# data[].attributes.body
In the video, Racism is wrong, Franky is a victim of racism. Franky was playing basketball with a friend and the kids who lost got mad. The kids, or the perpetrators, called Franky "stupid" and told him "to go back to Africa". In the video nobody stands up for Franky. However, you could consider Franky's sister an up stander because she makes him feel better about himself, she says "you have to rise up and be a better person." After the talk with his sister, Franky thinks his race is actually cool.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.authors[].name
Educational Videos for Students (Cartoons on Bullying, Leadership & More)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Racism is Wrong! Watch this educational video for children on racism (Elementary Schools Bullying)

# data[].attributes.body
The poem Racism is Around Me Everywhere by Francis Duggan talks about how racism occurs everyday in different ways. For example, people are racist to each other and ¨so many people still get judged by their race.¨ Reasons like ¨where you come from¨ is why they judge you. However, the overall message is racism leads to division.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Racism poems by famous poets and best racism poems to feel good. Best racism poems ever written. Read all poems about racism from aroun the world.

# data[].attributes.body
The poem Racism by Wayne Leon talks about how racism affects you physically and mentally. For instance, racism ¨eats you up inside and plays upon you´re insecure mind.¨ Also, racism makes you have hate towards people. The overall message in the poem is don´t get eaten by racism.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Racism Poem by Wayne Leon Learmond - Poem Hunter

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Racism by Wayne Leon Learmond. .Racism Eats you up inside. Plays upon youre insecure mind. Perceptions of threats that are not there. You hate his dark skin and the black mans hair. . Page

# data[].attributes.body
The novel, Maniac Magee by Jerry Spinelli, Jeffrey or ¨Maniac¨ lives in a town of segregation where one side are white (East End) and the other blacks (West End). The novel challenges many stereotypes about race. For example, in the story, Jeffrey who comes from the East End is curious to explore both sides of his town and can say they are both alike. In East End Mars Bar is the worst kid and dislikes Jeffrey but Jeffrey compares Mars Bar to John McNab who is the worst kid in West end. Also, when Jeffrey stays with the McNabs and at the Beale´s house he does not understand the difference between both lifestyles but notices that both live the same way. The author seems to suggest that although you are a different race you share the same qualities as others.

# data[].attributes.body
Jason Reynolds was inspired by different events happening around the world towards police officers targeting black people and using excessive force on them.

# data[].attributes.body
Ilyasah was inspired to write this novel by Kekla Magoon who told Ilyasah about her father life and perspective.

# data[].attributes.body
The picture book, Grandpa is Everything Black Bad by Sandy Lynne Holman, challenges many stereotypes about race. Montsho, a young African boy is curious to know ¨is everything black bad?" He questions this because people wear black to funerals or when two people are fighting the evil one is always black and wants to know if he´s ¨bad¨. However, his grandpa tells him the good things about his race. His grandpa explains to him that it does not matter about the color of things but ¨what´s inside¨. The author seems to suggest that you should love yourself for who you are.

# data[].attributes.body
The central idea in the article, Segregation Legacy, Segregation is increasing more every year. According to the National Fair Housing Alliance,  in 2016 there were 28,181 reported complaints of housing discrimination.  Also, the government raises property values in suburban places so African American people and others "had fewer choices" and are "consigned to live in decaying urban neighborhoods." The journalist suggest that Segregation continues and people should stop it.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
It was designed as both an antidote to rampant housing discrimination under Jim Crow and a path for African-Americans from the ghetto to the middle class.

It swept through Congress and landed on President Lyndon B. Johnson's desk just days after the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King - and as urban neighborhoods, where days of rioting erupted on news of King's murder, still smoldered.

Before signing the Fair Housing Act of 1968 into law, Johnson called it "among the proudest [moments] of my presidency." Because of it, he predicted, "Negro families [will] no longer suffer the humiliation of being turned away because of their race."

Then, reality set in: Uneven enforcement, deep-seated, cultural bias and the bill's own flaws allowed bigoted mortgage bankers and unscrupulous landlords to preserve - and profit from - the status quo.

Now, a half century after the Fair Housing Act became a civil-rights landmark, multiple studies show housing in America is nearly as segregated as it was when LBJ enacted a law designed to eliminate it. Study after study shows African-Americans still lag far behind whites in home ownership, a key asset in building middle-class wealth.

At the same time, the institutional problems the Fair Housing Act was designed to solve - inequality in mortgage lending and homeownership, as well as real-estate agents steering black home buyers to certain neighborhoods and landlords who avoid renting to minorities - haven't gone away. Limited access to housing in stable, middle-class neighborhoods, analysts say, has had a negative impact on everything from the quality of education black children receive to the health and longevity of their parents.

In 2016, for example, "there were 28,181 reported complaints of housing discrimination" nationwide, according to the National Fair Housing Alliance 2017 annual report. "But we know housing discrimination often goes unreported or undetected. It is estimated that there are over 4 million instances of housing discrimination annually in the rental market alone."

"We still have a very, very segregated society, in terms of housing and [by extension] schools," says John R. Logan, a Brown University sociology professor who specializes in housing discrimination. While there's been "pockets" of improvement, mostly in progressive urban areas, "there's also been some backsliding" in enforcement at the federal and local level.

Meanwhile, widening economic inequality has emerged as a new, troubling factor in housing discrimination. As the gap widens between rich and poor, African-Americans, who typically earn far less than whites and already face discrimination in the housing market, are in danger of being left further behind.

"The mixture of class and race is hard to disentangle," says Nela Richardson, chief economist at Redfin, a national real estate brokerage and housing analysis firm. On top of de facto segregation, she says, "There are very few neighborhoods where there's economic integration - they're either all rich or all poor. We don't often see a plumber living next to a lawyer living next to a janitor."

Despite troubling data and experts sounding the alarm, Richardson, who studies housing patterns, and others say, don't look to Attorney General Jeff Sessions, Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson or a Republican-majority Congress to use the Fair Housing Act as a tool to reverse inequality.

Late last month, The New York Times reported that the GOP-controlled federal government is actively rolling back its mandate to enforce fair-housing laws, not long after reports that , ordered the words "inclusive" and "free from discrimination" erased from HUD's mission statement. Carson told the Times that the notion he's backing away from enforcement of the Fair Housing Act is "absurd," but others aren't convinced.

"Carson has moved at lightning speed to gut these important regulations," says Kristen Clarke, executive director of Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. At the same time, she adds, there's been a marked decline in the number of Justice Department cases brought against realtors or landlords under the Fair Housing Act.

"In both agencies, we've seen significant shifts" away from enforcing the law, Clarke says.

Even former Vice President Walter Mondale, who co-sponsored the bill when it was drafted in 1968, says the progress towards fair and equitable housing has been halting at best.

"There's been a struggle to get the Fair Housing Act recognized as real law, and enforce it at the state and local level," Mondale, who was a senator representing Minnesota when he co-sponsored the bill, told TIME magazine recently. "I would say we haven't done very well at it. I think it has made significant progress possible in America, but we're not there yet."

That's likely because, besides being a legacy of slavery and Jim Crow laws, discrimination and segregation in housing was at one time sponsored by the federal government itself.

Grappling with the Great Depression in the early 1930s, President Franklin D. Roosevelt implemented a New Deal program to address a housing shortage by building new homes in the suburbs. But the housing programs were "whites only," and the strategy was an official mandate, according to author Richard Rothstein, whose book, "The Color of Law," examines the government's role in housing discrimination.

In a 2017 interview on NPR, Rothstein said the government believed that "if African-Americans bought homes in these suburbs, or even if they bought homes near these suburbs, the property values of the homes they were insuring, the white homes they were insuring, would decline." No evidence supported that assumption, he added.

In fact, when African-Americans tried to buy homes in predominantly white neighborhoods, "property values rose because African-Americans were more willing to pay more [than whites]... simply because their housing supply was so restricted and they had so many fewer choices," Rothstein said.

That meant African-Americans were consigned to live in decaying urban neighborhoods, their children forced to attend underfunded, crumbling schools and get locked out of well-paying jobs. Richardson, the Redfin analyst, says "there are actual physical barriers" between suburban whites, urban neighborhoods "and where the job centers are."

"You'll see a railroad track, a highway, a river - something that literally cuts the [black] community off," she says. "In Cincinnati, the city put a highway that literally cut off this neighborhood in the center of town. And now they're talking about putting a [transit] stop to create another barrier."

Mondale co-sponsored fair-housing legislation with Sen. Edward Brooke, a Massachusetts Republican and the first African-American lawmaker sent to Washington after winning a statewide election. But there was trouble with the bill from the start - particularly enforcement, Mondale said.

"In its first years, organizations that were building housing that discriminated- where all whites [lived] and no blacks - would say to the judge, 'Well, this law requires finding a realtor intended to discriminate,'" the former vice president told TIME. "So there was the difficult, almost impossible task of trying to prove what was in a developer's mind."

What Do Civil Rights Mean to You?

Then there was lockstep opposition from Southern Dixiecrats, says Logan, the Brown University sociologist. Even though Johnson himself put his weight behind the law, "racial discrimination and racial segregation wasn't a small thing to them. It was a way of life."

Yet providing equal housing opportunity to black homebuyers and renters is more important than fairness or doing the right thing, Logan says: It's about access to good-paying jobs, government resources, hospitals, parks and even the quality of political representation.

"Segregation and integration was not just about people - it wasn't just housing. It's not about blacks and whites living next to each other," he says. "It was voting, schools, every aspect of life. It was, in a sense, about integrating opportunity. It's also always about resources."

Logan and others say that, overall, things have changed for the better - it's commonplace to see blacks and whites living next to one another, mostly in urban neighborhoods - but some old problems still linger. African-Americans are far more likely than whites to receive high-interest mortgages from banks, real estate agents still "steer" minority buyers away from white communities, and some neighborhood associations still include race-based restrictions on who can move in.

"As a result, in today's America, approximately half of all Black persons and 40 percent of all Latinos live in neighborhoods without a White presence," according to the National Fair Housing Alliance report. "The average White person lives in a neighborhood that is nearly 80 percent White."

It doesn't have to be that way, says Clarke of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights.

"In a perfect world, we have leadership at the federal level" that encourages banks, landlords and investors "to do the right thing," she says. However, "We're not seeing that now, and as a result, we're seeing the resurgence of discrimination in housing markets across the country."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
It was designed as both an antidote to rampant housing discrimination under Jim Crow and a path for African-Americans from the ghetto to the middle class. It swept through Congress and landed on President Lyndon B.

# data[].attributes.body
The central idea in the article Racism by Any Other Name, is racism is creating war against each other. For instance, Trumps presidency brought "racial tension" in the U.S and only made people hate each other more. Also, Barack Obama being the first African American president brought hate to white people. Racism is "opposing sides fighting against each other" said Vann.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
It is tempting to try to conceptualize American culture as a theater of war, with battles fought between well-equipped factions over the future of the dominant identity. This conceptualization of political conflict animates arguments about everything from political correctness on college campuses to the tensions at the heart of Bernie Sanders's political revolution. And at some level, especially when discussing differing factions of white men, it works. But the idea of political conflict as a pitched battle proves inadequate when it fails to take into account the power gradients that have been woven into the fabric of the country. That is especially true of race.

Race in America is not really a fight between opposing sides, but a long and drawn-out occupation by which black people and other minorities were used for their value, and otherwise steamrolled or excluded. A colleague of mine calls that system "plunder." On occasion, some groups have been allowed into the city on the hill of whiteness, but on the condition that they shut the gates behind them. Unspecified, vague claims of "racial conflict" run the risk of legitimizing that gatekeeping as a natural reaction to the anger of those who find the gate shut in their faces.

When viewed through this lens, Obama's election and reelection represented not a logical endpoint for racial conflict, nor even a sign that the occupation is over, but a promising proof-of-concept for discussing that occupation. Obama's candidacy in 2008 was the beginning-not the end-of a new wave of black and brown organizing. It came just as the mirage of progress lifted and the centuries-old sinews of exploitation and exclusion were revealed again. The racist backlash and gatekeeping appeared first and most often as opposition to Obama, the most visible emblem of the organizing power of people of color. As Jamelle Bouie at Slate aptly notes, that racist reaction set off a chain of events that now sees Donald Trump--a candidate who peddles racism as a first order--as the presumptive Republican nominee and will likely see the party coalesce around him, #NeverTrump sentiments be damned.

Obama could never have been both the post-racial harmonizer and the racial equalizer that many analysts seem to have expected. "Racial conflict," like more polite euphemisms, suggests a grand poetic struggle between groups and ideas- a negotiator like Obama should've been able to broker a peace. But in reality, addressing institutional racism tends to intensify societal racism; promoting interracial conciliation and promoting racial equality are often antithetical. This has always been the central issue at the core of "racial conflict" in America, from the backlash during Reconstruction to outrage about the Voting Rights Act. There is a much better word for what Obama has been confronted with, and it has always sufficed: racism.

Related Videos

We want to hear what you think about this article. Submit a letter to the editor or write to letters@theatlantic.com.

Vann R. Newkirk II is a staff writer at The Atlantic, where he covers politics and policy.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
It is tempting to try to conceptualize American culture as a theater of war, with battles fought between well-equipped factions over the future of the dominant identity. This conceptualization of political conflict animates arguments about everything from political correctness on college campuses to the tensions at the heart of Bernie Sanders's political revolution.