only to point where acquiescence would break up demo. Then would passively resist. Also decided that anyone acting violently would be suspended immediately, and later subjected to general meeting at which it would be decided to send the person home or not. Went to the Namoi River settlement in

the morning and did some surveys for a few hours. Most of the people I spoke to very shy and diffident, and said they were quite happy. Conditions very bad - had to use filthy water, tin shacks with mud floors, overcrowded. Said Welfare board OK. The impression we got later from the town aborigines was much more critical and discontented. Obviously considerable discrimination in the town - especially the Oasis Hotel, the RSL, a frock shop. Aborigines not accepted socially by white community. About 12.00 we began to demonstrate outside the RSL. We just stood in a long line outside the RSL holding placards like "Acceptance, Not Segregation" "End Colour Bar" "Bullets did not Discriminate" "Walgett - Australia's Disgrace" "Why Whites Only" "Educate the Whites" and so on. People gathered round, many jeering, many just watching. The RSL characters offered us cold drinks, but we refused them. At lunchtime many heated discussions broke out. Charlie Perkins spoke terrifically and I think most people listened very...

...attentively. As time went on, more and more aborigines joined in the discussions. Later on we picketed a dress shop which refuses to serve aborigines. The women closed the shop up after about half an hour. We went back to the RSL and continued picketing (RSL was picketed continuously from noon to about 10 to 7). After five a lot more people came to argue with us and it seemed as if half the town was there. The feeling in the town seemed very excited. We went back to the church hall, then for a swim in the Barwon River. About 9 o'clock the Anglican minister came round and told us we had to get out. He reckoned that he didn't know we were a mixed group (which he did he saw us when we first arrived), that we had left beer cans in the hall (which was true) and that we had antagonised people. Charlie had a real go at him because he obviously disliked us because we demonstrated (he had...

earlier in the day refused us permission to stay a second night and then changed his mind). Anyhow we packed up and got out.

About 200 aborigines and some whites came to see us off. We went off quickly, leaving Alex Mills behind because it was obvious there was considerable hostility in the ranks of the pub leavers. About 3 miles out of town a truck tried to push us off the road. There was a stream of about 10 cars following us and we thought they were full of hostile people and so we were all pretty worried. On the third try he scraped the truck along the side of the bus and forced the bus driver to swerve off the road. It tipped slightly but not right over. Charlie yelled out very dramatically "All the girls up the back" and we were half waiting for an ambush or something. But as it turned out the cars contained all friendly people. One of them went back to get the police. When the police came they took statements and then we all went back to

Walgett where statements were taken and we made a number of phone calls. Then we all got back on the bus (this time with Alex) and went on the road to Moree.

At Collarenabri we stopped and slept in the park (illegally). At 6.00 o'clock we all got up so we wouldn't be seen (later we found out we had been seen by the police - it was on the radio) and went to Moree. We arrived at Moree at about 8.30 a.m.

Tuesday Moree

​Spent the morning cleaning up and writing letters, sending telegrams, etc. Had a very good general meeting when we discussed just what we were doing, and what to do about Derek Molloy and John Gowdie who weren't from Sydney Uni. who had joined the bus later on Alec's invitation and who didn't really agree with our principles. We decided 27:2 with 1 abstention that everyone on the bus would be bound by majority decisions.

This means the two who opposed demonstrations would have to join in them, or leave. They still haven't decided what to do.

Heard Eric Baume - disgusting. Herald article very good, we liked it very much. In the afternoon we split up to do the survey. Sue Reeves and I met Mr Brown and he gave us contacts with the very few aborigines employed in the town. We had tea in a rush and then were really obliged to stay on for the Youth Fellowship MYF thing. The minister was very good, but then showed us a film - the most disgusting thing I've seen about how lovely life is in South Africa. A few of us walked out after about 5 mins in disgust and later learned that nearly all the SAFA group had walked out. Hall Greenland got up afterwards and made a statement about what apartheid meant. The minister agreed with us. Then we left seeing "The 13 Ghosts" and went...

...to the pub. Came back about 10.30 and flaked out.

Wednesday Moree

Woke up fairly early. Had breakfast, then Catering Committee meeting. Then we went out to the Mission and the Reserve for the survey. By this time there was plenty of press, TV, and radio in Moree. The mission had much better housing etc. than we'd seen anywhere, but there was a manager in control who was apparently very disliked and seemed rather unpleasant. The answers we got were very subdued and the fact that the manager and the press were wandering about didn't help. Then we stopped off at the Bingara Rd reserve where the conditions were terrible, same as Wellington, Gulargambone and Walgett. The people there were very friendly and spoke out for themselves. Many of them agreed to come to the big meeting we had planned for the night. Then we went back to the Church Hall and held a meeting...

... to discuss our plans. It was a very heated meeting with a lot of dissensions and disagreements. But finally we worked it out to (1) Have I hr picket outside the Council Chambers protesting against the swimming baths discriminatory clause (2) Go to baths and take 6 aboriginal children in (3) Hold big meeting in the night.

We did the picket, but nobody much came around, and we all boiled, it was very hot. The we went to the swimming pool. The manager refused to let the six aboriginals in and so we held up our posters and signs. After about 25 mins they let the boys in. Then Charlie arrived with a bus load of 21 aboriginal boys and they had to be all let in. We had a good swim and Charlie really talked well to all the white kids whose attitude as rather ambivalent really. After this we took the kids back to the mission.

A little girl with a fantastic voice led the singing and we sang Beatle songs all the way back. The spirit was tremendous. We all got out of the bus and everyone was running around getting their photo taken, and swapping addresses.

We went back to the hall, had tea, and then went off to the Memorial Hall for the public meeting we'd arranged. There were over 200 people there and at first the atmosphere was very hostile, with lots of jeering and interjection.

Jim Spigelman spoke first, about who we were and how we came to be there. Then John Powles, on the survey. Then Charlie. The questions were sometimes antagonistic but there were some very sympathetic ones too. Then a Mr Kelly got up and moved that the clause in the statute books about segregation in the swimming pool be removed. This was seconded by Bob Brown, and accepted 88 votes to 10. We were all thrilled to bits.

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Ann Curthoys' diaries have become an essential piece of historical material that tells the story of the 1965 Freedom Ride. Members of the Student Action for Aborigines organisation also produced many useful items that provide insight into this watershed moment in Australian history.

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Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies

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The students that made up SAFA came from many different existing societies including the Australian Labor Party (ALP), the Newman society, the Jewish Students Union and the Civil Liberties Association. Led by Charles Perkins there were around 35 students that took part in the Freedom Ride. Note: Ages are sometimes approximate, and both age and enrolment in university courses are for February 1965.

Charles Perkins

29, third year Arts, Arrernte man, born in Alice Springs, former soccer player, Aboriginal activist, President of SAFA. He was the SAFA spokesman during the Freedom Ride.

"The Freedom Ride was probably the greatest and most exciting event I have ever been involved in with Aboriginal affairs"

Ann Curthoys

19, third-year Arts, member of the Labor Club

Ann's diary forms the narrative of this exhibition and gives us great insight into the day-by-day activities and experiences of the students during the Freedom Ride.

Jim Spigelman

19, third-year Arts, leader of the Fabian Society, breakaway group from the ALP Club

Darce Cassidy

22, part-time third-year Arts, also ABC radio producer, member of the Labor Club

Gary Williams

19, third-year Arts, Gumbaynggir man from Nambucca Heads

Aidan Foy

19, third-year Medicine, member of the Labor Club

Alan Outhred

19, third-year Science, member of the Labor Club

Alex Mills

25, third-year Theology, member of the Liberal Club

Barry Corr

18, second-year Arts

Beth Hansen

19, third-year Arts, member of the Humanist Society

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The students that made up SAFA came from many different existing societies including the Australian Labor Party (ALP), the Newman society, the Jewish Students Union and the Civil Liberties Association. Led by Charles Perkins there were around 35 students that took part in the Freedom Ride.

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Poor bugger me, Gurindji
My name is Vincent Lingiari, came from Daruragu, Wattie Creek station.
Me bin sit down this country
Long time before the Lord Vestey
Allabout land belongin' to we
Oh poor bugger me, Gurindji.

Poor bugger blackfeller; Gurindji
Long time work no wages, we,
Work for the good old Lord Vestey
Little bit flour; sugar and tea
For the Gurindji, from Lord Vestey
Oh poor bugger me.

Poor bugger me, Gurindji,
Man called Vincent Lingiari
Talk long allabout Gurindji
'Daguragu place for we,
Home for we, Gurindji:
But poor bugger blackfeller, Gurindji
Government boss him talk long we
'We'll build you house with electricity
But at Wave Hill, for can't you see
Wattie Creek belong to Lord Vestey'
Oh poor bugger me.

Poor bugger me, Gurindji
Up come Mr: Frank Hardy
ABSCHOL too and talk long we
Givit hand long Gurindji
Buildim house and plantim tree
Longa Wattie Creek for Gurindji
But poor bugger blackfeller Gurindji
Government Law him talk long we
'Can't givit land long blackfeller, see
Only spoilim Gurindji'
Oh poor bugger me.

Poor bugger me, Gurindji
Peter Nixon talk long we:
'Buy you own land, Gurindji
Buyim back from the Lord Vestey'
Oh poor bugger me, Gurindji.
Poor bugger blackfeller Gurindji
Suppose we buyim back country
What you reckon proper fee?
Might be flour, sugar and tea
From the Gurindji to Lord Vestey?
Oh poor bugger me.

Oh ngaiyu luyurr ngura-u
Sorry my country, Gurindji.

© Ted Egan

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Ted Egan and Vincent Lingiari - Gurindji Blues (Poor Bugger Me)

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Wattie Creek entered Australian folklore as the birthplace of the Aboriginal land-rights movement when Prime Minister Gough Whitlam visited the Gurindji people to grant them deeds to their land.

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Gather round people I'll tell you a story
An eight year long story of power and pride
'Bout British Lord Vestey and Vincent Lingiarri
They were opposite men on opposite sides

Vestey was fat with money and muscle
Beef was his business, broad was his door
Vincent was lean and spoke very little
He had no bank balance, hard dirt was his floor

From little things big things grow
From little things big things grow

Gurindji were working for nothing but rations
Where once they had gathered the wealth of the land
Daily the oppression got tighter and tighter
Gurindji decided they must make a stand

They picked up their swags and started off walking
At Wattie Creek they sat themselves down
Now it don't sound like much but it sure got tongues talking
Back at the homestead and then in the town

From little things big things grow
From little things big things grow

Vestey man said I'll double your wages
Seven quid a week you'll have in your hand
Vincent said uhuh we're not talking about wages
We're sitting right here till we get our land
Vestey man roared and Vestey man thundered
You don't stand the chance of a cinder in snow
Vince said if we fall others are rising

From little things big things grow
From little things big things grow

Then Vincent Lingiarri boarded an aeroplane
Landed in Sydney, big city of lights
And daily he went round softly speaking his story
To all kinds of men from all walks of life

And Vincent sat down with big politicians
This affair they told him is a matter of state
Let us sort it out, your people are hungry
Vincent said no thanks, we know how to wait

From little things big things grow
From little things big things grow

Then Vincent Lingiarri returned in an aeroplane
Back to his country once more to sit down
And he told his people let the stars keep on turning
We have friends in the south, in the cities and towns

Eight years went by, eight long years of waiting
Till one day a tall stranger appeared in the land
And he came with lawyers and he came with great ceremony
And through Vincent's fingers poured a handful of sand

From little things big things grow
From little things big things grow

That was the story of Vincent Lingiarri
But this is the story of something much more
How power and privilege can not move a people
Who know where they stand and stand in the law

From little things big things grow
From little things big things grow
From little things big things grow
From little things big things grow

Copyright: Paul Kelly and Kev Carmody

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Paul Kelly - From Little Things Big Things Grow

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Lesson 12-15: Research on significant Indigenous civil rights event

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Lesson 12-15: Research on significant Indigenous civil rights event

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Overview