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La comunità LGBT ha purtroppo sempre conosciuto la discriminazione nella sua storia. E' qui presentata una serie di articoli aggiornati sull'argomento.

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Lavoro

Il lavoro è uguale per tutti/e?

A cura di Giulia Selmi, sociologa, Gruppo di redazione.

Il lavoro è un aspetto cruciale nella vita degli individui adulti: prima di tutto - nelle società contemporanee - è il mezzo con cui si percepisce il reddito necessario per vivere, ma è anche un modo di esprimere le proprie competenze ed i propri saperi, uno strumento di trasformazione della realtà, un luogo di costruzione di relazioni significative e uno strumento di espressione identitaria.

Il lavoro, però, può essere anche un luogo di discriminazioni che privano gli individui dei loro diritti e peggiorano la qualità della loro vita. Si può trattare di discriminazioni legate alla disabilità, all'età, alla provenienza culturale, alla religione e alle convinzioni personali, ma anche al genere e all'orientamento sessuale. O, ancora peggio, all'intersezione di queste diverse dimensioni.

Se un datore di lavoro decide di non assumere una persona - competente e qualificata rispetto alla posizione lavorativa a cui si candida - poiché questa persona è lesbica, gay o trans, si parla di discriminazione diretta ovvero di un trattamento differenziato e sfavorevole rispetto a quello che ha, ha avuto o avrebbe una persona eterosessuale in una situazione analoga. Se in un'azienda alcuni avanzamenti di carriera fossero concessi solo a lavoratori e lavoratrici sposati/e e le persone gay e lesbiche non potessero accedere a questo avanzamento poiché non possono sposarsi, allora ci troveremmo di fronte ad discriminazione indiretta ovvero una disposizione, un criterio, una prassi, un atto, un patto o comportamento apparentemente neutri che possono mettere in una situazione di particolare svantaggio le persone non eterosessuali.

Gli uomini gay e le donne lesbiche si trovano ad affrontare comportamenti discriminatori soprattutto sul luogo di lavoro, ma spesso il loro orientamento sessuale è un fattore meno discriminante nei criteri di assunzione. Le persone transessuali e transgender - a causa dell'elevata stigmatizzazione sociale di cui sono oggetto data la visibilitá della propria identità di genere - sono invece più spesso discriminate nell'accesso stesso al lavoro tanto che in questi casi è più corretto parlare di esclusione dal mercato del lavoro e non solo di discriminazione nel mercato del lavoro .
La consapevolezza della presenza di discriminazioni nel mercato del lavoro nei confronti delle persone LGBT ha dato il via, a partire dagli anni 2000, ad una serie di interventi a livello Europeo e nazionale per contrastarle e promuovere una reale tutela delle differenze sui luoghi di lavoro.

A livello normativo, l'Italia ha recepito con il Decreto legislativo n. 216 del 9 luglio 2003, (modificato dalla Legge n. 101 del 6 giugno 2008 e dal Decreto legislativo n. 150 del 1 settembre 2011) la Direttiva 2000/78/CE, istituendo il principio di parità di trattamento anche in merito all'orientamento sessuale.
Il principio di parità di trattamento si applica a tutte le persone, sia nel settore pubblico che privato, nelle seguenti aree:
a) accesso all'occupazione e al lavoro, sia autonomo che dipendente, compresi i criteri di selezione e le condizioni di assunzione;
b) occupazione e condizioni di lavoro, compresi gli avanzamenti di carriera, la retribuzione e le condizioni del licenziamento;
c) accesso a tutti i tipi e livelli di orientamento e formazione professionale, perfezionamento e riqualificazione professionale, inclusi i tirocini professionali;
d) affiliazione e attività nell'ambito di organizzazioni di lavoratori, di datori di lavoro o di altre organizzazioni professionali, e prestazioni erogate dalle medesime organizzazioni.
Sull'identità di genere non esiste nell'ordinamento italiano una specifica forma di tutela, ma la Corte di Giustizia delle Comunità Europee con laSentenza C-13/94 del 30 aprile 1996, recentemente richiamata nella Direttiva 2006/54/CE, ha ritenuto che il principio della parità di trattamento fra uomini e donne vada applicato anche alle discriminazioni derivanti da un cambiamento di sesso. Inoltre, molti sono gli sportelli di supporto e consulenza creati dalle associazioni LGBT in sinergia con enti locali e/o sindacati (ad esempio i Ken e Arcigay a Napoli, Di'Gay Project a Roma, Arcilesbica a Bologna) nati per contrastare il fenomeno delle discriminazioni con gli strumenti del diritto, ma anche per promuovere progetti di inclusione lavorativa.

Infine, anche alcune aziende e datori di lavoro hanno iniziato a mostrare sensibilità verso queste tematiche sviluppando azioni di diversity management, ovvero un approccio nella gestione delle risorse umane finalizzato alla creazione di un ambiente lavorativo inclusivo e alla messa a valore delle differenze di cui i e le dipendenti sono portatori/trici.

Galleria immagini

Per la diversità, contro la discriminazione: le campagne che raccontano i diritti LGBT al lavoro

Lavoratori e lavoratrici LGBT nel mondo godono di diversi diritti: tuttavia, se alcuni passi avanti sono stati fatti in materia di protezione dei diritti di chi lavora, e, in alcuni casi, dei loro partner e famigliari, la discriminazione è ancora un dato di fatto per molte persone gay, lesbiche e trans, sia nell'accesso che sul luogo di lavoro. In Europa, associazioni, organizzazioni e istituzioni si sono mobilitate con campagne di sensibilizzazione rivolte al pubblico generale ma, in diversi casi, nello specifico ad aziende e imprenditori, per abbattere la discriminazione, da una parte, e invitare alla valorizzazione delle differenze sul luogo di lavoro, dall'altra. Alcune campagne, inoltre, si rivolgono in particolare al caso delle persone transessuali e transgender, per le quali l'accesso al lavoro è complicato da diversi fattori discriminatori. Negli Stati Uniti, invece, la mobilitazione si è sviluppata soprattutto in occasione della discussione sull'ENDA, Employment-Non-Discrimination Act, una legge che prevede la non discriminazione sulla base dell'orientamento sessuale e dell'identità di genere nel trattamento di lavoro e che dagli anni '90 ad oggi occupa il dibattito legislativo statunitense: essa ha subìto diverse modifiche, ed è stata più volte criticata in diversi Stati, provocando un'ondata di reazioni, campagne e raccolte firme, di cui qui offriamo alcuni esempi significativi.

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Chiudi

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Portale di Informazione Antidiscriminazioni LGBT " Lavoro

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A cura di Giulia Selmi, sociologa, Gruppo di redazione. Il lavoro è un aspetto cruciale nella vita degli individui adulti: prima di tutto - nelle società contemporanee - è il mezzo con cui si percepisce il reddito necessario per vivere, ma è anche un modo di esprimere le proprie competenze ed i propri saperi, uno strumento di trasformazione della realtà, un luogo di costruzione di relazioni significative e uno strumento di espressione identitaria.

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La definizione che wikipedia ci offre del termine transessualità.

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L'attivista transessuale July Schultz mostra il palmo con le lettere "XY" durante una manifestazione

La transessualità è una condizione che cade sotto il termine ombrello transgender e che riguarda una persona la cui l'identità di genere non è corrispondente al proprio sesso.

Le persone transessuali, vivono la condizione definita disforia di genere, caratterizzata dalla non accettazione del genere assegnato loro alla nascita e dall'identificazione in quello opposto. Tali persone possono inoltre assumere i caratteri somatici dell'altro sesso mediante la transizione di genere, ovvero attraverso l'assunzione di ormoni ed interventi medico-chirurgici volti a riaffermare l'identità fisico-psicologica, attraverso la modifica fisica degli organi sessuali.

Il termine è talvolta utilizzato come sinonimo di transgender; in realtà occorre sottolineare che i termini transessuale e transgender non hanno lo stesso significato. Infatti le persone transessuali si distinguono dalle persone transgender per la volontà di intraprendere il percorso di affermazione di genere fisica e sociale, iniziando una terapia ormonale, psicologica e sottoponendosi alle operazioni chirurgiche per la riassegnazione del sesso. Il termine transgender, invece, comprende tutte quelle persone che non si riconoscono nei modelli di identità, ruoli ed espressioni di genere dettati dalla società, ma non significa necessariamente voler intraprendere un percorso di affermazione di genere.

L'angelo incarnato di Leonardo da Vinci (1515 ca.)

Il termine "transessuale" è stato coniato nel 1949 dal dottor David Cauldwell (1897-1959), ma è diventato di uso comune dopo la pubblicazione del libro The Transsexual Phenomenon ( Il fenomeno transessuale) del dott. Harry Benjamin, edito nel 1966, che è diventato ben presto testo di studio universitario, in quanto è il primo libro che indaga sulla transessualità con un approccio anche nosografico, affermando che si tratta dell'unica patologia classificata come psichiatrica a non essere curata psichiatricamente. Lo psichiatra infatti non "guarisce" la persona transessuale facendola sentire a proprio agio con il suo sesso di origine, bensì avviando la persona a cui è diagnosticato il "disturbo dell'identità di genere" alle terapie endocrinologiche e/o chirurgiche per iniziare il percorso di transizione.

Anna P, fotografato nel 1922 per il libro Sexual Intermediates, di Magnus Hirschfeld

Tale discrepanza è da inquadrarsi nel fatto che per molti decenni, fra la fine del 1800 e i primi venti anni del 1900, la persona transessuale veniva effettivamente sottoposta a tentativi di "guarigione", ovvero di scomparsa del "disturbo", sia attraverso la psicoterapia, sia attraverso la somministrazione di ormoni del proprio sesso genetico.

Tali tentativi furono fallimentari e determinarono un numero elevatissimo di suicidi fra le persone transessuali che subivano tali trattamenti. Soltanto intorno al 1960 si iniziò a pensare che l'unica "guarigione" della persona transessuale si potesse ottenere adeguando il corpo alla psiche e non viceversa.

Il movimento transessuale mondiale rifiuta l'inquadramento psichiatrico della propria condizione, pur essendo consapevole del fatto che la propria condizione richiede l'intervento della medicina per trasformare la " disforia" in "euforia" o comunque in una stabilizzazione accettabile della qualità di vita.

Classificazione medica

Per molto tempo secondo il Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders ( Manuale di Classificazione dei Disturbi Mentali, redatto dall' Associazione Americana degli Psichiatri) e l'International Classification of Diseases (a cura dell' Organizzazione Mondiale della Sanità, X edizione), la persona transessuale soffre del disturbo dell'identità di genere (DIG). Questo senso di distonia e disforia nei confronti del proprio sesso di nascita può svilupparsi già nei primi anni di vita, durante l'adolescenza o, più raramente, in età adulta.

Il 19 giugno 2018 l' Organizzazione Mondiale della Sanità ha eliminato la transessualità dalla International Statistical Classification of Diseases, Injuries and Causes of Death (ICD), ossia la lista delle malattie mentali.

A questo proposito è molto significativa la risposta che la dottoressa Peggy Cohen-Kettenis (docente di psicologia presso la Vrije Universiteit di Amsterdam e responsabile del Gruppo sui Disturbi dell'Identità di Genere del Dipartimento di Psicologia del Centro Medico della stessa Università, annoverata fra i maggiori esperti internazionali di transessualismo) ha dato nel corso di una conferenza tenutasi a Bari il 31 maggio 2003. In tale occasione la Cohen-Kettenis, alla domanda posta dal pubblico "Se il "vero" transessuale è colui al quale viene consentito il cambiamento di sesso, non ha psicopatologia associata, ha un buon esito post-trattamento, ecc., perché allora i disturbi dell'identità di genere rientrano nel DSM-IV, ossia vengono classificati come disturbi mentali?", così rispondeva: "Questo è un buon punto. Credo che le ragioni principali stiano fuori dal DSM. Ad esempio, una ragione pratica, anche se non la più importante, è che senza un disturbo classificato nel DSM, in molti paesi le compagnie di assicurazione non coprirebbero le spese del trattamento. So che è un problema di cui si sta discutendo nella preparazione del DSM-V."

Recenti studi, inoltre, sembrano dimostrare sia una predisposizione genetica al transessualismo sia la presenza nelle persone transessuali di un dimorfismo sessuale del cervello opposto al sesso biologico in cui sono nate. Infatti pare che la causa sia a carico di un gene che codifica un enzima chiamato citocromo P17, il quale sovrintende al metabolismo degli ormoni sessuali.

Evidenze di una contribuzione genetica alla transessualità sono davvero limitate. Ci sono pochi rapporti di studi su famiglie e gemelli transessuali ma nessuno di questi offre un chiaro supporto ad un coinvolgimento genetico. I polimorfismi nei geni legati agli ormoni sessuali per gli enzimi sintetici e i recettori sono stati studiati sulla base del presupposto che questi possano essere coinvolti nello sviluppo dell'identità di genere. Un aumento dell'incidenza di un polimorfismo dell'allele A2 per CYP17A1 (cioè, 17ɑ-idrossilasi/17, 20 liasi, l'enzima che catalizza la sintesi di testosterone) è stato trovato in femmina-maschio (FtM) ma non in maschio-femmina (MtF) transessuali. Non sono state trovate associazioni tra un 5ɑ-reduttasi (vale a dire, l'enzima che converte il testosterone al più potente diidrotestosterone) polimorfismo genico in entrambi i transessuali MtF o FtM. Ci sono anche rapporti contrastanti di associazioni tra polimorfismi nel recettore degli androgeni, recettore degli estrogeni β e CYP19 (vale a dire, aromatasi, gli enzimi che catalizzano la sintesi dell' estradiolo).

Il gruppo "Crisalide azione trans" al Pride di Milano, giugno 2004.

Internazionalmente si utilizzano, principalmente, due acronimi:

"FtM" (Female-To-Male, "da femmina a maschio") per indicare uomini transgender, cioè coloro la cui identità appartiene al genere maschile ma a cui alla nascita è stato assegnato il sesso femminile.

"MtF" (Male-To-Female, "da maschio a femmina") per indicare donne transgender, cioè coloro la cui identità appartiene al genere femminile ma a cui alla nascita è stato assegnato il sesso maschile.

Esiste poi il termine " non binary" per indicare individui che non appartengono a nessuno dei due generi socialmente attesi di uomo o donna.

Le persone transessuali, nelle attuali società occidentali, subiscono tendenzialmente forti discriminazioni in ambito sociale e lavorativo. Questo fenomeno è molto più marcato in quei Paesi che non consentono il cambio anagrafico dei documenti senza il ricorso forzato all'intervento di ri-attribuzione chirurgica di sesso, e che non dispongono di leggi adeguate che tutelino le persone transessuali da fenomeni di discriminazione e violenza. La discriminazione, la violenza psicologica e/o fisica, e lo stigma sociale che subiscono le persone transessuali, sono tutti fenomeni che possono essere annoverati sotto il termine di " transfobia". In Italia dal 5 novembre 2015, una sentenza della Corte Costituzionale ha stabilito che per cambiare il proprio genere e il proprio nome anagrafico non è necessaria la sterilizzazione coatta delle persone transessuali per la rettificazione del nuovo sesso.

La transfobia, apparentemente può sembrare una traduzione equivalente dell' omofobia. In realtà i due fenomeni hanno origini diverse, espressioni diverse anche se condividono il destino della discriminazione. Un tentativo di distinguere i fenomeni "transfobia" e "omofobia" è stato fatto da Mirella Izzo, presidente dell'ex associazione Crisalide AzioneTrans onlus.

Trans Pride del 2014

Lo stigma sociale della persona transessuale è in genere molto più elevato rispetto a quello riservato alle persone omosessuali. Inoltre è altrettanto più elevato per le trans da maschio a femmina rispetto ai transessuali da femmina a maschio. Le motivazioni che possono essere trovate per questo dato di fatto sono molteplici e controverse:

l'omosessualità è visibile solo all'interno delle tendenze sessuali ed affettive di una persona mentre la transessualità comporta una netta trasformazione del proprio corpo e pertanto provoca la necessità di una totale inversione di valutazione della persona;

In ogni caso lo stigma sociale verso le transessuali MtF è tale da rendere difficile l'inserimento lavorativo delle stesse. Analizzando la discriminazione in ambito lavorativo delle persone transessuali in Italia Monica Romano, attivista transessuale, individua due dinamiche discriminanti statisticamente rilevanti:

la discriminazione all'ingresso del mercato del lavoro, dove la persona transessuale, che viene identificata come tale in ragione del suo aspetto fisico o di documenti non conformi alla sua identità, nella maggioranza dei casi vede respinta la sua candidatura;

il mobbing orizzontale e/o verticale che la persona transessuale può subire successivamente al coming out.

Se a questo si aggiunge che spesso le famiglie ripudiano il figlio transessuale e i costi della transizione, diventa evidente una spinta della stessa società affinché la transessuale si dedichi alla prostituzione per sopravvivere. La prostituzione transessuale è un fenomeno recente dovuto alla non accettazione sociale delle persone transessuali che, essendo escluse da molti lavori, si prostituiscono per sopravvivere.

Negli ultimi anni la figura delle persone transessuali inizia ad essere trattata diversamente nell'ambito di cinematografia, letteratura e serie TV. In Italia alcune persone transessuali che hanno avuto un impatto mediatico sono state ad esempio Vladimir Luxuria, Eva Robin's, Alessandra Di Sanzo, Berta Bertè, Maurizia Paradiso.

Uno studio di Lancet di settembre 2020 ha mostrato un aumento del rischio di mortalità nelle persone transgender che utilizzano il trattamento ormonale, indipendentemente dal tipo di trattamento. Questo aumento del rischio di mortalità (a causa di cancro ai polmoni, malattie cardiovascolari, malattie correlate all'HIV e suicidio) non è diminuito nel tempo: il campione comprendeva il periodo 1972-2018.

Una persona transessuale deve in primis rivolgersi ad uno psichiatra o psicoterapeuta che diagnostichi la "disforia di genere". Solo dopo questa certificazione può rivolgersi all'endocrinologo per la terapia ormonale sostitutiva (estrogeni ed antiandrogeni per le trans MtF, testosterone per i trans FtM). Deve inoltre essere assente nel genoma ogni riferimento all' intersessualità o pseudoermafroditismo.

Successivamente, o in accompagnamento alla terapia ormonale, la persona transessuale MtF può sottoporsi a trattamenti estetici-chirurgici (rimozione barba, mastoplastica additiva, femminilizzazione del viso, ecc.). Di norma questi interventi vengono considerati "chirurgia estetica" e sono a carico della persona transessuale. Per i transessuali FtM di norma non vi è bisogno di chirurgia estetica, eccetto che per l'intervento di mastectomia o falloplastica.

Effettuato il trattamento ormonale, secondo la legge 164/82 la persona transessuale può richiedere al Tribunale l'autorizzazione agli interventi chirurgici di conversione sessuale ( penectomia, orchiectomia e vaginoplastica per le trans; mastectomia, istero-annessiectomia, falloplastica o metoidioplastica per i trans). Ottenuta sentenza positiva, la persona transessuale ha diritto all'intervento sui genitali a carico del SSN. Bisogna però sottolineare che non necessariamente tutte le persone MtF ed FtM vorranno sottoporsi ad interventi chirurgici.

Effettuato l'intervento, la persona transessuale deve nuovamente rivolgersi al Tribunale per chiedere il cambiamento di stato anagrafico. Ottenuta la sentenza positiva, tutti i documenti d'identità vengono modificati per sesso e per nome, con l'eccezione del casellario giudiziario e l'estratto integrale di nascita, documenti che possono essere richiesti esclusivamente dallo Stato o da Enti pubblici.

Alla fine di questo percorso, per la legge italiana un transessuale da donna a uomo diventa uomo a tutti gli effetti, compreso il diritto di sposarsi ed adottare. Lo stesso vale per la transessuale da uomo a donna. Teoricamente sarebbe molto difficile o addirittura impossibile risalire al sesso originario di una persona a livello burocratico, ma non sempre è così. L'ufficiale dell'anagrafe potrà, comunque vedere le "tracce" sull'estratto integrale di nascita e, allo stesso tempo, l'impiegato che si occupa della residenza ai servizi demografici vedrà un atto di nascita con lo stesso numero a nome di due persone. Stesso vale per il Tribunale, o anche l'Agenzia Delle Entrate, e sono solo pochissimi esempi.

Secondo la prima ricerca universitaria condotta in Italia sul mondo transex da Cecilia Gatto Trocchi in collaborazione col Movimento Italiano Transessuali (Mit), nel 1993 i transgender italiani erano circa 15.000, di cui il 97% aveva effettuato od era in attesa del passaggio dal sesso maschile a quello femminile. Secondo la SICPRE (Società Italiana di Chirurgia Plastica Ricostruttiva rigenerativa ed Estetica) ogni anno in Italia avvengono circa 60 operazioni di cambio degli organi genitali.

1. ^ Joanne Meyerowitz, How Sex Changed: A History of Transsexuality in the United States, pp. 42-45.

"Born in Cleveland in 1897, David Oliver Cauldwell earned his medical degree at the National University of Mexico and began his career as a general practitioner. During World War II he served as a contract surgeon in the army, a physician for war industries, and a War Department psychiatrist who examined recruits for the armed forces. His wartime work with recruits brought him into contact with, and educated him on, a range of sexual problems. ..."

2. The German term "transsexualismus" was introduced by ^ Magnus Hirschfeld in 1923, Cauldwell appears to be the first to use the term for those who desired a change of physiological sex. Compare Die intersexuelle Konstitution in Jahrbuch fuer sexuelle Zwischenstufen by Magnus Hirschfeld in 1923 versus Psychopathia Transexualis by David Oliver Cauldwell in 1949.

3. ^ The Health of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender People .

"Although he refused to endorse sex reassignment surgery for nonintersex patients, David Oliver Cauldwell coined the term transsexual in his 1949 essay "Psychopathia Transexualis" to describe individuals whose sex assigned at birth ..."

4. ^ () Christel JM de Blok, Chantal M. Wiepjes e Daan M. van Velzen, Mortality trends over five decades in adult transgender people receiving hormone treatment: a report from the Amsterdam cohort of gender dysphoria , in The Lancet Diabetes & Endocrinology, vol. 9, n. 10, 1º ottobre 2021, pp. 663-670, DOI:10.1016/S2213-8587(21)00185-6. URL consultato il 28 marzo 2023.

5. ^ Quindicimila i transex italiani , su ricerca.repubblica.it, Roma, 11 marzo 1993. URL consultato l'11 febbraio 2019 (archiviato l'11 febbraio 2019).

"A predominare è il passaggio dal sesso maschile a quello femminile (il 97 per cento)."

Jennifer Diane Reitz, Che cosa è il transessualismo. Definizione, cause, storia.

Richard Green "Il Transessualismo: Aspetti mitologici, storici ed etnologici" - Appendice "C" de "Il fenomeno transessuale" di Harry Benjamin - 1966 - Harry Benjamin, 1968 - Casa Editrice Astrolabio - Ubaldini Editore

Davide Tolu - "Il viaggio di Arnold - Storia di un uomo nato donna" Edizioni EUR, Roma

Anne Vitale - "Ripensare la Terminologia del Disturbo di Identità di Genere nel Manuale Diagnostico e Statistico dei Disturbi Mentali IV" conferenza HBIGDA 2005 di Bologna, 7 aprile 2005

Mirella Izzo-Transfobia e Omofobia: differenze e similitudini.

World Science 11 maggio 2005 - "Trovato un gene probabile responsabile del transessualismo , su crisalide-azionetrans.it.

() Richard Ekins, Dave King, Pioneers of transgendering: the popular sexology of David O. Cauldwell.

Elisabetta Ruspini - Marco Inghilleri, Transessualità e scienze sociali: identità di genere nella postmodernità, Liguori Editore, Napoli 2008

Davide Dettore - "Il disturbo dell'identità di genere - Diagnosi, eziologia, trattamento" - McGraw-Hill, 2005

Il Volo della sirena (Un libro a tematica transgender, una storia vera e a lieto fine, che prova a stendere un ponte di fiducia tra i "diversi".).

Tra le rose e le viole. La storia e le storie di transessuali e travestiti, Marcasciano Porpora, Manifestolibri, 2002.

Transessualismo e Transgender- superando gli stereotipi, Diana Nardacchione, Il dito e la Luna, Milano, prima edizione aprile 2000.

TransAzioni, corpi e soggetti FtM- una ricerca psicosociale in Italia, Mary Nicotra [1] Il dito e la Luna, Milano, prima edizione marzo 2006.

Transessualismo e identità di genere, Indagine clinica e sperimentale, V. Ruggieri, A. R. Ravenna et al., Edizioni Universitarie Romane, Roma, 1999, 259 pagine, ISBN 88-7730-110-4.

Scrivere il sesso. Retoriche e narrative della transessualità., Elisa A. G. Arfini, Meltemi editore, Roma, 2007, 138 pagine, ISBN 978-88-8353-553-6.

Transessualità, matrimonio e diritto canonico., Guido Giustiniano ofm conv, Laurenziana editore, Napoli, 1998, 161 pagine.

Il fenomeno del transessualismo. Analisi medico-giuridica e giurisprudenziale canonica, Guido Giustiniano ofm conv, Pontificia Università Lateranense, Roma, 1998, 161 pagine.

Monica Romano, "Diurna. La transessualità come oggetto di discriminazione", Milano, Costa & Nolan, 2008. ISBN 88-7437-088-1.

Paolo Pedote, Nicoletta Poidimani (a cura di), We will survive! - Lesbiche, gay e trans in Italia, Mimesis Edizioni, 2007 Milano

E. Trerotola, Profili esegetici emergenti in tema di transessualismo. Tra merito e legittimita'. In Notariato, IPSOA, n. 2/2016, pp. 118 ss.

Mariela Castro Espin, Persone transessuali a Cuba (con Prefazione di L.M. Sicca). puntOorg International Research Network, Napoli, Editoriale scientifica, 2019. ISBN 978-88-9391-618-9. pp. 294.

Portale LGBT: accedi alle voci di Wikipedia che trattano di LGBT

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La transessualità è una condizione che cade sotto il termine ombrello transgender e che riguarda una persona la cui l'identità di genere non è corrispondente al proprio sesso. Le persone transessuali, vivono la condizione definita disforia di genere, caratterizzata dalla non accettazione del genere assegnato loro alla nascita e dall'identificazione in quello opposto.

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Articolo statunitense sui servizi igenici gender free

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Articolo statunitense sui servizi igenici gender free

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Quali sono i benefici dell'avere a disposizione bagni gender free e come possono aiutare a diminuire le discriminazioni.

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The sign for the multi-occupant gender-neutral bathroom at the Reeves Center in DC. Image by DC Department of General Services.

Bathroom access might be the most visible battle right now in the wide-ranging fight for transgender civil rights, but the issue is more complex than many people realize. Gender-neutral bathrooms are the most inclusive option and bring real health benefits to real people, but in most of our region, they aren't yet required.

DC, like about half of the populated areas of the United States, protects the right of individuals to use any bathroom that corresponds with their gender identity. So does Maryland. Virginia neither protects that right nor denies it, leaving the decision to business owners. But what if the individual is neither a man nor a woman, and no bathroom corresponds with their identity?

This idea, that there are people with non-binary gender, might be a new one to some readers. There are lots of websites that explain non-binary gender, and it's worth clicking through a few of them in depth. Non-binary people are those like me who, regardless of their biology or clothing, are neither men nor women. Many use 'they' as a singular pronoun, rather than 'he' or 'she.' In DC and several states they can have 'X' instead of 'M' or 'F' on their driver's license, and in DC, Arlington, and Alexandria, that will soon be an option in schools.

Some argue that non-binary people should simply be allowed to choose which gendered bathroom they want to use. That's the status quo, and is a pragmatic solution. But it's a little like suggesting that DC residents, who are denied the right to vote for congressional representation, should just be allowed to choose between voting in Maryland or in Virginia-it doesn't respect the identity of the third option.

Gender-segregated bathrooms, though omnipresent today, are a thoroughly modern invention. Less than 300 years have passed since the first gendered bathrooms appeared in Paris in 1739. In the US, the practice wasn't enshrined in law until the 'separate spheres' sexism of the late 1800s. Bathroom segregation is an unusual trend in our recent history, not a universal common-sense approach.

That unusual trend may be on its way out. Universities across the country, like American University locally, have opened gender-inclusive bathrooms. These are both single- and multi-occupancy, the latter with locking private stalls.
Why are gender-neutral bathrooms so important anyway?
Transgender people benefit from inclusive restrooms as much as non-binary people do. They might not feel comfortable or safe in a gendered bathroom, even if their right to use it is legally protected. In 2009, three years after DC elected to protect that right, 68% of transgender survey respondents were "denied access to, verbally harassed in, and/or physically assaulted in public bathrooms." More than half reported resulting injuries to their physical (especially urinary) health, which has been echoed in other studies.

In 2018, an employee at Cuba Libre in DC demanded identification from a transgender woman who was trying to go to the bathroom. In 2016, some transgender people, including youth, were misgendered and harassed at Banneker Pool in DC when trying to go to the bathroom. (In 2017, people were misgendered again at the Trans Pool Party event at the same pool, including the police sergeant who's DC's LGBTQ liaison.) Right now, a transgender English teacher in Prince George's County is suing after says she was repeatedly harassed and threatened by students, parents, and colleagues at three schools.

Sadly, the list of such incidents goes on, but all this is to say: gender-inclusive bathrooms help make gender-nonconforming people feel more safe in public spaces. That's why they're popular among the transgender activist community.

Gender-inclusive bathrooms benefit gender-conforming people, too. They're safer for families with children, as parents will be able to accompany other-gender children to wash up without fear. Young unaccompanied children have in fact been violently attacked in bathrooms, though not by trans people. Claims of trans people bringing violence to bathrooms have been debunked by multiple studies-rather, transgender and non binary people are also vulnerable to being attacked there.

Beyond safety, gender-neutral bathrooms are also helpful for people with disabilities who have other-gender caregivers. Lines tend to be shorter, and because the stalls are generally more sealed without wide gaps between the frame and the door, they offer greater privacy. It's also cheaper to construct a single gender-neutral bathroom than two smaller segregated facilities.

Maxine Andres, a transgender woman on the board of the Arlington Gay and Lesbian Alliance, says "I'd make them all gender-neutral and take the urinals out. That would solve the entire problem instantaneously." She continued that the process should be gradual, not requiring businesses to change their bathrooms right away, but only as part of bringing the building up to code during larger renovations. "I don't think it would be fair to inflict costs," she explained.

In 2006, DC passed a law, the country's first, requiring that all single-occupancy bathrooms must be labeled as gender-neutral. Jurisdictions in Virginia are unable to enact such policy because of the state-level Dillon Rule that withholds all powers not explicitly granted by the state legislature.

There are a lot of ways to indicate an inclusive bathroom. Here's one example of an all-gender restroom sign. Image by Like_the_Grand_Canyon licensed under Creative Commons.

In 2017, the Reeves Center became home to DC's only government-run multi-occupancy gender-inclusive bathroom. Sheila Alexander-Reid, director of the Mayor's Office of LGBTQ Affairs, commented that the DC Government is hoping to bring similar facilities to other public buildings after that success.

Some bars and restaurants in DC also provide gender-inclusive multi-user facilities, and Alexander-Reid confirms that there are no legal requirements that a business have any gendered bathrooms. Nationally, OSHA has released a best-practices document encouraging the "use of multiple-occupant, gender-neutral restroom facilities with lockable single occupant stalls."

Even in DC, finding a place to go can be hard for a gender-non-binary person. Many restaurants, cafés, bars, and workplaces have only multi-occupancy bathrooms. DC law doesn't apply on federal land, which houses the city's most-frequented tourist attractions. A spokesperson for the Smithsonian Institution confirmed that all visitor bathrooms in all museums are multi-occupancy and gendered, but while there's no space to add new ones, some conversions might be possible.

The 14th and V location of Busboys and Poets, where with no apparent sense of irony a single-gender bathroom stands behind a shelf of transgender literature and where the sole non-gendered bathroom is employees-only. Busboys and Poets did not respond to a request for comment. Image by the author.

What can you to do make bathrooms more inclusive?
Ultimately, any shift toward gender-neutral bathrooms will be driven by individuals like you. Anyone, transgender or not, can play an important role in making our city more gender-inclusive. So, what can you do?

First, you can help identify illegal single-occupancy gendered bathrooms in DC. Under the Safe Bathrooms DC campaign, you can report noncompliant bathrooms by Twitter (#safebathroomsDC), phone (202-481-3773, say you want to submit a bathroom complaint) or online. The business in question will be politely but firmly required to put up inclusive signs.

You can speak to the manager of your workplace and ask that they install a gender-neutral bathroom, particularly if they're planning other renovations soon. You can point out that this change would comply with Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) best practices. Make it a habit to make the same request at cafés, bars, or restaurants that you visit. Your comments will help steer the conversation.

Finally, as an engaged citizen in your own jurisdiction, you can push for more inclusive laws and facilities.

In Virginia, where local policies are limited, you can push for inclusive facilities in public buildings. For those who live or work in Arlington, County Board member Katie Cristol encourages you to be involved: "interested community members... can write the County Board at countyboard@arlingtonva.us and may also wish to attend meetings of the Public Facilities Review Committee, a citizen-led body that provides input on the design of new public facilities." Fairfax County has a Citizen Advisory Committee for school buildings and hosts hearings for all proposed public buildings, also accepting comments electronically.

Maryland jurisdictions are capable of enacting DC-like bathroom policies, but have not. You can encourage them to do so by contacting your representatives on the Montgomery County or Prince George's County councils.

Taylor is a proud alum of Arlington Public Schools, HB Woodlawn class of '13. They're a nerdy gender-non-binary person interested in any aspect of spatial planning and the built environment and they'd love to chat with you. In their free time, they listen to Arabic-language music, play old N64 games, and bike too fast.

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Gender-neutral bathrooms benefit a lot of people. Our region needs more of them.

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Bathroom access might be the most visible battle right now in the wide-ranging fight for transgender civil rights, but the issue is more complex than many people realize. Gender-neutral bathrooms are the most inclusive option and bring real health benefits to real people, but in most of our region, they aren't yet required.

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Articolo riguardante la comunità europea

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Articolo riguardante la comunità europea

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Cosa significa essere transgender in europa e quali sono i dati che emergono dalle ricerche.

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Descrizione che wikipedia offre sulla definizione della disforia di genere, da cui sono affette tutte le persone transgender.

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Il DIG è stato rinominato disforia di genere nel DSM-5, a causa della stigmatizzazione che il termine "disturbo" comportava. Nel DSM-5 questa diagnosi non è più una categoria dei disordini sessuali, ma rappresenta una categoria a sé stante. Il termine venne introdotto nel 1971 da Donald Laub e Norman Fisk.

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Video di sensibilizzazione su tematiche trans

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Video di sensibilizzazione su tematiche trans

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Ognuno di noi deve combattere per i diritti fondamentali, a prescindere dal fatto che ci riguardino in prima persona o meno. Siamo tutti responsabili.

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We are all Responsible for Transgender Equality | Adelynn Mrosko | TEDxFargo

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Ecco la descrizione che wikipedia fornisce sugli unisex public toilet.

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The term unisex public toilets, also called gender-inclusive, gender-neutral and mixed-sex or all-gender toilets, bathrooms or restrooms, or just toilets, refers to public toilets that are not separated by gender or sex.

Unisex public toilets take different forms. They may be single occupancy facilities where only one single room or enclosure is provided, or multi-user facilities which are open to all and where users may either share sinks in an open area or each have their own sink in their private cubicle, stall or room. Unisex public toilets may either replace single-sex toilets or may be an addition to single-sex toilets.

Unisex public toilets can be used by people of any sex or gender identity. Such toilet facilities can benefit transgender populations and people outside of the gender binary. Sex-separation in public toilets (also called sex segregation), as opposed to unisex toilets, is the separation of public toilets into male and female. This separation is sometimes enforced by local laws and building codes. Key differences between male and female public toilets in most western countries include the presence of urinals for men and boys, and sanitary bins for the disposal of menstrual hygiene products for women and girls. Sanitary bins may easily be included in the setup of unisex public toilets.

The historical purposes of sex-separated toilets in the United States and Europe, as well as the timing of their appearance, are disputed amongst scholars. Safety from sexual harassment and privacy were likely two main goals of sex-separation of public toilets, and factors such as morality also played roles.: 228, 278, 288-89  Paternalism and resistance to women entering the workplace might have also played a role. Some women's groups are worried that unisex public toilets will be less safe for women than public toilets that are separated by sex. The push for gender neutral bathrooms is driven by the transgender community to combat harassment and violence against these populations. Unisex public toilets may benefit a range of people with or without special needs (e.g. people with disabilities, the elderly, and anyone who needs the help of someone of another gender or sex), as well as parents who need to help their infant or young child with using the toilet.

Several alternative terms are in use for unisex public toilets. Some favor all-gender toilets, gender neutral toilets, gender free toilets or all-user toilets or just toilet. The "Public Toilet Advocacy Toolkit" by the NGO Public Hygiene Lets Us Stay Human (PHLUSH) in Portland, Oregon (United States) from 2015 uses the term "all-gender". More recently, they have changed to the term "all user". However, some object to the term "gender-neutral" and similar terms, believing that neither the spaces nor the terms are truly neutral. They also object to the replacement of the word "sex" with the word "gender". Such people often express a preference for the term "mixed-sex". But whatever one calls them, these are toilets which can (in theory) be used by anybody, regardless of sex, gender identity or presentation.

The opposite of unisex toilets is referred to as either "sex-separated" or "sex-segregated" toilets, or "conventional public toilets" (since sex separation is currently mostly the norm on the global level). In the United States some scholars have used the term "sex separation".

Some unisex public toilets are designed to be used by people with disabilities and have either individual or gender-neutral facilities. They can accommodate people with disabilities, elderly people who may require assistance from a carer of another gender, or other cases where public sex-segregated facilities might lead to discomfort. Toilet facilities for disabled people, especially those reliant on a wheelchair, may be either unisex or gender-specific.

Unisex public toilets are also common in cases where space is limited, such as in aircraft lavatories and passenger train toilets.

Several types can be distinguished:

Single occupancy where only one room or enclosure is provided. This room could be used by several people at once, e.g. a whole family, a carer helping a person needing help.

Multi-user facilities which are open to all and where users may either share sinks in an open area or each have their own sink in their private cubicle, stall or room.

The re-labelling of existing multi-cubicle public toilets, with no real change. This approach was taken in one area at the Barbican Centre in the UK, where some toilets became shared.

If more than one toilet fixture is available in a unisex public toilet, the toilet seats or squatting pans are installed in enclosed cubicles in the same way as in sex-segregated toilets. To ensure visual privacy, these may be provided with floor-to-ceiling walls.

Sinks are commonly installed in open arrangement as in sex-segregated toilets and used collectively by people of all gender. Alternatively, a sink can be provided in each cubicle or toilet room, e.g. where the unisex toilet is set up to be used by families and carers. The latter arrangement is more friendly to people needing to use the sink in a manner calling for a degree of privacy, or taking off items of dress typically worn in public. Examples are: emergency removal of menstrual blood stains from clothing; refreshing the upper body, face, or underarms over the sink; applying makeup; or combing and styling hair.

The issue of urinals is creating somewhat of a conundrum for many unisex public toilet designers. In many public toilets, the widespread use of urinals for males means that there are more opportunities to meet their needs. There are often queues in front of the toilet rooms for females but not in front of the toilet rooms for males. While toilets are usually located in cubicles with lockable doors, urinals are usually installed freely in rows in sex-separated toilet rooms. This construction leads to a smaller space consumption and thus to more possibilities for water-efficient urination, while promoting more sanitary restroom conditions for men/boys at work/school and elsewhere.

Urinals have primarily been offered in public toilets for males, with female urinals being only a niche product. Abolishing all urinals would sacrifice resource advantages and convenience for male users, without improving sanitation or wait time for females. Another possibility would be to offer separate male and female urinals or unisex urinals that can be used by males and females alike, which allows increased flexibility of use. Yet this would raise the problem of arrangement. One option would be to continue to offer urinals in rows, with separation by screens. However, it is questionable whether the less private environment, compared to cubicle toilets, would be met with acceptance. Due to socio-cultural conventions, the concept of men/boys urinating with their backs visible to women/girls would possibly create awkwardness for both genders, and would currently seem strange and contrary to common morals and etiquette for many users.

There are other practical issues for females, such as women/girls needing toilet paper, having to lower their pants, and sometimes tending to their menstrual hygiene needs while going to the toilet for urination. An alternative would be to accommodate urinals for both sexes in cubicles or to continue to offer them only in public toilets for males. However, this would at least limit the above-mentioned advantages of urinals.

Urinals arranged in cubicles have rarely been installed; the advantages over conventional toilets were not obvious because the same space would still be required in the new arrangement. With all things considered, many unisex public toilet designers are now creating plans in which urinals would be constructed in an isolated section or corner of the toilet room, so that they would not be directly visible to anyone in other areas of the public toilet. This is seen by many public toilet designers as the best possible solution that would balance efficiency with modesty.

Especially where space is limited, the double design of the sanitary facilities is not possible or only possible to a limited extent. Unisex toilets are often used in many public transport systems, such as rail vehicles or airplanes.

Unisex public toilets are less problematic to use by caretakers of dependents (who include very young children, the elderly, and the mentally and physically disabled) to enter the toilet room together with their charge.

Women/girls often spend more time in toilet rooms than men/boys, both for physiological and cultural reasons. The requirement to use a cubicle rather than a urinal means that urination takes longer and sanitation is a far greater issue, often requiring more thorough hand washing. Females also make more visits to toilets. Urinary tract infections and incontinence are more common in females. Pregnancy, menstruation, breastfeeding, and diaper-changing increase usage. The elderly, who are disproportionately female, due to men dying earlier in their old age than females, make longer and more frequent toilet visits. Unisex public toilets can alleviate this problem by providing equal sanitation space for all genders, eliminating the prospect of unused cubicles in the male toilets.

Some argue that a two-tier system is also generated via what they called the "toilet apartheid" by excluding women/girls from important social networking processes in male toilets. Important agreements and decisions by men/boys are sometimes made at the urinal where females are currently excluded.

The consolidation of previously gender-separated toilets or the construction of new unisex toilets is sometimes resisted due to administrative and building law difficulties. Also, where public toilets are located are sometimes dictated by existing plumbing design. If the only way to build unisex public toilets is to locate them in isolated spaces a long way from people in charge of supervising the space, such a design may be objectionable on safety grounds. Some argue that laws requiring that women and men be treated the same in public toilet access is unfair. Since the 1980s, " potty parity" activists campaigned for laws requiring more female-designated public toilets than male-designated public toilets in public buildings, based on the idea that women require more time to use the toilet and thus women's toilets tend to have longer lines. California passed the first law of this kind in 1987, and as of 2009 twenty states in the US have passed similar legislation.

Unless prohibited by law (and when required by law), private companies can provide unisex toilets.

The Stonewall Centre, an LGBTQ advocacy group, says that certain people feel threatened using facilities that do not adhere to their gender identity, and that this can become an issue when students are harassed by their peers. Advocates argue that forcing trans / non-binary students to use normative gendered public toilets can stigmatize them daily by singling them out. Once again, the response of those opposing such spaces, or opposing them as the norm is safety and privacy for women.

United States

Many colleges and universities (such as Oberlin College in Ohio) have had unisex public toilets as early as 2000. Overwhelmingly, institutions that offer unisex spaces still also offer sex-separated spaces. The University of California at Los Angeles offers more than 160 unisex toilets on campus, but all are single stall. Other collegiate institutions have moved toward creating some unisex public toilets. According to a University of Massachusetts Amherst LGBTQ advocacy organization, The Stonewall Centre, there were more than 150 campuses in the US in 2014 with unisex public toilets.

In February 2016, South Dakota was the first state in the US to pass a bill that forces transgender students in public schools to use sanitation facilities that correspond with their 'chromosomes and anatomy' at birth.

The University of Oklahoma continually adds unisex toilets to their campus to accommodate students who may require use of a less excessively gendered public toilet. As of February 2014, the university had 13 unisex toilets.

There are over 150 college campuses across the US that are creating unisex public toilets. In March 2016, New York City private college Cooper Union moved to remove gender designations from campus toilets. In October 2016, University of California Berkeley converted several public toilets into unisex toilets.

In March 2017 Yelp announced that they will add a unisex public toilet finder feature on their app. Yelp was one of over 50 companies that signed an amicus curiae brief in favor of a transgender high school student Gavin Grimm who claims that his school board denied him access to the boys' toilet in school and thereby violating Title IX. HRC president Chad Griffin stated on the brief that "These companies are sending a powerful message to transgender children and their families that America's leading businesses have their backs."

United Kingdom

In 2015, unisex toilets were set to be introduced into every new school to be built in Scotland in a campaign to eradicate bullying. All future primary and secondary schools will have non-sex-separated toilets. In March 2017, the Glasgow City Council announced that toilets in school will no longer be labeled as 'girls' and 'boys' but instead be labelled as unisex to help students who may be struggling with the issue of gender identity. This will be implemented in three schools first.

In the United Kingdom, unisex public toilets are sometimes found on university campuses. In early 2013, Brighton and Hove city council introduced unisex toilets. British universities including Bradford Union, Sussex and Manchester, had already or were in the process of building unisex facilities in 2011.

In April 2014, the Vancouver Park Board decided to install unisex toilets in public buildings, with different signs to identify them. Amongst the options discussed was the rainbow triangle (based on the pink triangle used during the Holocaust), an "all-inclusive" gender symbol, an icon representing a toilet or the phrases "washroom" or "gender-neutral washroom" placed on the entrances to the toilets. According to Global News, a Canadian online newspaper, many different regions across Canada offer unisex toilets and other gender-neutral facilities, but Vancouver was the first municipality to change building codes to require unisex toilets be built in public buildings. This movement, according to commissioner Trevor Loke, was aimed to make everyone feel welcomed and included: "We think that the recommendation of universal washrooms is a good idea [...] [w]e will be using more inclusive language based on the BC Human Rights Code." Some initiatives to make public toilets more diverse and inclusive have focused on language simply by using the phrases "toilet" or "gender-neutral toilet" in order to be inclusive of all genders and gender identities, or using specifically geared language such as "women and trans women" as opposed to just "women" (and vice versa for men and trans men).

Unisex toilets have appeared in China since before 2013 in Shenyang and Chengdu by 2015. In 2016 Shanghai opened its first public unisex toilet near the Zhangjiabin River in a park, in the Pudong district. Many of these toilets have opened in high-traffic areas for the convenience of all users, rather than specifically for the benefit of sexual minorities. In May 2016 a Beijing-based non-governmental organization launched an 'All Gender Toilets' campaign to bring awareness to this issue in China. This resulted in around 30 locations opening unisex public toilets.

In 2014 the Indian Supreme Court gave transgender people, also known as ' hijras', recognition with a third gender. This legislation included creating separate toilets for transgender people in public spaces where transgender people are often met with violence and hostility. The two-judge Supreme Court bench was led by Justice KS Radhakrishnan, who said, "The court order gives legal sanctity to the third gender. The judges said the government must make sure that they have access to medical care and other facilities like separate wards in hospitals and separate toilets". In 2017 The Union Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation sent out guidelines to the Swachh Bharat Mission decreeing that members who are part of the transgender community should be allowed to use the public toilet they are most comfortable with.

The central government has allowed transgender people to use the toilets of their choice in public and community toilets. This does not ensure safety from violence.

As of 2016, no laws were in place regarding the usage of public toilets in relation to gender identity. There may, however, be occasional signs outside public toilets to indicate that the stall is "gender free". The Tokyo city government was planning to install one unisex toilet in at least seven out of eleven of the buildings being used for the Olympic Games that were planned for 2020.

MP Sunil Babu Pant used part of the Parliamentarian Development Fund to build the first two unisex toilets in Nepalganj, one of which is in Bageshwori Park. Starting in 2014 The Nepal Country Report, A Participatory Review and Analysis of the Legal and Social Environment for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) Persons and Civil Society recommended that in schools separate toilets or unisex toilets should be built for transgender students.

The term " kathoeys" used to describe effeminate male-bodied people, for whom schools have started opening sex-separated toilets for since 2003. After legislation passed, in 2004 a private vocational college in Chiang Mai Thailand gave 15 'kathoey' students the opportunity to use toilet facilities that were solely for them, referred to as 'pink lotus' public toilets. Alliance organizations in Thailand such as the Thai Transgender Alliance and the Transferral Association of Thailand were created to support kathoey people such as by helping create separate public toilet facilities.

There are unisex toilets in some public spaces in the United States. Cooper Union of New York City, New York was the first college in the country to de-gender all of their campus bathrooms in 2015.

Despite this, transgender and gender nonconforming people are still sometimes subject to visual or verbal scrutiny; this is reinforced by the architectural design and heteronormative gendered codes of conduct that are still present within the US.

On the federal level, the US Department of Labor is in charge of workplace toilets, which means setting state guidelines through the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA). OSHA Recommends that any workplace single-user toilet be made all-gender. For non-work related public toilet guidelines, the Department of Health and Human Services governs regulations. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission ("EEOC") has also played a role in interpreting federal statutes and enforcing them. Two statutes relevant to public toilets are Title VII (nondiscrimination in the workplace) and Title IX (nondiscrimination in educational opportunity based on sex).

Building codes may be adopted by statute or regulation. They may require sex-separation or they may require unisex toilets. New building codes usually do not apply retroactively. Thus, building owners may choose not to update existing features because it allows them to continue following the older building codes that govern those older features. These regulations are mostly based on the precedent created by original legislation. They sometimes also work to eliminate the longer wait time females often face by creating a ratio of more female toilets than male toilets, and provide more inclusive environments for people requiring assistance in the restroom or people with children of a different gender. Various private businesses such as Target have publicly committed to maintaining all gender restrooms in stores nationwide even when not mandated by local or state ordinances.

US local ordinances

In most jurisdictions, local governments have the ability to pass ordinances, so long as they do not conflict with state law. San Francisco (California), Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), Seattle (Washington), Washington (District of Columbia), Berkeley (California), Cathedral City (California), West Hollywood (California), Austin (Texas), Cleveland (Ohio), New York City, Denver (Colorado), and the US states of Vermont, New Mexico, New York State, Illinois, and California - have passed measures mandating that single-occupancy toilets in public spaces be labeled as unisex (or gender-neutral). Additionally, the 2021 edition of the International Plumbing Code (in use by 35 states, Puerto Rico, Guam, and DC) will require the same as individual states adopt the new edition of the code.

Two examples for local or state ordinances regarding unisex public toilets (see also: bathroom bill):

The city council of Portland, Oregon passed an ordinance for "all-user restrooms" in 2015 which directed city bureaus to convert "single-user gender-specific restrooms" into "all-user restrooms" within six months.

On May 11, 2018, the Vermont Governor Phil Scott signed a bill requiring all single-user public toilets to be unisex, effective July 1, 2018.

The Human Rights Campaign, an LGBTQ advocacy group, recommends that employers grant access, and use, to public toilets according to an employee's "full time gender presentation", and provides a list of recommendations on achieving this.

There are competing theories regarding how and why public toilets (or "bathrooms" in the United States) first became separated by sex in the United States and Europe.

Under one theory, offered by Terry Kogan, sex-separation as a standard did not emerge in the U.S. until the late nineteenth century. The theory is that the development was a reflection of women's shift and growth in society, i.e. after women entered the workforce and factories. Massachusetts might have been the first state to pass a law mandating sex-separation in 1887. It was titled "An Act To Secure Proper Sanitary Provisions in Factories and Workshops". The law required establishments to have separate toilets in businesses. The act called for suitable and separate toilets for females in the workplace.

The first public toilet with provision for women in the UK was Whittington's Longhouse, but some scholars state that usually there was a room for both sexes and that it was not until the Victorian era, starting in Great Britain, that sex separation began in the toilet area. Prior to the modern industrial period, toilets were frequently communal and mixed. It was only in the nineteenth century, with increasingly strict prohibitions on bodily display and the emergence of a rigid ideology of gender, that visual privacy and the spatial separation of the sexes were introduced into public toilet design.

The earliest known example of a western sex-separated public toilet occurred around Paris in 1739 at a ball.

Under another view, offered by W. Burlette Carter, sex-separation has long been the standard in the U.S. and Great Britain and most of the world where women's well-being was valued. She argues that when people used chamber pots, sex-separation could be achieved by placing the pot in a separated space. In single-use privies and similar spaces, that separation was achieved by allowing only one "sex" to use the space at a time. In multi-use spaces, it was achieved either through the same means or by separate spaces for the sexes. Very likely, the primary reasons for establishing these sex-separated spaces were safety and privacy for women and children. Concerns over undesired pregnancy and procreation were additional considerations. Some of these were related to concerns about rape or about moral views about how and when women should become pregnant (e.g., objections to premarital sex). Evidence also suggest that, in earlier centuries, when people sought to create unisex spaces for those who wanted or needed them, authorities resisted.

One scholar claims that toilet separation by sex preceded 1739, and that in fact sex separated toilets have been a feature in multi-use spaces since their beginnings.: 254-267, 292-94  They argue that, prior to the 1887 Massachusetts statute, across the United States and Europe at least, sex-separation was the norm already. For example, Massachusetts had statewide regulations that required sex-separation in particular venues such as schools before 1887. The earliest written reference to sex-separation in the United States may be from 1786. A traveler described bathers using a public spring called Healing Springs, in South Carolina. The bathers would hang Aprons from a tree to mark when the women were bathing and used Hats to mark when the men were bathing. Within the culture of that time, this practice was tantamount to hanging "women" and "men" signs. Furthermore, ancient evidence, including art-work, confirms widespread use of sex-separation (or sex segregation), especially in multi-use spaces - therefore not limiting the concept to public toilets. The exceptions were where the spaces were intended for amorous purposes by opposite sex couples, where safety was considered not to be at risk, or where women were not valued by society.

One theory argues there were four primary rationales for sex-segregated toilets as detailed by state statutes and related literature in the nineteenth century: sanitation, women's privacy, the protection of women's bodies, which were seen as weaker, and to protect social morality especially as it pertained to the nineteenth century ideology of separate spheres. Subsequently, other states in the US created similar laws, often by amending existing protective labor legislation. Forty-three states had passed similar legislation by 1920. Others argue that safety and privacy were the two main goals of sex-separation (although factors such as morality also played roles).: 228, 278, 288-89  In New York in 1886, for example, factory inspectors asked for separate toilets out of concerns of women who came to them complaining of sexual harassment. Others argued for complete space separation citing the pressure on women to engage in sexual behavior to keep their jobs. Authorities who cared about these issues were trying to respond to those concerns by mandating separation. Indeed, these laws were likely among the first anti-sexual harassment laws in the nation. Many victims in the workplace were afraid to press charges for fear of losing work.: 251-52, 287

Some scholars have tied toilet sex-separation to segregation based on race discrimination in the US. Advocates of this view argue that these approaches share a theme in which a warning is issued against the looming threats: violence and sexual assaults would increase. Some political activists have drawn on the commonality between public toilets being segregated formerly by race and still by sex. On the other hand, while all discrimination has commonalities, the sex-separation within racial groups, even going back to slavery, suggests that the parallel regarding toilets is historically flawed. For example, slave ships were usually separated by sex. This fact suggests that racial segregation in public toilets and sex separation in them may not be as comparable as some suggest.

Moreover, women of color and poor women were often denied the safety and privacy that sex-separation afforded; white women were given these amenities because they were white. This denial was a sign of discrimination against based on race and/or poverty, a sign of society assigning a lesser value to them as women, and not a sign of advancement or enlightenment. Men also experienced different treatment, not based on class, but based on race, with black men having less favorable facilities. There is evidence that when sexual minorities sought to create safe spaces that reimagined sex and gender lines their efforts were resisted.

Claims of discrimination being the basis of sex separation may actually harm women because they, if incorrect, erase and contort women's history; they may in fact be presented mainly to provide relief for other vulnerable groups. The same applies to theories that ignore the historical role that sexual harassment and sexual assault have played in women's history. In fact, women's struggles for equality is intricately tied up with efforts to find protection from sexual assault and sexual abuse.: 287-290, 258-254  The interpretation of public toilet histories that claim patriarchy and sexism primarily drove sex-separation treat women's negative experiences with sexual harassment as if they did not exist. Such approaches pose a conflict of interest between protecting women and achieving the integration of trans women.: 287-290, 258-254

In both developed and developing countries, many of the organizations active in water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) provision have asserted that separate toilets for boys and girls at school are very important to make girls feel comfortable and safe using the sanitation facilities at schools. For example, in 2018, UNESCO stated that single-sex toilets are needed to overcome girls' barriers to education. This concern could potentially apply to boys as well, especially if open urinals are maintained. As an alternative, some argue that unisex school toilets could be provided at schools in addition to facilities that are separated by gender (which is often the case already in the case of toilets for people with disabilities).

WaterAid is researching options of appropriate unisex public toilets in developing countries. In 2017 they stated that those kinds of gender-neutral/mixed-sex toilets, where people can access all toilets irrespective of their gender, is not recommended in contexts where it may increase the risk of violence against women or transgender people, or where it is deemed culturally inappropriate. Many women, especially those who have been victims of sexual abuse in the past, have asserted the right to continue using all-female toilets to minimize the risk of any kind of sexual harassment in public toilets.

Some activists favor ' third gender' public toilets which would only be used by transgender people. The degree of agreement or disagreement on such issues is difficult to gauge. However, this is still being debated. Some advocates argue that it would reinforce stigma and result in people being banned from accessing the toilets of the gender they identify with. It has been argued that in some African countries where transgender people are being prosecuted, this option would likely bring no benefit at all to them.

In the case of India, it has been found that designing transgender-inclusive sanitation is more than just a technical issue: It requires a deeper examination of the role of caste, gender, and age within the transgender community. Using a toilet that explicitly broadcasts a transgender person's identity to others may not be desirable to all transgender persons.

Advocates in 2013 say that all-gender public toilets are designed to ensure that toilets are fully accessible to all members of society. They argue that unisex public toilets can eliminate discrimination and harassment for people who may be perceived to be in the "wrong" toilet.

Advocates argue that public toilets and sanitation facilities have historically not met the needs of the LGBTI communities. They argue that this is an issue with respect to the human right to water and sanitation and also from the perspective of the Sustainable Development Goal 6, which aim for universal access to sanitation and their vision of gender equality.

Advocates argue that those outside the gender binary face harassment and threat of physical violence without access to gender neutral bathrooms. Many hate crimes have taken place following transgender people using a bathroom which others consider incorrect. Alexa Negrón Luciano of Puerto Rico was shot and killed just hours after being reported to police for using a women's bathroom. Hate speech and gun shots can be heard in a video of the killing, causing investigators to treat this incident as motivated by transphobia.

Sex-separation of public toilets began gaining traction as a controversial issue for transgender identity in US politics in 2010. It has been argued that walking into a toilet separated by sex requires people to self-separate and that some transgender people report being challenged on what public toilet they choose to use and subsequently "do their best to forego use of public toilets altogether".

In the early twenty-first century, with increased coverage of the transgender community, there have been some initiatives calling for unisex public toilets, instead of only male and female ones, to better accommodate genderqueer individuals. This has become an increasingly contentious issue, as shown in the battles over North Carolina's Public Facilities Privacy & Security Act 2016. Transgender and gender non-conforming persons also may be subject to embarrassment, harassment, or even assault or arrest by others offended by the presence of a person they interpret as being of a different anatomical sex to themselves. Several groups and organizations, whether in person or online, exist in order to combat attitudes and bills that oppose transgender individuals. For instance, the Transgender Law Center's "Peeing in Peace" is a pamphlet that serves as a resource guide full of information on harassment, safe public toilet campaigns and legal information.

Some opponents of unisex public toilets argue that eliminating sex-separation entirely or identifying unisex spaces as the norm is not inclusive and that the approach excludes women.

Opponents of unisex public toilets have often referenced concerns that women and children are more likely to be harassed and sexually assaulted there compared to sex-segregated public toilets. Safety in public toilets remains a serious issue for women. The recording of people in private spaces without their consent (such as installing spy cams) is also an issue. Other concerns include that unisex toilets are avoided by women, leading to both discomfort to women and wasting funds.

Supporters of single-sex toilets point to the specific needs of women, such as menstrual hygiene, and argue that these require sex-segregation in public toilets, for reasons of personal comfort and privacy, and that this is especially true for teenage girls.

Some women's groups (including some feminist and lesbian groups), have opposed making unisex toilets the norm, based on safety concerns for most women and a need for safe spaces. In the UK, groups like WomansPlaceUK have led a charge to secure "safe" spaces for women, arguing that sexual harassment dangers would be increased for women. They assert that they affirm the existence of transgender people and their right to protection but that women's rights, as they see them, must also be recognized. In this respect, debate has centered around UK proposals to amend the Gender Recognition Act to change the process of obtaining a Gender Recognition Certificate to one of self-identification. Supporters of unisex spaces and access by self-declaration have rejected these claims. In the UK, trans people have for years been legally able to use the facilities that accord with their gender identity.

A publication in 2018 argued that the scholarship on the history of sex-separation is flawed and places too much emphasis on the negative sides of sex separation in public toilets for women, ignoring aspects of safety for women from sexual harassment. These false narratives should be corrected and there is also a need for more innovative solutions. Supporters of sex-segregated toilets argue that unisex toilets can make women feel uncomfortable, and that both males and females may feel "awkward" having to share a toilet with the opposite sex.

Transgender advocates have focused attention on rebutting whether transgender people will attack women. They also focus on the experience of transgender people. By one report, 70% of transgender people report facing harassment or assault while trying to use a public toilet in the District of Columbia.

Some religious groups have opposed unisex public toilets arguing safety and also morality. In 2017, a conservative Christian faith group leader in Texas has compared the introduction of unisex toilets with the abolition of Bible reading in state schools. In Texas there is energy for and against new bathroom bills by various groups of Christians.

In Germany, a member of the German right-wing party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) regards the unisex toilet as a danger for German women and relates it to sexual assaults by "criminal foreigners".

Backlash has sometimes occurred when unisex public toilets have been implemented without wide public embrace. After backlash, and complaints primarily from women, the Barbican Centre in the UK was required to reconsider its original design, which planned gender-neutral toilets. They later issued a statement promising they would keep sex separated toilets as well. In Los Angeles in 2016 there were violent clashes between supporters and opponents of toilets. In Germany, the newly installed unisex toilets at Bielefeld University have repeatedly been vandalized.

In the UK, the advocacy group Resisters plastered stickers all over the UK to protest what they called the confiscation of women's spaces. The stickers were in the shape of a penis and stated, "Women Don't Have Penises." A number of local women's groups referred to the behavior as insulting to transgender persons and hate speech. In May 2021, The Daily Telegraph reported that Robert Jenrick, the communities secretary, was planning to ban unisex toilets in public buildings in order to "maintain safeguards that protect women".

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2. ^ Kogan, Terry (2010). "Sex Separation". In Molotch, Harvey; Norén, Laura (eds.). Toilet: public restrooms and the politics of sharing. New York: NYU Press. pp. 145-164. ISBN 9780814795880.

3. Jen Slater and Charlotte Jones (2018). Around the Toilet: a research project report about what makes a safe and accessible toilet space. doi:10.7190/9781843874195.

4. ^ Jen Slater and Charlotte Jones (2018). Around the Toilet: a research project report about what makes a safe and accessible toilet space. p. 38. doi:10.7190/9781843874195.

5. Kogan, Terry (2007). "Sex-Separation in Public Restrooms: Law, Architecture, and Gender". Michigan Journal of Gender and Law. 14: 1-57.

6. Sanders, J.; Stryker, S. (2016). "Stalled: Gender-neutral public bathrooms". South Atlantic Quarterly. 115 (4): 779-788. doi:10.1215/00382876-3656191.

7. Huesmann, M. (2016). Transgressing Gender Binarism in the Workplace? Including Transgender and Intersexuality Perspectives in Organizational Restroom Policies. In Sexual Orientation and Transgender Issues in Organizations (pp. 539-552). Springer, Cham ^ doi:10.1007/978-3-319-29623-4_32

8. Stampler, Laura (2017-09-28) ^ 6 Women Share How They Handled Period Leaks In Public, Women's Health https://www.womenshealthmag.com/

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11. Jo Greene: ^ It's Time To Get Rid Of Gender-Specific Toilets | Thought Catalog In: thoughtcatalog.com

12. Kate Wheeling: Stalled Out: How Social Bias Is Segregating America's Bathrooms - The Pacific Standard

13. ^ "Gender-Neutral Restrooms" (PDF). University of Massachusetts Stonewall Center. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 19, 2015.

14. ^ Redden, Molly (March 29, 2016). "New York college moves to strip gender markings from all bathrooms". The Guardian.

15. ^ Cavanagh, Sheila (July-August 2011). "You are where you urinate". The Gay & Lesbian Review Worldwide. 18 (4): 18.

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22. Massachusetts (State). Legislature. General Court. 1887 Chap. 0183. An Act to Secure Proper Sanitary Provisions in Factories and Workshops. State Library of Massachusetts. http://archives.lib.state.ma.us/handle/2452/83308

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24. ^ Penner, Barbara (2001). "A world of unmentionable suffering: Women's public conveniences in Victorian London". Journal of Design History. 14 (1): 35-51. doi:10.1093/jdh/14.1.35. PMID 20037960. S2CID 45727116.

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27. "Restroom doors and drinking fountains: Perspective, mobility and the fluid grounds of race and gender" in: Abel, E. (2010). Signs of the times: the visual politics of Jim Crow. Univ of California Press. ^ ISBN 0520261836

28. ^ Godfrey, Phoebe (2003). "Bayonets, Brainwashing, and Bathrooms: The Discourse of Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Desegregation of Little Rock's Central High". The Arkansas Historical Quarterly. 62 (1): 42-67. doi:10.2307/40023302. JSTOR 40023302.

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34. ^ Greed, Clara; Bichard, J. A; Ramster, G (2018). "How Inclusion Can Exclude: The Case of Public Toilet Provision for Women". Built Environment. 44: 52-76. doi:10.2148/benv.44.1.52.

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39. Transgender 'bathroom bill' leaves Texas Christians deeply divided - The Guardian

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The term unisex public toilets, also called gender-inclusive, gender-neutral and mixed-sex or all-gender toilets, bathrooms or restrooms, or just toilets, refers to public toilets that are not separated by gender or sex.

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Reggio Emilia è il primo comune italiano ad impegnarsi nell'installazione di bagni gender free all'interno di uffici pubblici e università.

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REGGIO EMILIA - Il Comune di Reggio Emilia segue le orme della Germania dove le toilette per il 'terzo sesso', ovvero 'gender free', sono già realtà da tempo. Dopo la prima celebrazione legittima di un'unione civile in Italia tra due uomini - lo scrittore Piergiorgio Paterlini e il giornalista Marco Sotgiu - nel 2016 e il Gay Pride regionale un anno fa, la città del Tricolore ha adottato un protocollo, il primo del genere a livello nazionale, per contrastare le discriminazione verso tutti gli orientamenti sessuali, a tutela dei diritti Lgbti. Prerogative di cui vuole essere un modello che fa scuola.

Via libera dunque ai bagni 'neutrali' in municipio, all'aggiunta dell'identità di genere sui questionari grazie alla casella 'altro' oltre all'opzione maschio/femmina, all'adozione di un linguaggio inclusivo e alla possibilità per i lavoratori degli enti aderenti di utilizzare l'alias in caso di fase di transizione sessuale. Questi sono solo alcuni degli impegni più rilevanti assunti nel documento siglato alla presenza dell'assessore regionale dell'Emilia-Romagna alle pari opportunità Emma Petitti da diversi enti reggiani, istituzionali e non.

A sottoscrivere l'intesa, di durata quinquennale, sono stati Comune, Provincia, Tribunale, Ausl, Istituti Penali, l'ateneo Unimore, l'ufficio scolastico territoriale, l'istituto scuole e nidi d'infanzia che comprende anche Reggio Children, Fondazione per lo Sport e Fondazione Mondinsieme.

in riproduzione....

Ognuno nella propria funzione si impegna a realizzare diversi punti. Il Comune, ad esempio, nei suoi locali predisporrà le toilette 'gender free' dando la possibilità anche ai dipendenti in transizione di accedere al bagno del proprio genere elettivo. Il palazzo di giustizia comunicherà annualmente il numero di procedure in corso aventi come oggetto discriminazioni in ragione dell'orientamento sessuale o dell'identità di genere. Ausl e università daranno la possibilità a dipendenti e studenti di avere sul cartellino di lavoro o sulla student card l'alias scelto per il cambio sesso. Infine le scuole promuoveranno incontri e corsi di formazione per insegnati e genitori al fine di sensibilizzare sulla teoria gender e come affrontarla in maniera educativa.

"Siamo grati alle istituzioni e gli enti che hanno capito l'importanza dell'inclusione concreta delle persone Lgbti, per inviare segnali positivi che incoraggino il coming out tra gli utenti e prima ancora tra i propri lavoratori e lavoratrici - ha detto Alberto Nicolini, presidente di Arcigay Gioconda - I diritti devono essere uguali per tutte le persone senza distinzione di orientamento sessuale. Dappertutto. Ecco perché con questa firma ci ricordiamo ancora una volta di quanto ci serva la legge regionale contro le discriminazioni Lgbti scandalosamente arenata per giochi ideologici fatti sulla nostra pelle". La legge in questione al momento è ferma dopo aver spaccato il Pd regionale per un emendamento che definisce la maternità surrogata come "forma di sfruttamento della donna" al pari di violenze, abusi e maltrattamenti in famiglia.

a cura di ALESSIO SGHERZA

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A Reggio Emilia arrivano le toilette "gender free"

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REGGIO EMILIA - Il Comune di Reggio Emilia segue le orme della Germania dove le toilette per il 'terzo sesso', ovvero 'gender free', sono già realtà da tempo.

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La bandiera arcobaleno è il simbolo internazionale della comunità LGBT.

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Dobbiamo sempre tenere a mente che i diritti sono patrimonio di tutti e tutti dobbiamo combattere per gli stessi in nome dell'uguaglianza.