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Write a reflection on cultural mindfulness based on the materials compiled.

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Write a reflection on cultural mindfulness based on the materials compiled.

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The symbols,language,beliefs,values and artefacts that make up any society were previously classified as culture. Click here to know more about what is cultural elements!

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2.2 The Elements of Culture

Learning Objectives

1. Distinguish material culture and nonmaterial culture.

2. List and define the several elements of culture.

3. Describe certain values that distinguish the United States from other nations.

Culture was defined earlier as the symbols, language, beliefs, values, and artifacts that are part of any society. As this definition suggests, there are two basic components of culture: ideas and symbols on the one hand and artifacts (material objects) on the other. The first type, called nonmaterial cultureThe symbols, language, norms, and values that constitute a major part of a society's culture. , includes the values, beliefs, symbols, and language that define a society. The second type, called material culture An element of culture consisting of society's material objects, or artifacts. , includes all the society's physical objects, such as its tools and technology, clothing, eating utensils, and means of transportation. These elements of culture are discussed next.

Symbols

Every culture is filled with symbolsThings that stand for something else and that often evoke various reactions and emotions. , or things that stand for something else and that often evoke various reactions and emotions. Some symbols are actually types of nonverbal communication, while other symbols are in fact material objects. As the symbolic interactionist perspective discussed in Chapter 1 "Sociology and the Sociological Perspective" emphasizes, shared symbols make social interaction possible.

Let's look at nonverbal symbols first. A common one is shaking hands, which is done in some societies but not in others. It commonly conveys friendship and is used as a sign of both greeting and departure. Probably all societies have nonverbal symbols we call gestures Movements of the hand, arm, head, and other parts of the body that are meant to convey ideas or emotions nonverbally. , movements of the hand, arm, or other parts of the body that are meant to convey certain ideas or emotions. However, the same gesture can mean one thing in one society and something quite different in another society (Axtell, 1998). In the United States, for example, if we nod our head up and down, we mean yes, and if we shake it back and forth, we mean no. In Bulgaria, however, nodding means no, while shaking our head back and forth means yes! In the United States, if we make an "O" by putting our thumb and forefinger together, we mean "OK," but the same gesture in certain parts of Europe signifies an obscenity. "Thumbs up" in the United States means "great" or "wonderful," but in Australia it means the same thing as extending the middle finger in the United States. Certain parts of the Middle East and Asia would be offended if they saw you using your left hand to eat, because they use their left hand for bathroom hygiene.

Some of our most important symbols are objects. Here the U.S. flag is a prime example. For most Americans, the flag is not just a piece of cloth with red and white stripes and white stars against a field of blue. Instead, it is a symbol of freedom, democracy, and other American values and, accordingly, inspires pride and patriotism. During the Vietnam War, however, the flag became to many Americans a symbol of war and imperialism. Some burned the flag in protest, prompting angry attacks by bystanders and negative coverage by the news media.

Other objects have symbolic value for religious reasons. Three of the most familiar religious symbols in many nations are the cross, the Star of David, and the crescent moon, which stand for Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, respectively. Whereas many cultures attach no religious significance to these shapes, for many people across the world they evoke very strong feelings of religious faith. Recognizing this, hate groups have often desecrated these symbols.

As these examples indicate, shared symbols, both nonverbal communication and tangible objects, are an important part of any culture but also can lead to misunderstandings and even hostility. These problems underscore the significance of symbols for social interaction and meaning.

Language

Perhaps our most important set of symbols is language. In English, the word chair means something we sit on. In French, the word chaise means the same thing. As long as we agree how to interpret these words, a shared language and thus society are possible. By the same token, differences in languages can make it quite difficult to communicate. For example, imagine you are in a foreign country where you do not know their language and they do not know yours. Worse yet, you forgot to bring your dictionary that translates their language into yours, and vice versa, and your iPhone battery has died. You become lost. How will you get help? What will you do? Is there any way to communicate your plight?

As this scenario suggests, language is crucial to communication and thus to any society's culture. Children learn language from their culture just as they learn about shaking hands, about gestures, and about the significance of the flag and other symbols. Humans have a capacity for language that no other animal species possesses. Our capacity for language in turn helps make our complex culture possible.

In the United States, some people consider a common language so important that they advocate making English the official language of certain cities or states or even the whole country and banning bilingual education in the public schools (Ray, 2007). Critics acknowledge the importance of English but allege that this movement smacks of anti-immigrant prejudice and would help destroy ethnic subcultures. In 2009, voters in Nashville, Tennessee, rejected a proposal that would have made English the city's official language and required all city workers to speak in English rather than their native language (Brown, 2009).

Language, of course, can be spoken or written. One of the most important developments in the evolution of society was the creation of written language. Some of the preindustrial societies that anthropologists have studied have written language, while others do not, and in the remaining societies the "written" language consists mainly of pictures, not words. Figure 2.5 "The Presence of Written Language (Percentage of Societies)" illustrates this variation with data from 186 preindustrial societies called the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample (SCCS), a famous data set compiled several decades ago by anthropologist George Murdock and colleagues from information that had been gathered on hundreds of preindustrial societies around the world (Murdock & White, 1969). In Figure 2.5 "The Presence of Written Language (Percentage of Societies)", we see that only about one-fourth of the SCCS societies have a written language, while about equal proportions have no language at all or only pictures.

Figure 2.5 The Presence of Written Language (Percentage of Societies)

To what extent does language influence how we think and how we perceive the social and physical worlds? The famous but controversial Sapir-Whorf hypothesisThe view that language influences the thoughts and perceptions of people in a society. , named after two linguistic anthropologists, Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf, argues that people cannot easily understand concepts and objects unless their language contains words for these items (Whorf, 1956). Language thus influences how we understand the world around us. For example, people in a country such as the United States that has many terms for different types of kisses (e.g. buss, peck, smack, smooch, and soul) are better able to appreciate these different types than people in a country such as Japan, which, as we saw earlier, only fairly recently developed the word kissu for kiss.

Another illustration of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis is seen in sexist language, in which the use of male nouns and pronouns shapes how we think about the world (Miles, 2008). In older children's books, words like fire man and mail man are common, along with pictures of men in these jobs, and critics say they send a message to children that these are male jobs, not female jobs. If a teacher tells a second-grade class, "Every student should put his books under his desk," the teacher obviously means students of both sexes but may be sending a subtle message that boys matter more than girls. For these reasons, several guidebooks promote the use of nonsexist language (Maggio, 1998). Table 2.1 "Examples of Sexist Terms and Nonsexist Alternatives" provides examples of sexist language and nonsexist alternatives.

Table 2.1 Examples of Sexist Terms and Nonsexist Alternatives

The use of racist language also illustrates the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. An old saying goes, "Sticks and stones may break my bones, but names will never hurt me." That may be true in theory but not in reality. Names can hurt, especially names that are racial slurs, which African Americans growing up before the era of the civil rights movement routinely heard. According to the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, the use of these words would have affected how whites perceived African Americans. More generally, the use of racist terms may reinforce racial prejudice and racial stereotypes.

Sociology Making a Difference

Overcoming Cultural and Ethnic Differences

People from many different racial and ethnic backgrounds live in a large country like the United States. Because of cultural differences and various prejudices, it can be difficult for individuals from one background to interact with individuals from another background. Fortunately, a line of research, grounded in contact theory and conducted by sociologists and social psychologists, suggests that interaction among individuals from different backgrounds can indeed help overcome tensions arising from their different cultures and any prejudices they may hold. This happens because such contact helps to disconfirm stereotypes that people may hold of those from different backgrounds (Dixon, 2006; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2005).

Recent studies of college students provide additional evidence that social contact can help overcome cultural differences and prejudices. Because many students are randomly assigned to their roommates when they enter college, interracial roommates provide a "natural" experiment for studying the effects of social interaction on racial prejudice. Studies of such roommates find that whites with black roommates report lowered racial prejudice and greater numbers of interracial friendships with other students (Laar, Levin, Sinclair, & Sidanius, 2005; Shook & Fazio, 2008a).

It is not easy to overcome cultural differences and prejudices, and studies also find that interracial college roommates often have to face many difficulties in overcoming the cultural differences and prejudices that existed before they started living together (Shook & Fazio, 2008b). Yet the body of work supporting contact theory suggests that efforts that increase social interaction among people from different cultural and ethnic backgrounds in the long run will reduce racial and ethnic tensions.

Norms

Cultures differ widely in their norms Socially acceptable ways of behaving. , or standards and expectations for behaving. We already saw that how people behave when drunk stems from society's expectations of how they should behave when drunk. Norms of drunken behavior influence how we behave when we drink too much.

Norms are often divided into two types, formal normsNorms that are very important and usually written down; also called laws and mores. and informal normsRelatively unimportant norms, often unwritten, that still affect people's behavior. . Formal norms, also called mores (MOOR-ays) and laws, refer to the standards of behavior considered the most important in any society. Examples in the United States include traffic laws, criminal codes, and, in a college context, student behavior codes addressing such things as cheating and hate speech. Informal norms, also called folkways and customs, refer to standards of behavior that are considered less important but still influence how we behave. Table manners are a common example of informal norms, as are such everyday behaviors as how we interact with a cashier and how we ride in an elevator.

Many norms differ dramatically from one culture to the next. Some of the best evidence for cultural variation in norms comes from the study of sexual behavior (Edgerton, 1976). Among the Pokot of East Africa, for example, women are expected to enjoy sex, while among the Gusii a few hundred miles away, women who enjoy sex are considered deviant. In Inis Beag, a small island off the coast of Ireland, sex is considered embarrassing and even disgusting; men feel that intercourse drains their strength, while women consider it a burden. Even nudity is considered terrible, and people on Inis Beag keep their clothes on while they bathe. The situation is quite different in Mangaia, a small island in the South Pacific. Here sex is considered very enjoyable, and it is the major subject of songs and stories.

While many societies frown on homosexuality, others accept it. Among the Azande of East Africa, for example, young warriors live with each other and are not allowed to marry. During this time, they often have sex with younger boys, and this homosexuality is approved by their culture. Among the Sambia of New Guinea, young males live separately from females and engage in homosexual behavior for at least a decade. It is felt that the boys would be less masculine if they continued to live with their mothers and that the semen of older males helps young boys become strong and fierce (Edgerton, 1976).

Other evidence for cultural variation in norms comes from the study of how men and women are expected to behave in various societies. For example, many preindustrial societies are simple hunting and gathering societies. In most of these, men tend to hunt and women tend to gather. Many observers attribute this gender difference to at least two biological differences between the sexes. First, men tend to be bigger and stronger than women and are thus better suited for hunting. Second, women become pregnant and bear children and are less able to hunt. Yet a different pattern emerges in some hunting and gathering societies. Among a group of Australian aborigines called the Tiwi and a tribal society in the Philippines called the Agta, both sexes hunt. After becoming pregnant, Agta women continue to hunt for most of their pregnancy and resume hunting after their child is born (Brettell & Sargent, 2009).

Some of the most interesting norms that differ by culture govern how people stand apart when they talk with each other (Hall & Hall, 2007). In the United States, people who are not intimates usually stand about three to four feet apart when they talk. If someone stands more closely to us, especially if we are of northern European heritage, we feel uncomfortable. Yet people in other countries-especially Italy, France, Spain, and many of the nations of Latin America and the Middle East-would feel uncomfortable if they were standing three to four feet apart. To them, this distance is too great and indicates that the people talking dislike each other. If a U.S. native of British or Scandinavian heritage were talking with a member of one of these societies, they might well have trouble interacting, because at least one of them will be uncomfortable with the physical distance separating them.

Rituals

Different cultures also have different ritualsEstablished procedures and ceremonies that often mark transitions in the life course. , or established procedures and ceremonies that often mark transitions in the life course. As such, rituals both reflect and transmit a culture's norms and other elements from one generation to the next. Initiation and commencement ceremonies in colleges and universities are familiar examples of time-honored rituals. In many societies, rituals help signify one's gender identity. For example, girls around the world undergo various types of initiation ceremonies to mark their transition to adulthood. Among the Bemba of Zambia, girls undergo a month-long initiation ceremony called the chisungu, in which girls learn songs, dances, and secret terms that only women know (Maybury-Lewis, 1998). In some cultures, special ceremonies also mark a girl's first menstrual period. Such ceremonies are largely absent in the United States, where a girl's first period is a private matter. But in other cultures the first period is a cause for celebration involving gifts, music, and food (Hathaway, 1997).

Boys have their own initiation ceremonies, some of them involving circumcision. That said, the ways in which circumcisions are done and the ceremonies accompanying them differ widely. In the United States, boys who are circumcised usually undergo a quick procedure in the hospital. If their parents are observant Jews, circumcision will be part of a religious ceremony, and a religious figure called a moyel will perform the circumcision. In contrast, circumcision among the Maasai of East Africa is used as a test of manhood. If a boy being circumcised shows signs of fear, he might well be ridiculed (Maybury-Lewis, 1998).

Are rituals more common in preindustrial societies than in modern ones such as the United States? Consider the Nacirema, studied by anthropologist Horace Miner more than 50 years ago (Miner, 1956). In this society, many rituals have been developed to deal with the culture's fundamental belief that the human body is ugly and in danger of suffering many diseases. Reflecting this belief, every household has at least one shrine in which various rituals are performed to cleanse the body. Often these shrines contain magic potions acquired from medicine men. The Nacirema are especially concerned about diseases of the mouth. Miner writes, "Were it not for the rituals of the mouth, they believe that their teeth would fall out, their gums bleed, their jaws shrink, their friends desert them, and their lovers reject them" (p. 505). Many Nacirema engage in "mouth-rites" and see a "holy-mouth-man" once or twice yearly.

Spell Nacirema backward and you will see that Miner was describing American culture. As his satire suggests, rituals are not limited to preindustrial societies. Instead, they function in many kinds of societies to mark transitions in the life course and to transmit the norms of the culture from one generation to the next.

Changing Norms and Beliefs

Our examples show that different cultures have different norms, even if they share other types of practices and beliefs. It is also true that norms change over time within a given culture. Two obvious examples here are hairstyles and clothing styles. When the Beatles first became popular in the early 1960s, their hair barely covered their ears, but parents of teenagers back then were aghast at how they looked. If anything, clothing styles change even more often than hairstyles. Hemlines go up, hemlines go down. Lapels become wider, lapels become narrower. This color is in, that color is out. Hold on to your out-of-style clothes long enough, and eventually they may well end up back in style.

A more important topic on which norms have changed is abortion and birth control (Bullough & Bullough, 1977). Despite the controversy surrounding abortion today, it was very common in the ancient world. Much later, medieval theologians generally felt that abortion was not murder if it occurred within the first several weeks after conception. This distinction was eliminated in 1869, when Pope Pius IX declared abortion at any time to be murder. In the United States, abortion was not illegal until 1828, when New York state banned it to protect women from unskilled abortionists, and most other states followed suit by the end of the century. However, the sheer number of unsafe, illegal abortions over the next several decades helped fuel a demand for repeal of abortion laws that in turn helped lead to the Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision in 1973 that generally legalized abortion during the first two trimesters.

Contraception was also practiced in ancient times, only to be opposed by early Christianity. Over the centuries, scientific discoveries of the nature of the reproductive process led to more effective means of contraception and to greater calls for its use, despite legal bans on the distribution of information about contraception. In the early 1900s, Margaret Sanger, an American nurse, spearheaded the growing birth-control movement and helped open a birth-control clinic in Brooklyn in 1916. She and two other women were arrested within 10 days, and Sanger and one other defendant were sentenced to 30 days in jail. Efforts by Sanger and other activists helped to change views on contraception over time, and finally, in 1965, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Griswold v. Connecticut that contraception information could not be banned. As this brief summary illustrates, norms about contraception changed dramatically during the last century.

Other types of cultural beliefs also change over time ( Figure 2.8 "Percentage Saying They Would Vote for a Qualified African American for President" and Figure 2.9 "Percentage That Agrees Women Should Take Care of Running Their Homes"). Since the 1960s, the U.S. public has changed its views about some important racial and gender issues. Figure 2.8 "Percentage Saying They Would Vote for a Qualified African American for President", taken from several years of the General Social Survey (GSS), shows that the percentage of Americans who would vote for a qualified black person as president rose almost 20 points from the early 1970s to the middle of 1996, when the GSS stopped asking the question. If beliefs about voting for an African American had not changed, Barack Obama would almost certainly not have been elected in 2008. Figure 2.9 "Percentage That Agrees Women Should Take Care of Running Their Homes", also taken from several years of the GSS, shows that the percentage saying that women should take care of running their homes and leave running the country to men declined from almost 36% in the early 1970s to only about 15% in 1998, again, when the GSS stopped asking the question. These two figures depict declining racial and gender prejudice in the United States during the past quarter-century.

Values

Values Criteria of what is desirable or undesirable and right or wrong. are another important element of culture and involve judgments of what is good or bad and desirable or undesirable. A culture's values shape its norms. In Japan, for example, a central value is group harmony. The Japanese place great emphasis on harmonious social relationships and dislike interpersonal conflict. Individuals are fairly unassertive by American standards, lest they be perceived as trying to force their will upon others (Schneider & Silverman, 2010). When interpersonal disputes do arise, Japanese do their best to minimize conflict by trying to resolve the disputes amicably. Lawsuits are thus uncommon; in one case involving disease and death from a mercury-polluted river, some Japanese who dared to sue the company responsible for the mercury poisoning were considered bad citizens (Upham, 1976).

Individualism in the United States

In the United States, of course, the situation is quite different. The American culture extols the rights of the individual and promotes competition in the business and sports worlds and in other areas of life. Lawsuits over the most frivolous of issues are quite common and even expected. Phrases like "Look out for number one!" abound. If the Japanese value harmony and group feeling, Americans value competition and individualism. Because the Japanese value harmony, their norms frown on self-assertion in interpersonal relationships and on lawsuits to correct perceived wrongs. Because Americans value and even thrive on competition, our norms promote assertion in relationships and certainly promote the use of the law to address all kinds of problems.

Figure 2.11 "Percentage That Thinks Competition Is Very Beneficial" illustrates this difference between the two nations' cultures with data from the 2005-2008 World Values Survey (WVS), which was administered to random samples of the adult populations of more than 80 nations around the world. One question asked in these nations was, "On a scale of one ('competition is good; it stimulates people to work hard and develop new ideas') to ten ('competition is harmful; it brings out the worst in people'), please indicate your views on competition." Figure 2.11 "Percentage That Thinks Competition Is Very Beneficial" shows the percentages of Americans and Japanese who responded with a "one" or "two" to this question, indicating they think competition is very beneficial. Americans are about twice as likely as Japanese to favor competition.

The Japanese value system is a bit of an anomaly, because Japan is a modern nation with very traditional influences. Its emphasis on group harmony and community is more usually thought of as a value found in preindustrial societies, while the U.S. emphasis on individuality is more usually thought of as a value found in modern cultures. Anthropologist David Maybury-Lewis (1998, p. 8) describes this difference as follows: "The heart of the difference between the modern world and the traditional one is that in traditional societies people are a valuable resource and the interrelations between them are carefully tended; in modern society things are the valuables and people are all too often treated as disposable." In modern societies, continues Maybury-Lewis, individualism and the rights of the individual are celebrated and any one person's obligations to the larger community are weakened. Individual achievement becomes more important than values such as kindness, compassion, and generosity.

Other scholars take a less bleak view of modern society, where they say the spirit of community still lives even as individualism is extolled (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler, & Tipton, 1985). In American society, these two simultaneous values sometimes create tension. In Appalachia, for example, people view themselves as rugged individuals who want to control their own fate. At the same time, they have strong ties to families, relatives, and their neighbors. Thus their sense of independence conflicts with their need for dependence on others (Erikson, 1976).

The Work Ethic

Another important value in the American culture is the work ethic. By the 19th century, Americans had come to view hard work not just as something that had to be done but as something that was morally good to do (Gini, 2000). The commitment to the work ethic remains strong today: in the 2010 General Social Survey, 68.7% of respondents said they would continue to work even if they got enough money to live as comfortably as they would like for the rest of their lives.

Cross-cultural evidence supports the importance of the work ethic in the United States. Using earlier World Values Survey data, Figure 2.12 "Percentage of People Who Take a Great Deal of Pride in Their Work" presents the percentage of people in United States and three other nations from different parts of the world-Mexico, Poland, and Japan-who take "a great deal of pride" in their work. More than 85% of Americans feel this way, compared to much lower proportions of people in the other three nations.

Closely related to the work ethic is the belief that if people work hard enough, they will be successful. Here again the American culture is especially thought to promote the idea that people can pull themselves up by their "bootstraps" if they work hard enough. The WVS asked whether success results from hard work or from luck and connections. Figure 2.13 "Percentage of People Who Think Hard Work Brings Success" presents the proportions of people in the four nations just examined who most strongly thought that hard work brings success. Once again we see evidence of an important aspect of the American culture, as U.S. residents were especially likely to think that hard work brings success.

If Americans value the work ethic and also believe hard work brings success, then they should be more likely than people in most other nations to believe that poverty stems from not working hard enough. True or false, this belief is an example of the blaming-the-victim ideology introduced in Chapter 1 "Sociology and the Sociological Perspective". Figure 2.14 "Percentage of People Who Attribute Poverty to Laziness and Lack of Willpower" presents WVS percentages of respondents who said the most important reason people are poor is due to "laziness and lack of willpower." As expected, Americans are much more likely to attribute poverty to not working hard enough.

We could discuss many other values, but an important one concerns how much a society values employment of women outside the home. The WVS asked respondents whether they agree or disagree that "when jobs are scarce men should have more right to a job than women." Figure 2.15 "Percentage of People Who Disagree That Men Have More Right to a Job Than Women When Jobs are Scarce" shows that U.S. residents are more likely than those in nations with more traditional views of women to disagree with this statement.

Artifacts

The last element of culture is the artifactsThe material objects that constitute a society's material culture. , or material objects, that constitute a society's material culture. In the most simple societies, artifacts are largely limited to a few tools, the huts people live in, and the clothing they wear. One of the most important inventions in the evolution of society was the wheel. Figure 2.16 "Primary Means of Moving Heavy Loads" shows that very few of the societies in the SCCS use wheels to move heavy loads over land, while the majority use human power and about one-third use pack animals.

Figure 2.16 Primary Means of Moving Heavy Loads

Although the wheel was a great invention, artifacts are obviously much more numerous and complex in modern industrial societies. Because of technological advances during the past two decades, many such societies may be said to have a wireless culture, as smartphones, netbooks and laptops, and GPS devices now dominate so much of modern life. The artifacts associated with this culture were unknown a generation ago. Technological development created these artifacts and also new language to describe them and the functions they perform. Today's wireless artifacts in turn help reinforce our own commitment to wireless technology as a way of life, if only because children are now growing up with them, often even before they can read and write.

Sometimes people in one society may find it difficult to understand the artifacts that are an important part of another society's culture. If a member of a tribal society who had never seen a cell phone, or who had never even used batteries or electricity, were somehow to visit the United States, she or he would obviously have no idea of what a cell phone was or of its importance in almost everything we do these days. Conversely, if we were to visit that person's society, we might not appreciate the importance of some of its artifacts.

In this regard, consider once again India's cows, discussed in the news article that began this chapter. As the article mentioned, people from India consider cows holy, and they let cows roam the streets of many cities. In a nation where hunger is so rampant, such cow worship is difficult to understand, at least to Americans, because a ready source of meat is being ignored.

Anthropologist Marvin Harris (1974) advanced a practical explanation for India's cow worship. Millions of Indians are peasants who rely on their farms for their food and thus their existence. Oxen and water buffalo, not tractors, are the way they plow their fields. If their ox falls sick or dies, farmers may lose their farms. Because, as Harris observes, oxen are made by cows, it thus becomes essential to preserve cows at all costs. In India, cows also act as an essential source of fertilizer, to the tune of 700 million tons of manure annually, about half of which is used for fertilizer and the other half of which is used as fuel for cooking. Cow manure is also mixed with water and used as flooring material over dirt floors in Indian households. For all of these reasons, cow worship is not so puzzling after all, because it helps preserve animals that are very important for India's economy and other aspects of its way of life.

If Indians exalt cows, many Jews and Muslims feel the opposite about pigs: they refuse to eat any product made from pigs and so obey an injunction from the Old Testament of the Bible and from the Koran. Harris thinks this injunction existed because pig farming in ancient times would have threatened the ecology of the Middle East. Sheep and cattle eat primarily grass, while pigs eat foods that people eat, such as nuts, fruits, and especially grains. In another problem, pigs do not provide milk and are much more difficult to herd than sheep or cattle. Next, pigs do not thrive well in the hot, dry climate in which the people of the Old Testament and Koran lived. Finally, sheep and cattle were a source of food back then because beyond their own meat they provided milk, cheese, and manure, and cattle were also used for plowing. In contrast, pigs would have provided only their own meat. Because sheep and cattle were more "versatile" in all of these ways, and because of the other problems pigs would have posed, it made sense for the eating of pork to be prohibited.

In contrast to Jews and Muslims, at least one society, the Maring of the mountains of New Guinea, is characterized by "pig love." Here pigs are held in the highest regard. The Maring sleep next to pigs, give them names and talk to them, feed them table scraps, and once or twice every generation have a mass pig sacrifice that is intended to ensure the future health and welfare of Maring society. Harris explains their love of pigs by noting that their climate is ideally suited to raising pigs, which are an important source of meat for the Maring. Because too many pigs would overrun the Maring, their periodic pig sacrifices help keep the pig population to manageable levels. Pig love thus makes as much sense for the Maring as pig hatred did for people in the time of the Old Testament and the Koran.

Key Takeaways

The major elements of culture are symbols, language, norms, values, and artifacts.

Language makes effective social interaction possible and influences how people conceive of concepts and objects.

Major values that distinguish the United States include individualism, competition, and a commitment to the work ethic.

For Your Review

1. How and why does the development of language illustrate the importance of culture and provide evidence for the sociological perspective?

2. Some people say the United States is too individualistic and competitive, while other people say these values are part of what makes America great. What do you think? Why?

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Distinguish material culture and nonmaterial culture. List and define the several elements of culture. Describe certain values that distinguish the United States from other nations. Culture was defined earlier as the symbols, language, beliefs, values, and artifacts that are part of any society.

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Traditional dance forms (also known as folk dances in the West) are any local dancing tradition that is typically closely linked to local musical forms and/or beliefs

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Traditional Dance forms (often called Folk dances in the West) can be defined as any local dancing tradition, often strongly connected with local musical forms and/or local beliefs.

They have their roots, like many cultural components, in humanity's prehistory, and have evolved and persisted over the subsequent millennia. A classic example from Britain would be Morris Dancing, and its Sword Dancing, Mumming and Hodening subforms. The character of Morris Dancing is essentially pagan, with a heavy focus on themes of rebirth, springtime and animalism. As such, many Morris teams have a beast, a dancer dressed as a real/mythical animal, who dances separate to the main dance and interacts with the audience; and a fool, a gaudily-dressed member who dances separately and jests with the audience. Dancing types similar to Morris are present throughout continental Europe, manifesting as subsets of the ball de bastons dance Western Europe (especially Spain and Portugal), to the căluş dance tradition in Romania: something that points to all European folk dances having a single, ancient origin. On the subject of inter-linked traditional dances, it is worth mentioning that 'sword dances' are found all over Europe and Asia, from China to Scotland.

Outside Europe, there are an uncountable number of traditional dance forms. In traditional Sub-Saharan African belief, dance is a fundamental expression of rhythm, which is an expression of life itself. In fact, many languages in this area have no word for rhythm, or even music, both being expressed by the word for life. This is reflected in traditional dance styles, with full-body articulation, no barriers between audience and participants, no 'pairing' of male/female couples and complex rhythmic structures being the norm. In these traditions, to dance is to demonstrate the life of the community, to represent the beating heart within and without. Dances are conducted as part of cultural events, mostly the liminal stages of a people's lives such as coming-of-age, marriage, birth and death; as well as on special occasions, such as when welcoming guests to the village, and when summoning spirits. The most common musical accompaniment is the drum, although some groups (such as the Maasai) use the human voice as the sole source of instrumentation.

This concept of dance as a spiritual expression also appears in Native American cultures, and is once again accompanied by drum work, representing the cosmic heartbeat. Dances are performed in circles, and the clothing worn by dancers reflect the animist aspects of the particular dance: therefore there are Eagle, Bear and Rabbit Dances, as well as agriculture-focused Corn and Rain Dances.

This animist dynamic is seen yet again in Indigenous Australian dance, where the act of dancing to music is believed to invoke the Dreamtime, the world's creation era, in the dancer's present. The Dreamtime creation story tells how the world was created by various animal spirits: hence, dancing involves the imitation of particular animals, enabling dancers to channel the essence of the associated spirit animal.

In Asia, there exist other types of 'traditional' dance, derived from the 'high' culture of the elites. So we have Beijing Opera (more of a mixture of martial arts, ballet and music) which assumed the same function as its Western counterpart as entertainment in royal court; yangge, a Chinese folk dance that was adopted by the elites in the 12th century Song Dynasty and persists today as an official aspect of Communist Party celebrations; odori and mai, Japanese Kyoto court dance traditions; and ancient Indian dance forms, which developed as a form of religious expression and then began gracing royal courts (and still remain fiercely popular today, thanks to Bollywood).

In the Islamic world, traditional dances range from raqs baladi, European-like folk dances to raqs sharqi, Indian-like belly or solo dances.

Learning traditional dances can be a whole lot of fun. The are usually group affairs (with the exception of some Indian and Islamic solo dances), and usually don't contain the pressure of one-on-one male-and-female 'high culture' European ones, like Latin or classical dances. Not only that, but they are usually indicative of something higher: either a cultural or spiritual aspect, instead of being performed for it's own sake. Like learning any dance, it'll be a great way to meet new people and develop new friendship groups; but you'll also be learning about another fascinating cultural tradition at the same time!

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Traditional Dance forms (often called Folk dances in the West) can be defined as any local dancing tradition, often strongly connected with local musical forms and/or local beliefs. They have their roots, like many cultural components, in humanity's prehistory, and have evolved and persisted over the subsequent millennia.

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The Iban Tribe are the states's largest ethnic group. In the past they were known and feared for their legendary headhunting practises. They have stopped headhunting for a long time, but many of their unique customs, art,legacy,culture still persist

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Introduction : Who are the Kenyah people?

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Introduction : Who are the Kenyah people?

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A people known as the Kenyah live in the high interior part of Sarawak State and West Kalimantan. They are roughly 40,000 Kenyahs who lives in over 110 communities and are divided into 40 divisions. They live near river headwaters around the lower and upper levels of the Baram and Balui Rivers, as well as in important coastal towns like Miri,Bintulu and Kuching

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Introduction : Who are the Minangkabau People?

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Introduction : Who are the Minangkabau People?

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The minangkabau people, or orang minang make up the majority of Peninsular Malaysia's Negeri Sembilan state. The Minang of Malaysia, descended from Minangkabau people of West Sumatra,Indonesia, have its own culture and royal line that dates back generations. The Minang speak Malay but they have their own dialect that reflects lingual roots in the language of their Indonesian heritage. Within Malaysia, The minangkabau people refer to themsleves as Orang Negeri (nogori) or person from Negeri

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Introduction : Who are the Murut People?

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Introduction : Who are the Murut People?

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"Murut" literally means "hill people". They obstruct Sabah's interior and southeastern regions, as well as the territory straddling the Kalimantan-Sarawak. The Murut, once feared as fearless headhunters and longhouse dwellers. The Murut these days have abandoned much of their age-old traditions especially headhunting, they also very skilled in hunting with blowpipe

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The Author : Anis Syafiqah Binti Kamal (2021843738)

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The Author : Anis Syafiqah Binti Kamal (2021843738)

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The Chetti Melaka are descendants of Tamil traders who settled in Melaka during the reign of the Melaka Sultanate (15th-16th century) and married local women of malay and chinese descent. The community speaks a unique combination of malay,tamil and chinese, that has been called as Chetty Creol by scholars. They traced their roots to Kampung Chitty in Gajah Behrang and there are an estimated 5000 Chettis in Singapore

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Hi everyone! my name is Anis Syafiqah binti Kamal. People often called me as Anis or Nis for short. I am 20 years old this year (2021) and i am a proud LG243 students.

I was born in Kuala Lumpur and currently reside in Rawang,Selangor. I love to explore new things and i also enjoy writing so much it has been my passion since i was in high school.

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For my eportfolio, I've decided to do a research on traditional dance in malaysia based on 5 communities that i have chose which is The Chetti, The Iban Tribe, The Kenyah Tribe, Minangkabau People and Murut People.

The reason why i chose this element (traditional dance) because as we all know Malaysia is multicultural country and what people commonly know about the traditional dance in Malaysia is the traditional dance from the 3 major races in Malaysia which is Malay,Chinese and Indian. However, not many Malaysians are aware of the traditional dance of other ethnic groups. As a result, I've decided conduct research on other Malaysian ethnic minorities

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The Chetti community is well known for their traditional dances such as Joget Lambak and Joget Ronggeng which can be seen at Chetti Village here in Melaka. Previously, the Chetti danced without any equipment, but they have since begun to use various forms of equipment during dance perfomances. They would use equipments such as umbrellas, scarves, glutinuous rice barrels, trays and any other items are among them. But the most commonly used is the umbrellas and the scarves.

In dancing, moderately paced foot and hand movements are quite significant. During celebrations such as weddings,birthday parties or when visitors arrive to visit, they usually do the Joget dance in groups or en masse. They still remember the distinctive dance and are quite proud of the dance they inherited from a long time ago. As you can see the Joget dance is performed by variety of Chetti community members, ranging in age from children to elderly. Children are frequently taught and encouraged to practise and engage in dancing by their elders. This dance will continue to be inherited and maintaned for generations to come

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Although the origins of this ethnic group dance are unknown, it is widely assumed that it has existed alongside the Iban ethnic group since the 16th century. Warriors are said to have done the Ngajat Lesung dance when they returned from the combat. This dance is now performed to welcome important guests to the longhouse for the celebration of the most important harvest festival, known as 'Gawai'

The male dancers wear enormous feathers as part of their headgear and hold an ornate and long shield in their hand with chains,beads and a loincloth known as the 'cawat'. The female dancers on the other hand wears an extravagant headdress,chains,beads and a 'dress' with complex weaving that reaches past their knees. This dance was once only performed by male dancers, but it has since been reinvented and is now performed by everyone.

The Ngajat lesung dance is a well-known Iban traditional dance in Sarawak. The knees are bent and kept close together as they twist from side to side, with a simple tap of the heel on the ground at the finish. The arm move from left to right in front of the body. The dance is done gracefully. The hornbill, an iconic bird of Sarawak, symbolizing all the movements. The male dancer in this dance potrays a warrior who shows off his strength by biting a wooden mortar called the 'lesung kayu' with his teeth while dancing. It's roughly seven kilogrammes in weight.

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The Datun Julud dance, also known as Hornbill dance, is a traditional Orang Ulu women's dance popular among Sarawak's Kenyah tribe. It was originally done during communal festivals such as the one to welcome back returning warriors from a headhunting raid or the yearly rice harvest season celebrations. The Datun Julud dance is said to have been created by a Kenyah Prince named Nyik Selung to symbolise happiness and gratitude.

The female dancer, moving spontaneously with a fluid motion to emulate a hornbill in flight. The dancers moves her arms,legs, and torso gracefully and delicately, being very careful to maintain her head erect and still so that her earrings, which are heavy metals jewels dangling from lengthened earlobes, don't sway too much.

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The Tari Piring or also known as the Piring Dance is a traditional dance owned by the Minangkabau people from West Sumatra and Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia.

According to legends, this dance was originally a ritual of gratitude from the local to the gods after getting bountiful harvest. After the entry of Islam in Minangkabau, the Piring Dance was no longer used as a ritual to give thanks to the gods. However, this dance used as a means of entertainment for the community which is displayed at crowd events

The piring dance movement in general is to place two plates on the palms of the hands. The dancer will swing the plates in fast movements, interspersed with clinking a plate or two rings on the dancer's finger against the plate they carrying. At the end of the dance, usually the plates brought by the dancers are thrown on the floor and the dancer will dance on broken the plates

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According to the Murut elders, Magunatip began as a prank. The Murut farmers would set the poles on the floor and rest after pounding the paddy. Then somebody used the poles to clip the foot of whoever passing by. To avoid being trapped, the victims would quickly lift up his or her foot. This mischievous act turned out to be a fun game for participants to step in and out of the clapping poles in rhythm. Then it became Magunatip, which was accompanied by music.

Magunatip dance or also known as the 'Bamboo Dance' is one of Sabah's most well-known traditional dances. This energetic dance is performed by Murut people. This dance is a hundreds years old and will always be the highlight of many cultural show in Sabah

The dancers will form a line on one side of the poles and cross the lines of clapping bamboo poles by hopping between them without getting their ankles or feet clipped. Sometimes, the dancers would playfully teased the audience by dip their feets into the gaps and get out in precise timing. While in action, the male dancers would make triumphant noises (pangkis). Despite the difficulties, each move is performed in an organised and elegant manner, with a huge smile and a relaxed upper body

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by JKKN Melaka

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by Jerine Lay

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This is a traditional welcoming dance performed by the villagers to welcome their warriors after they have come back from a victorious battle.

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by Paris Nurashikin Mohd Supian

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Tarian Panjang / Datun Julud / Hivan Joh

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by Megatrend

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Negeri Sembilan Traditional Dance #2 @ 2015 Royal FLORIA Putrajaya (4K UHD)

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Magunatip, the Warrior Dance of Borneo Headhunters

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Six Chetti cultural dance artistes aged between 15 and 23 danced at home in ensuring that the ethnic dance continues to grow, especially when cultural and tourism activities have stopped due to the COVID-19 pandemic. - Wan Kamlzaman Mohd Saidi photo

MELAKA: Even without a dance studio, you can dance at home. Such is the spirit of six Chetti cultural dance artistes aged between 15 and 23 in ensuring that the ethnic dance continues to grow, especially when cultural and tourism activities have stopped due to the COVID-19 pandemic that hit the country two years ago.

Melaka Department of Culture and Arts (JKKN) dance coach, Wan Kamlzaman Mohd Saidi, 48, said apart from using online mediums to discuss and exchange ideas, dance introduction training was also held as soon as Melaka entered Phase Two of the National Recovery Plan (PPN ) on Sept 4.

"Previously, the dance training sessions were held at the Melaka JKKN studio. However, since the pandemic, a lot of training was done at the house of a member of the Chetti dance group in Kampung Chetti, Gajah Berang, here, while complying with the standard operating procedures (SOP)," he said when contacted by Bernama.

Despite facing many constraints, Kamlzaman said they managed to perform at a hybrid Dondang Sayang competition recently, which was their first performance in the last two years.

"We have to adapt and make changes including training only on Saturdays, for four hours each time. But if there is a need such as a request to hold a special presentation for the state government, we will add the training hours," he said.

DANCE-CHETTI 2 (MELAKA)

On keeping this cultural dance of the minority group (peranakan) from the marriage between Indian traders and the local community alive, Kamlzaman said although its members were not that many, it still had a special place in the community.

He said originally, the dancers comprised mostly the elderly but over time, he tried to involve individuals of generation Y in an effort to keep the heritage and tradition alive.

Kamlzaman who has 10 years of experience as a coach at JKKN Melaka for the Arts and Culture Programme (PBSB), also admitted that most of the younger generation now was not interested as they were influenced by the music of modern times such as Kpop, ballads and Bollywood and this to some extent caused the lack of interest in the Chetti cultural dance.

"We realise that the currents of modernisation and music are flowing rapidly in Malaysia and to some extent has had an impact on culture and arts but it is still alive and in fact, various efforts have been made to keep this dance from becoming a dying art.

"We are proud that this young generation of Chetti has not forgotten their roots as this ethnic group is only found in Melaka. At the same time, these young Chetti have also been nurtured by their families since childhood to embrace Chetti culture, including dance.

DANCE-CHETTI 3 (LAST) MELAKA

"Therefore, to revive interest in this dance is to add musical elements that are mellifluous and suitable for the younger generation and look for back-ups fast so that it does not become extinct in the future.

"In addition, the dance formation is also created according to its suitability and I try to avoid difficult choreography because these young Chettis are not accustomed to a lot of movement," he said.

As for the selection of songs, as this ethnic group is fluent in Bahasa Melayu, Kamlzaman said that there was no problem for them to appreciate traditional and old songs such as 'Pegang Pegang Tali' made popular by S. Ahmad and S Rohani, 'Mawar Merah' by Lata Mangeshkar and 'Serampang Laut', which was very popular among the Chettis.

"In terms of attire, the Chetti women still wear a short kebaya top or the Nyonya kebaya with batik sarong because the Chetti attire has similarities with that of the Malays," he said.

--BERNAMA

Tags: chetti, dance, culture, heritage, tradition

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Chetti keeping traditions alive through dance

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Six Chetti cultural dance artistes aged between 15 and 23 danced at home in ensuring that the ethnic dance continues to grow, especially when cultural and tourism activities have stopped due to the COVID-19 pandemic. - Wan Kamlzaman Mohd Saidi photo MELAKA: Even without a dance studio, you can dance at home.

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Sinonim dengan lengguk tarinya, tarian Ngajat pada suatu ketika dahulu adalah bagi menyambut pahlawan Iban pulang daripada berperang. - Foto Sarawak Tourism

Tarian Ngajat sudah sebati dalam masyarakat Iban. Bukan sahaja unik, malah keasliannya membezakan tarian ini lain daripada tarian yang lain.

Sinonim dengan lengguk tarinya, tarian Ngajat pada suatu ketika dahulu adalah menyambut pahlawan Iban pulang daripada berperang. Mereka diraikan dengan sambutan Gawai yang dipanggil Gawai Kenyalang.

Selain kepelbagaian Gawai yang ada di Sarawak, terdapat beberapa jenis Ngajat.

Dari segi lengguk tarinya dan mereka yang mempersembahkan tarian itu adalah bergantung kepada tujuan tarian itu. Sudah pastinya, setiap tarian Ngajat ini membawa maksud tertentu.

Dari segi pemakaian pula, penari akan mengenakan pakaian tradisional asli masyarakat Iban iaitu Baju Burung bagi lelaki dan Ngepan bagi wanita.
Jenis-jenis tarian Ngajat terbahagi kepada berikut: 1. Ngajat Bebunoh
Ngajat Bebunoh ditarikan dengan mengekspresikan langkah tari yang sama sebagaimana yang dilakukan ketika memburu. Tarian ini selalunya dipersembahkan oleh kaum lelaki dan ia mempunyai pergerakan yang tangkas dan berani.
2. Ngajat Lesong
Ngajat Lesong juga dipersembahkan oleh golongan lelaki. Tarian ini cukup menarik kerana ia melibatkan lesung ketika ditarikan. Sudah pasti ia memerlukan kekuatan dan kegagahan
kerana penarinya akan mengigit lesung sepanjang tarian ini ditarikan.
3. Ngajat Induk.
Induk bermaksud wanita dalam Bahasa Iban. Sudah jelas, tarian ini ditarikan oleh golongan wanita sahaja. Lengguk tari yang lembut dan halus ini menggambarkan kehidupan seharian dan aktiviti yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat Iban. Ngajat ini masih lagi dipersembahkan terutamanya pada majlis-majlis kebudayaan di Sarawak.
4. Ngajat Ngalu Temuai.
Ngajat ini dipersembahkan untuk mengalu-alukan temuai atau tetamu. Lazimnya, Ngajat ini ditarikan bagi menjemput kehadiran orang kenamaan, tetamu-tetamu kehormat dan sebagainya.
5. Ngajat Kuta
Ngajat Kuta ini menggabungkan penari lelaki dan wanita. Penarinya akan mempersembahkan tarian ini mengikut langkah tersendiri. Selalunya dipersembahkan ketika majlis kebudayaan dan masih lagi dipraktikkan sehingga kini.
6. Ngajat Pua Kumbu
Penggunaan Pua Kumbu (tekstil tradisi masyarakat Iban) dalam tarian ini memberi kelainan kepada Ngajat ini dan ia dipersembahkan oleh golongan wanita.

Bagi mengiringi tarian-tarian Ngajat ini, Tabuh Iban akan dimainkan. Bunyi keramatnya amat memukau dan cukup unik.

Untuk tahu lebih lanjut, ikuti perkongsian seterusnya dalam Awani Sarawak, bersama wartawan Nickyson Nyambar dalam edisi Pulai Bergawai 1 Jun ini.

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Sinonim dengan lengguk tarinya, tarian Ngajat pada suatu ketika dahulu adalah bagi menyambut pahlawan Iban pulang daripada berperang. - Foto Sarawak Tourism Tarian Ngajat sudah sebati dalam masyarakat Iban. Bukan sahaja unik, malah keasliannya membezakan tarian ini lain daripada tarian yang lain.

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In Sarawak, the sape is a traditional instrument of the Kenyah, Kayan, Kelabit, Penan and other ethnic tribes of the Orang Ulu community.

According to legend, the sape came about through a dream of a Kenyah man, who went into the forest to look for medicinal herbs for his sick wife after several shamans failed to heal her.

While resting underneath a tree, he dozed off into a deep slumber and dreamt of his ancestors telling him his wife was in the spirit world and he needed to ferry her back to the world of the living.

He carved a wooden block into the shape of a boat and after stringing the boat-shaped contraption with roots and leaves, he played a tune accompanied by a chant to pave the way for his wife's return. The man later became a shaman.

The sape is also considered a sacred instrument used to cure the sick and for ceremonies, which is why it should not be placed indiscriminately. If one has to put the sape on the floor, there must be a carpet or mat underneath it.

Since the 1970s, this traditional musical instrument has been played in tourism promotional tours and videos, as well as during official state functions.

Two Kenyah sape players, Irang Lahang and Jalong Tanyit, performed and demonstrated the art of sape in Tokyo, Japan during the Asian Traditional Performing Arts (ATPA) Week in 1976.

In 1986, the sape was showcased in Darwin, Australia during a cultural exchange programme between Malaysia and Australia.

The sape was played by the late Tusau Padan, which was accompanied by the traditional Datun Julud dance (hornbill dance).

In the same year, Tusau and a group of Orang Ulu traditional dancers accompanied Malaysia Airlines on its promotional tour to Los Angeles, California and Tokyo, Japan.

However, the most significant event took place during Queen Elizabeth's official visit to Sarawak where the late Tusau Padan played the sape for the queen.

Today, Mathew Ngau Jau is known as 'Sape Master' among Sarawakians; he is also the face of the renowned Rainforest World Music Festival as he keeps sape music alive and has played it on an international stage.

In recognition of his work, Mathew is the only person from East Malaysia to be given the title 'Tokoh Orang Hidup' (Malaysia's Living Tradition) by the Department of National Heritage.

Last year, Sarawak's very own Alena Murang won the 'Best Styling Award' at the Bueno Aires Music Video Festival in Argentina for her music video, 'Midang Midang'.

The music video, which was shot in the Bario Highlands and Tusan Beach in Miri, showcased the traditional Kelabit song in a contemporary concept that's fused with Kelabit elements and Sarawak fashion.

In the old days, the sape only had four strings - three for bass and one for melody. Today, some can have more than six strings but the principle remains the same.

A traditional sape is usually constructed in a pair which means two instruments are made from one tree log. A pair from one log is considered to be 'brothers' and both are in the same tuning. The body of the instrument is hollow, and the back is left open.

Originally, the sape is made from the adau wood. However, today, different types of woods such as jelutong and coconut are used to make sape. Can these changes be accepted as an innovative process in sape making?

Apart from that, a new hybrid instrument called 'sapelele' (combination of 'sape' and 'ukulele') was produced by a Malaysian luthier Yong Chin Hoe, known for the brand Jeffrey Yong Guitar.

Can this hybrid instrument be accepted into the market? If the sape is commercialised, will Sarawak take into account these efforts to promote the making of this traditional musical instrument to the world?

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A new twist to the sape - New Sarawak Tribune

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In Sarawak, the sape is a traditional instrument of the Kenyah, Kayan, Kelabit, Penan and other ethnic tribes of the Orang Ulu community. According to legend, the sape came about through a dream of a Kenyah man, who went into the forest to look for medicinal herbs for his sick wife after several shamans failed [...]

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Tarian Piring di Negeri Sembilan | GDTJNS

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Penghijrahan orang Minangkabau ke Negeri Sembilan meninggalkan warisan dan kesenian yang kini dapat dilihat di Negeri Sembilan, seperti seni tari yang dikenali sebagai Tarian Piring. Tarian Piring juga dikenali sebagai Tari Piriang (dalam Minangkabau) merupakan sebuah seni tari milik orang Minangkabau yang masih diamalkan oleh penduduk di Negeri Sembilan.

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Magunatip, more well-known as "Bamboo Dance", is considered as one of the most popular traditional dances in Sabah. The name "Magunatip" is derived from the word "apit", which means "to press between two surfaces." In the dance, dancers need good timing and agility to put their feet between the clapping bamboo poles, without being trapped.

To create more fun, the music tempo and the clapping speed of the bamboo will become faster and faster and FASTER (so is the your heart beating), so the audiences will be super-impressed by the exciting ending. In the past, Magunatip was a warrior dance to welcome the return of Murut headhunters. Today bamboo dance is commonly performed in cultural functions and celebrations for entertainment and socializing purposes.

Based on what I have seen in the past, there are two primary types of bamboo poles arrangement for Magunatip, namely, parallel and cross styles (tell me if you know the exact term). You can see the Bamboo Dance video clips in these pages:
1) Bamboo Dance (Cross Style): Taken in Pesta Kaamatan 2006 *new
2) Magunatip by kids: Performed by cute little school kids from SK Sembulan and SRK Stella Manis. Their presentation got overwhelming good responses from the local press and community.
3) Bamboo Dance Tutorial: Beginner level. Great guide for overseas students who want to organise a cool performance in Cultural Night of their colleges.
4) Advanced Magunatip: By professional dancers from Monsopiad Village. Only try it if you want broken bones.
5) Crazy Bamboo Dance: The speed is so EXTREME that you worry about the dancer.
6) Bamboo Dance (Parallel Style): Taken in Pesta Kaamatan 2005
7) Bamboo Dance - Ultimate Level: Do bamboo dance blindfolded!!!

The dance looks so easy and graceful, doesn't it?

Usually the dancers are pleased to invite the audience to try. But when we do it, it ends up like below:

Everyone dances like a jumping chicken, most end up either their feet or shoes caught by the bamboo. You can laugh laugh at the side, but when you really try it yourself, you will know it requires a lot of practice. Click Here to see the video of what happens if you make the wrong move. Can be painful...

Other ethnic groups such as Dusun Tambunan and Kwijau Dusun also got bamboo dance. Below is the bamboo dance picture of Rungus people from Kudat.

Hope you find that bamboo dance is fun. If you manage to organise a Magunatip performance by using the information here, please post the link here to your photos online (if any).

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Magunatip the Murut headhunter dance | MySabah.com

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Magunatip, more well-known as "Bamboo Dance", is considered as one of the most popular traditional dances in Sabah. The name "Magunatip" is derived from the word "apit", which means "to press between two surfaces." In the dance, dancers need good timing and agility to put their feet between the clapping bamboo poles, without being trapped.