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Una Isu es un hombre que creció en California. Inmediatamente se sintió diferente de los de su escuela, por lo que se negó a hablar su lengua materna. Finalmente se volvió orgulloso y comenzó a rapear en su lengua materna. Lo hace con el fin de enorgullecer a su gente y el idioma. Él usa los tres idiomas para hablar a una multitud de culturas diferentes.

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Una Isu

Miguel Villegas Ventura nació en San Miguel Cuevas-Nùù Yúku, Juxtlahuaca ubicado en la Mixteca Baja de Oaxaca, México. Nùù Yúku es una comunidad mixteca con una fuerte migración hacia los Estados Unidos. El llegó a California cuando tenía 7 años con su mama y su tres hermanos mayores. Los dos mayores empezaron trabajar en los files- campos agrícolas a una edad muy temprana para ayudar a su madre a proveer para la familia. Miguel siendo el más pequeño tuvo la oportunidad de asistir a la escuela junto con uno de sus hermanos. Creciendo en la Ciudad de Fresno, sin conocer a nadie quien se miraba como él, hablará como él, lo hizo darse cuenta que era diferente. Esto influyó a Miguel a no querer hablar el Mixteco porque él creía que esto no era valioso. Por un periodo de tiempo dejo de hablar el Mixteco pensando que era un impedimento para asimilarse a la "vida Estadounidense." Como un jovencito buscando un lugar para pertenecer y alguien a quien verse reflejado el descubrió la música rap cuando tenía 12 años. Miguel fue introducido a la música Rap Chicana- un género de los México-Americanos en California, que al igual que los Afro-Americanos, desarrollaron esta forma de expresarse acerca de sus luchas. El también empezó a escribir pequeños versos en Ingles extrayendo de sus experiencias personales. Gradualmente el ha descubierto diferentes estilos, contenidos y raperos. Cuando tenía 17 años empezó a escuchar a raperos de diferentes países en Español. Escuchando a una variedad de raperos y contenidos lo hizo darse cuenta que la música rap va mas aya de ser de un grupo en particular, una cultura, raza o mensaje. Su primer contacto con un rap en una lengua originaria, era con un rapero de Bolivia llamado Uka Mau y Ké, quien rapeaba en Aymara. En el 2010 Miguel se integró a Autónomos, un grupo de jóvenes Oaxaqueños que fue el empujón que ocupaba. Él entendió su música rap como una herramienta para motivar a los jóvenes Oaxaqueños. Esto le trajo sentido a sus letras. Él escribió una canción trilingüe- mixteco, español, e inglés acerca de reclamado la identidad, lengua, y cultura. En el 2012 fue entrevistado por la cadena de televisión Univisión, en el segmento "Aquí y Ahora", donde su historia fue transmitido a nivel nacional e internacional. Su música y trabajo demuestra su dedicación a su comunidad mixteca. El ha trabajado como un organizador comunitario, intérprete, coordinador de proyectos culturales con el Centro Binacional Para El Desarrollo Indígena Oaxaqueño (CBDIO). El ayudó a desarrollar y enseñar un taller de la escritura mixteca. Actualmente es vice-coordinador estatal para el Frente Indígena de Organizaciones Binacionales (FIOB) en California. Miguel también es un estudiante de una universidad-college- donde espera especializarse en lingüística para continuar preservando su lengua natal. Además de escribir su música, él también practica las danzas tradicionales de Nùù Yúku- La Danza de los Diablitos and Danza de Los Chareos. Su nombre artístico es Una Isu, que significa Ocho Venado en mixteco; un tributo al legendario líder mixteco Ocho Venado Garra de Jaguar. Miguel se ha presentado en diferentes ciudades como Los Ángeles, Oxnard, Santa Cruz, Oakland, Chico, Nueva York, la Ciudad de México, y por supuesto en su ciudad, Fresno, California. Su participaciones más destacadas son Secretos de Sócrates México Los Grandes Debates edición 2016, donde se dio una presentación de Rap en Lenguas Originarias junto a otro tres artistas de la lengua Hñähñu, Totonaku y Náhuatl. También presentó su música en la cuna del Hip-hop,el en Bronx, Nueva York, junto a Mare Advertencia Lirika y el rapero Mapuche Luanko Minuto Soler. Por medio de su trabajo, trabajo voluntario, y música el continúa influyendo la comunidad positivamente.

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Miguel Villegas Ventura was born in San Miguel Cuevas- , located in the Mixteca Baja of Oaxaca, Mexico. Nùù Yúku is an Mixtec community with strong migration to the United States. He arrived to California when he was seven year-old with his mother and three older siblings. His two older siblings worked in the - agricultural fields at a very young age with their mother to help provide for the family. Miguel being the youngest had the opportunity to attend school along with one of his brothers. As a child speaking in a foreign place and culture, he faced various obstacles. Growing up in the City of Fresno, not knowing other people who looked or spoke like him, made him realized that he was different. This influenced Miguel into not wanting to speak Mixteco because he believe it to be not valuable. For period of time he stopped speaking Mixteco thinking it was an impediment to assimilate into the "American life." As young kid seeking a place to belong to and someone to relate to he discovered rap music when he was 12 years old. Miguel was introduced to Chicano Rap music- a genre that Mexican-Americans in California developed to speak out about their struggles. He also began writing small verses drawing from his own experience. Gradually his exposure to different styles, contents and rappers grew. When he was 17 years-old, he began to listen to rappers from different countries. Listening to an array of rappers and contents made him realized that rap music goes beyond being of a particular group, culture, race, and message. In 2010 Miguel, joined Autonomos, a Oaxacan youth group which was the push he needed. He understood his rap music as tool to motivate his Oaxaqueño peers. This brought meaning lyrics. He wrote a trilingual song- Mixteco, Spanish, and English, about reclaiming identity, language and culture. His music and work demonstrates his commitment to his Mixteco community. He has worked as community organizer, interpreter, and cultural project coordinator with the Centro Binacional Para El Desarrollo Indígena Oaxaqueño (CBDIO). He helped developed and taught a Mixtec writing workshop. He also volunteers as a youth coordinator with the Frente Indígena de Organizaciones Binacionales (FIOB) Committee in Fresno. Miguel, also a college student, hopes to major in Linguistic to continue preserving his native language. Aside from writing music, he also practices traditional dances from Nuu Yuku- and La Danza de los Diablitos which means Eight Deer in Mixtec; a tribute to the legendary Mixtec leader Eight Deer Jaguar Claw. Miguel has performed in different cities such as Los Angeles, Oxnard, Santa Cruz, Oakland, New York, Mexico City and of course his hometown Fresno, California. His most prominent participations are the festival "Secretos De Socrates México: Los Grandes Debates" 2016 edition. Where he gave a performance of Rap in Natives Languages ​​along with another three artists of the languages in Hñähñu, Totonaku and Nahuatl. He also performed his music in the cradle of Hip-hop, in Bronx, New York, along with Mare Advertencia Lirika and Mapuche Rapper Luanko. Through his work, volunteer work, and music he continues to influence positively the community. Danza de Los Chareos. His artistic name is

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Una Isu Miguel Villegas Ventura nació en San Miguel Cuevas-Nùù Yúku, Juxtlahuaca ubicado en la Mixteca Baja de Oaxaca, México. Nùù Yúku es una comunidad mixteca con una fuerte migración hacia los Estados Unidos. El llegó a California cuando tenía 7 años con su mama y su tres hermanos mayores.

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Rita Hayworth es una antigua actriz de Hollywood, aprobada hace mucho tiempo, que debía cambiar el color de su cabello y sus atributos físicos para parecer "más estadounidense" al público. En aquel entonces, se requería que las actrices fueran blancas para jugar a ser extranjeras. Me encanta la historia de ella. Es muy trágico; hay mucho más que solo el “whitewashing” que ella sufrió. Amo todas sus películas. Sin embargo, es difícil ver este.

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TCM trailer of 'The Loves of Carmen (1948)', starring Rita Hayworth & Glenn Ford.

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Alex Rodríguez es uno de los pocos atletas profesionales mexicano-americanos en los Estados Unidos. Esta biografía dice que él se movió y siempre estaba buscando personas que lo adoraran. Tal vez se sintió así porque creció como una minoría en un país donde aquellos que se ven y son de un lugar diferente no reciben el respeto que merecen. Tienes que "ganar" siendo increíble en algo.

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Explore Biography's collection of Hispanic Athletes. See our picks, along with full biographies, photo galleries and videos, only on Biography.com.

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Esta tabla muestra las distribuciones de todos los hispanohablantes en los Estados Unidos. La mayoría se encuentran en California, Nuevo México y Texas. Es interesante ver esto y ver cómo se extiende en el país.

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Este video puede ser un poco tonto, ¡pero realmente me ayuda! Espero que no parezca que ella se burla de las diferentes personas. No creo que ella sea así porque ella es un hablante nativo de español. Me encantó que trajera a su propia dominicana para venir y hablar porque es bueno escuchar la manera exacta. Voy a estudiar estos y ver si puedo ubicar a las personas la próxima vez que hablen.

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Estos consejos son buenos para aprender español. Realmente he disfrutado este capítulo porque me ha enseñado lo que necesito escuchar cuando distingo un dialecto. Esto es muy útil como aprendiz de español porque luego puede traducir fácilmente lo que alguien le está diciendo. Por ejemplo, "pa" en Caribe y "para" en México. ¡Ahora tal vez no me sentiré tan perdido cuando alguien nuevo me hable!

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If you are learning Spanish then it may be interesting, or even useful, to know how to recognize different Spanish accents. There are a lot of them! In fact, Spanish is the second most widely spoken language on the planet after Mandarin Chinese. So with over 400 million native speakers, it's no surprise that there are dozens of accents.

So how can you learn to recognize different Spanish accents?

Learn How to Recognize Different Spanish Accents

In order to learn how to recognize different Spanish accents you need to listen for the particular pronunciation, intonation and articulation of words and phrases. Although written Spanish is all the same, the way it is spoken can be quite varied. Even within one country, you can hear several different accents.

So, the best way to recognize different Spanish accents is to learn what to listen for and then compare. A great way to do this is to watch and from Spanish-speaking countries.

To start you off on learning how to identify different Spanish accents, below is a brief explanation of what to listen for in order to recognize 5 common Spanish accents:

Castilian

Castilian is the language of Madrid and northern Spain and is quite easily identified. Its most obvious characteristic is the pronunciation of 'ci' and 'ce' as 'th'. For example, 'gracias' (thank you) sounds like grath-ee-as instead of the gras-ee-as you would hear in other Spanish-speaking countries. While it may sound like a lisp, it isn't and it will make it easy tell if the speaker is from Spain.

Mexican

Mexican Spanish is another distinct accent that has unique characteristics. Aside from the very particular slang that is used throughout Mexico, you should listen for the intonation of the last word of each sentence. The tone rises and is slightly drawn out towards the end of sentences and is slightly nasal.

Argentinian

Due to its heavy Italian influence, the Argentinian accent is quite singular. It has a sing-song quality to it and they pronounce 'll' as 'sh' instead of the 'y' sound you usually hear (same goes for Uruguay). In addition to this, Argentinians use 'vos' instead of 'tu' as in most other Spanish-speaking countries. It is also used with a verb form that is similar to 'thou' or thee' in English.

Caribbean & Coastal Latin America

When you travel to the Dominican Republic, the coast of Colombia or Venezuela, or any other Spanish-speaking coastal area, be prepared to focus on your listening. These areas tend to speak Spanish very quickly! One of the other biggest tip-offs that you are listening to Caribbean or coastal Spanish, is the dropping of the 's' at the end of words. It's considered rather informal or laid back although the speed is faster that normal! So, why drop the 's'? Well, dropping the 's' lets you speak faster, of course.

Colombian

The Spanish spoken in Colombia is often considered to be one of the most pure or neutral, particularly that of Bogotá which is clear and spoken rather slowly. That being said, Colombia is a very diverse country and there are multiple accents throughout its different regions. The most notable accent is from Medellin and its surrounding areas. Oddly enough, the people from this area also use 'vos' instead of 'tu' and the corresponding verb form just like in Argentina. The accent has a more musical quality to it and many people find it very pleasant to listen to.

At the end of the day, there are probably too many accents to really learn them all but it is a fascinating endeavor. Of course, describing an accent with words cannot compare to actually listening to it. As mentioned above, a great exercise is to watch movies and TV series. We also recommend checking out YouTube videos so you can see and hear these accents for yourself.

Below is a humorous rendition of a few classic Spanish accents by Venezuelan comedian Joanna Hausmann. It's all in good fun and as always, learning is more enjoyable when it's funny.

Hopefully this has given you some insight into what sets different Spanish accents apart and how to learn to recognize them. We'd love to find out your thoughts on what some of these different accents sound like to you. Which ones are the most difficult to understand and why?

Do you have any favorite Spanish accents you'd like to share with the community?

Thanks in advance for rating this article, it will encourage the author to write more

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Learn How To Recognize Different Spanish Accents

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If you are learning Spanish then it may be interesting, or even useful, to know how to recognize different Spanish accents. There are a lot of them! In fact, Spanish is the second most widely spoken language on the planet after Mandarin Chinese.

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En este video, la mujer le da al espectador mucha información útil. Ella le da al espectador una explicación detallada de las diferencias entre el español de México y el español de España. Tener estos dos puestos en categorías distintas con alguien que me lo explique me ayuda a recordar la información mejor que si tuviera que leerla en el libro.

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What's the difference between Spanish in Mexico, Latin America, and Spain?

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Learn the most common differences between Spanish in Mexico and Spanish in Spain. Mexicans and Spaniards can communicate with each other all the time. However, sometimes we use different terms to express the same object or feeling. Learn the words that are different in each country.

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Este es un buen sitio web para aprender cosas distintas de la lingüística española. ¡También hay matemáticas, ciencia e historia! Todo el sitio web está en español, lo cual es bueno para mí, así que puedo practicar la lectura del idioma, incluso si no tiene nada que ver con los actos de habla.

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Actos de habla es cuando utilizamos el lenguaje para dialogar, para opinar de hechos o realizar cualquier tipo de intervención - oral o escrita - en la vida diaria, ahí estamos enunciando y esa enunciación tiene una connotación lingüística. Posee un sentido, un para qué y un por qué se dice.

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Este lindo video ayudará al observador a distinguir entre homónimas y parónimas. Sugerí que buscaras algo más que este breve video si estás tratando de aprender esto, pero es una bonita adición a tu estudio.

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La Eduteca - Las palabras homónimas y parónimas

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Quizlet es mi forma favorita de estudiar nuevos términos y frases para español. Usaré esto para tratar de diferenciar entre los diferentes roles semánticos. Usaré esto junto con otro sitio web para obtener un estudio completo.

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Start studying Roles semánticos. Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools.

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Este no es un video tan divertido como los que tienen el elenco de Big Bang Theory. Sin embargo, hace un buen trabajo al mostrar en animación cuáles son las diferencias en el principio de cooperación de Grice. Es gracioso también.

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A mi esposo le gusta mirar a Ted hablar, pero normalmente no estoy realmente interesado en eso. Sin embargo, esto es genial porque habla sobre las diferencias en los idiomas a lo largo del año. No es específicamente español, pero es bueno ver que hay un patrón para cada cambio.

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Language isn't set in stone. It changes all the time - and in turn, our language changes us. These talks explore how new words come to be.

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7 TED Talks on how language changes over time

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You have JavaScript disabled For the best experience, please turn JavaScript on. Here's how Language isn't set in stone. It changes all the time - and in turn, our language changes us. These talks explore how new words come to be.

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Este artículo entra en detalles sobre cómo ha cambiado el idioma del latín al español. También explica por qué se produjo dicho cambio y el orden de las palabras, etc. Esta es una buena información para leer si está tratando de aclarar por qué ocurrió esto, pero para obtener información más detallada, buscaría en el libro de texto o en Wikipedia.

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Autor: Ivana Recmanová (School of European Languages, Culture and Society; University College London)

Languages, provided they are given enough time, keep evolving. Latin and Spanish are no exception apart from the fact that Latin died out centuries ago as a native tongue. This does not mean we cannot observe any traces it left - the birth of Romance languages that developed from Italic Latin and its history show the inheritance of Latin is present even nowadays within vocabulary, grammar and other aspects. In my essay, I will focus on the shift from Latin to Spanish and its following evolution until the present time with regards to morphosyntactic structures. Although Spanish is a descendant of Latin, it is much different to its ancestor in various aspects, such as parts of speech and declination. I will also discuss the grammatical changes from the points of view of the Constant Rate Hypothesis and Lloyd's model based on analogy.

The Reasons for The Change

Latin, the official language of the Roman Empire, spread into many colonies where it started its way in the form of various dialects that became Romance languages. With the decline of the Roman Empire, the official language became to decline. Although Latin continues to be used up to present days (and is the official language of the Vatican), there are no native speakers and the language is not evolving.

According to Jean Aitchison, all syntactic changes involve variation. 1 According to the Constant Rate Hypothesis, syntactic variation, contrary to the phonetic one, occurs at the same rate all the time and does not mean switching from one form to another, but rather a presence of two competing forms with the identical meaning 2 where one may finally prevail over the other.

Morphosyntactic changes are, as the name suggests, a product of changes within morphology and syntax. However, these aspects do stand alone with regards to the change - the examples that I will provide demonstrate that even phonetics and phonology play part in the process (such as apocope). Some of these changes are also affected by external acquisitions where specific derivational rules of another language may be applied, irrespective of the "regular" patterns (for instance, the comparative mejor of the word bueno as opposed to other comparatives made up by "más" and adjective).

Lloyd's model applied for the explanation of morphological changes is based on analogy. It is described by this scheme: ³

a/b : c/d

where a is a base word and b is a derived word in acquiring language, c is a base word and d is a derived word in acquired language. This means that the same change that affects the derivation from a to b also applies to c and d. However, there are more factors involved in the process of derivation that lead to a specific word and its deviation from the stem word. Two of these examples are phonetic and phonological changes, because even "ordinary sound change can produce 'irregular' forms in a paradigm". ⁴

The Development of Articles in Spanish

Latin language has never possessed any articles although it used several demonstrative pronouns to denote familiarity and distance from speaker from the target audience. At first, there were three degrees: approximity to the speaker, proximity to the audience and distance from both the speaker and the audience ( hic, haec, hoc; iste, ista, istud; ille, illa, illud). However, such system was simplified to a two-degree one and comprised only proximity to the speaker and distance from them. 3 The actual Spanish definite articles ( el, la, los, las) developed from Latin ille. 4 The shift from ille to the current definite articles was not straightforward as we can see in MS Aemilianensis where elo functions as a definite article as well. 5 Spanish also mandatorily makes contractions between a and el and de and el leading to al and del respectively. Although such contractions are not based on Latin, we can suppose they take place for reasons related to phonological economy, quite similar to the apocope that shortened elo to el and una to un for a short period.

With regards to Spanish indefinite articles ( un, una, unos, unas), we can see an evolution from Latin unus and unas meaning "some". Initially, Spanish applied apocope for the feminine indefinite article if it preceded a word beginning with a vowel. 6 Nowadays, no apocope is applied in this respect. These indefinite articles used to be extended to negative constructions where they are not placed in Modern Spanish. ⁷

From the aforementioned examples, we can conclude that the tendency in Spanish has been to replace Latin demonstratives ille, illa and illud and to contract and shorten articles with the exception of indefinite articles that also disappeared from negative constructions as their function is not significant there.

Allomorphs and Inflectional Suffixes

Although Modern Spanish has preserved several allomorphs within irregular verbs (for instance, morir, tener or decir), older versions of Spanish possessed even more of them. "The flection inherited from Latin coexisted with analogical forms" ¹⁰, such as andide, anduve and andove. Some verb conjugations even comprised of eight forms. 11 Some phonetic changes, mostly syncopes and apocopes, were applied to such Spanish verbs, such as asconder (from abscondere), beber (from bibere) or comer (from comedere). ¹²

The ancestors of the Spanish future-tense conjugations, called analytic Romance future tense, appear in MS Aemilianensis ( kaderat and tardarsan). 13 The conditional mood started appearing perhaps in the 13th century, which is observable from Calila e Dimna where its several forms, for example avería, detenermeía or morría, emerge. ¹⁴

The perfect tense in Late Latin acquired the suffix - ai (or its allomorphs - ui and - i) 15 that could have been the basis of the current Spanish past perfect tense where suffix - í takes place in the first person singular for regular verbs that end with - ir or - er in the infinitive.

Late Latin declensions were reduced to three 16 therefore it is not surprising that, within this new system, the functions of several cases merged. This is clear from Gómez-Moreno whose letter lists examples such as " umum atmancio nostro" where is no distinction between accusative and dative cases. ¹⁷ Penny explains that "the fact that the number of prepositions was larger than that of case-endings meant that prepositions performed this function more efficiently and the case-endings became mere redundant exponents of values better expressed by accompanying prepositions". 18 Again, this can be demonstrated by another example from Gómez-Moreno's letter, " de tvo anvlo, de fibola" where the original genitive, dative and ablative cases are represented by prepositions. 19 Although the cases are no longer present in Spanish grammar, Latin ancestry can still be found, for example in the days of the week. ²⁰

From the examples mentioned above, we can observe the presence of several competing forms of some verbs where only one of them actually prevailed. This conforms to the Constant Rate Hypothesis, but it also complements the analogy model quite well, because the similar suffixes that were applied in Latin conjugations exist even in Spanish. However, they are not exactly the same for they have undergone several phonetic and phonological changes. The evolution of nouns led to the reduction of cases where the cases firstly merged and then, in competition with prepositional phrases, became redundant.

Various sources show that the word order of early Spanish was different to the current one. "The vulgar order preferred putting together modified and modifying words. /.../ Through a slow process, the hyperbaton started disappearing in the spoken language." 22 Apart from that, complementisers were originally inserted between verbs and adjectives, 23 but they were omitted in the 15th century as Memoirs of Doña Leonor López de Córdoba show. ²⁴ Later development led to verb-subject order 19 and quantifiers preceding verbs. 25

However, there was no unique word order, which can be proved by a letter found in Gómez-Moreno. In the letter, sentences as " ut tibi fraudem non faciant" and " ut ajvtet ibi unum quina de siriola" demonstrate the inconsistency of the positions of objects; in the first case, both objects precede the verb whereas the second example shows that both objects follow after the verb. 26 Another example from the same source is represented by contrasting " uide illas tegolas" and " illas cupas collige calas" where the objects are placed inconsistently. 27 Because cases were still present in the language, it did not complicate the meaning of the utterances.

The memoirs also show economical expressions that were, compared to Modern Spanish, considerably reduced. In the example I mentioned before, a complementiser denoting object was omitted. However, we can find an example of such a complementiser in the same texts (" aquel mi fijo, que le decian") although " que" is used in this context instead of nowadays accepted " a quien". 28 Other syntactic contractions may be found in the preamble to Diccionario de Autoridades where conditional potasis is applied (" à no tener un fomento tan elevado") ²⁹ as well as gerund constructions (" contribuyendo mucho para ello" or " haviendo sido Don Sebastian de Covarrubias el priméro") instead of subordinate clauses. 30

First two examples of the word order (Gómez-Moreno and the memoirs) conform to the Constant Rate Hypothesis in the sense that there were competing forms of the word order and the presence of complementisers, whilst the last example ( Diccionario de Autoridades), compared to Modern Spanish, shows that despite the phrases were economically contracted, Modern Spanish has prolonged them with complementisers.

Conclusion

The shift from Latin to Spanish resulted in various morphosyntactic changes. While they were in agreement with Constant Rate Hypothesis they were also affected by other factors, such as phonological changes (apocope and articles and verb conjugations). The analogy model succeeds in the case of verb conjugations, but not where the evolution led to simplification (cases). This shows the morphosyntactic changes led not only to analogic forms, but also to the redundancy of several grammatical features or their emergence where necessary to avoid ambiguity (prepositional phrases and articles).

AITCHISON, Jane. Language Change: Progress or Decay?. 1. vyd. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. ISBN 9781107678927

LAPESA, Rafael. Historia de la Lengua Español. 1. vyd. Madrid: Biblioteca Románica Hispánica, 1965. ISBN 8424900723

LLOYD, Paul M. From Latin to Spanish: Volume 1, Historical Phonology and Morphology of the Spanish Language. 1. vyd. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1987. ISBN 0871691736

PENNY, Ralph. A History of the Spanish Language. 1. vyd. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. ISBN 0521011841

POUNTAIN, Christopher J. A History of the Spanish Language Through Texts. 1. vyd.Londýn: Routledge, 2001. ISBN 0203186052

A text from Gómez-Moreno:

[domno] paulo faustinus saluto tvam [claritat]em et rogo te domne et comodo consu [etum es]t facere ut per te ipsut oliballa quollige [incell]a ut ipsos manicipios jn jva iemento [peter]e debeas ut tibi fraudem non fa [cian]t illas cupas collige calas

[r]ecortices et sigilla de tuo anvlo et uide [il]las tegolas cara tritas svnt de fibola quo [m]odo ego ipsas demisi illum meracium manda [d]e tiliata uenire ut ajvtet ibi unum quina

et unum atmancio nostro

de siriola pesitula at illa ammica tua oris dirige prodi esto sic

tus custudiat
MS Aemilianensis:
Adtendat [katet] unusquisque [qui cataqui] ne munera accipiendo alterius causam malam faciat suam penam si jnjuste judicaverit; accipe pecunie lucrum et jncurrit [kaderat] anime detrimentum. Non se circumueniat qui talis est [non e cuempetet elo vamne en iui]; jn illo enim jmpletur quod scriptum est: jn quo judicio judiocaveritis judicavimini. Forsitam [alquieras] quando jsta predicamus aliqui contra nos jrascuntur hoc jmplere dissimulant [tardar an por jnplire]; jpsi sacerdotes, presuiteres et dicones talia plura conmittunt [tales muito fazen]; et quidam, frates, alicotiens [alquandra beces] uerum est, quod pejus est. Nam aliqui clerici et jnebriari se solent, et causas jnjuste subuertere [tran tornare] et jn festiuitatibus causas dicere et litigare non erubescunt [non e bergudian tramare]. Set num [certe] quid toti condemnandi sunt...

Saluatoris precepta jnsinuo [joca tigo]...qui et nobis tribuat libenter [voluntaria] audire quod predicamus...adjubante domino nostro Jhesu Christo cui est honor et jmperium cum patre et Spiritu Sancto jn secula seculorum [conoajutorio de nue tro dueno, dueno Christo, dueno Salbatore, qual dueno get ena honore, equal duenno tienet ela mandatjone cono Patre, cono Spiritu Sancto, eno ieculo dulo ieculos. Facano Deu omnipotes tal erbitjo fere ke denante ela ua face gaudio o egamus. Amen.]
Calila et Dimna:
Et yo, después que me gardé de non creer las cosas de qur non era segoro de non caer en peligro de muerte, dexéme de todas las cosas dubdosas et metíme en fazer pesquisas de las leyes [et] en buscar las más derechas. Et non fallé en ninguno de aquellos noc quien yo fablé esto buena respuesta, quel yo (non) deviese creer. Et dixe en mi coraçón: "Tengo por seso, pues así es, de obligar ala ley de míos padres."

Pero fue busacando si avería aesto alguna escusaçión e non la fallé. Et membróme el dicho de un omne que comía feo e era tragón, e dixéronle que comía mal e feo, et él dixo: "Así comían mis padres e mis abuelos."

Et non fallé ninguna escusaçión porque non deviese fincar en la ley del padre, et quíseme dexar de todo e meterme a fazer pesquisas de las leyes et preguntar por ellas e estudiar en ellas. Et estorvóme la fin que es çerca e la muerte que acaesçe tan aína como cerrar el ojo e abrirlo. Et abía fechas algunas obras que non sabríaa si eran buenas, onde por aventura mientra me trabajase de pesquerir las leyes detenermeía de fazer algunt bien, et morría ante que viese lo que quería.
Memoirs of Doña Leonor López de Córdoba:
Yo abie grande devocion en estas palabras, rezaba cada noche esta Oracion, rogando à Dios me quisiese librar á mi, y á mis fijos, é si alguno obiese de llevar, llebase el mayor por que era mui doliente; é plugo á Dios que una noche no fallaba quien velase aquel Mozo Doliente, por que havian muerto todos los que hasta entonzes le havian velado, é vino á mi aquel mi fijo, que le decian Juan Fernandez de Henestrosa, como su Abuelo, que era de hedad de doze años, y quatro meses é dixome: Señora no ay quien vele á Alonso estanoche? É dijele: Velarlo vos por Amor de Dios, y respondiome: Señora agora que hán muerto Otros quereis que me mate? É yo dixele: por la Caridad que yo fago, Dios habrá piedad de mi, é mi hijo por no salir de mi mandamiento lo fué á velar, é por mis pecados aquella noche y el enfermo vivió despues haviendo muerto todos los dichos; é Doña Theresa, muger de Don Alfonso Fernandez mi Primo hubo mui gran enojo, por que moria mi fijo por tal Ocacion en su Casa, y la muerte en la Voca lo mandaba sacar de ella, y y estaba tan traspasada de pesar, que no podia hablar del corrimiento que aquellos Señores me hacian; y el trieste de mi hijo dezia; decid á mi Señora Doña Theresa que no me haga echar que agora saldrá mi anima para el Cielo, y aquella noche falleció, y se enterró en Santa Maria La Ccoronada, que es en la Villa.
Diccionario de Autoridades:
Como basa y fundamento de este Diccionario, se han puesto los Autóres que ha parecido á la Académia han tratado la Léngua Españóla noc la mayor propiedád y elegáncia: conociendose por ellos su buen juício, claridad y proporción, noc cuyas autoridades están afianzadas las voces, y aun algunas, que por no practicadas se ignorá la notícia de ellas, y las que no están en uso, pues aunque son própias de la Léngua Españóla, el olvido y mundaza de términos y voces, noc la variedád de los tiempos, las ha hecho yá incultas y despreciables: como igualmente ha sucedido en las Lénguas Toscana y Francesa, que cada día se han pulido y pefecionado mas? Contribuyendo mucho para ello los Diccionarios y Vocabularios, que de estos Idiómas se han dado à la estampa, y en lo que han trabajado tantas doctas Académias: sobre lo que es bien reparable, que haviendo sido Don Sebastian de Covarrubias el priméro que se decidó àeste nobilissimo estúdio, en que los extrangéros siguiendole se han adelantado noc tanta diligéncia y esmero, sea la Nación Españóla la última à la pefección del Diccionario de su Léngua: y sin duda no pudiera llegar à un fin tan grande à no tener un formento tan elevado como el de su Augusto Monarcha.

1 AITCHISON, Jean. Language Change: Progress or Decay?. 1. vyd. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. ISBN 9781107678927, 99.

3 LLOYD, Paul M. From Latin to Spanish: Volume 1, Historical Phonology and Morphology of the Spanish Language. 1. vyd. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1987. ISBN 0871691736, str. 58.

⁷ POUNTAIN, Christopher J. A History of the Spanish Language Through Texts. 1. vyd.Londýn: Routledge, 2001. ISBN 0203186052 , 24.

⁸ LLOYD, Paul M. From Latin to Spanish: Volume 1, Historical Phonology and Morphology of the Spanish Language. 1. vyd. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1987. ISBN 0871691736, 284-285.

9 PENNY, Ralph. A History of the Spanish Language. 1. vyd. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. ISBN 0521011841, 178.

¹⁰ LAPESA, Rafael. Historia de la Lengua Español. 1. vyd. Madrid: Biblioteca Románica Hispánica, 1965. ISBN 8424900723, 150.

11 Ibid., 151.

12 LLOYD, Paul M. From Latin to Spanish: Volume 1, Historical Phonology and Morphology of the Spanish Language. 1st edition Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1987. ISBN 0871691736, 284-285.

13 POUNTAIN, Christopher J. A History of the Spanish Language Through Texts. 1. vyd.Londýn: Routledge, 2001. ISBN 0203186052, 24-27.

¹⁴ LLOYD, Paul M. From Latin to Spanish: Volume 1, Historical Phonology and Morphology of the Spanish Language. 1st edition. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1987. ISBN 0871691736, 155-156.

15 POUNTAIN, Christopher J. A History of the Spanish Language Through Texts. 1. vyd.Londýn: Routledge, 2001. ISBN 0203186052, 17-18.

16 PENNY, Ralph. A History of the Spanish Language. 1. vyd. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. ISBN 0521011841, 116.

18 Ibid., 54-56.

¹⁹ LLOYD, Paul M. From Latin to Spanish: Volume 1, Historical Phonology and Morphology of the Spanish Language. 1st edition. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1987. ISBN 0871691736, 160.

20 LAPESA, Rafael. Historia de la Lengua Español. 1. vyd. Madrid: Biblioteca Románica Hispánica, 1965. ISBN 8424900723, 53.

22 LLOYD, Paul M. From Latin to Spanish: Volume 1, Historical Phonology and Morphology of the Spanish Language. 1. vyd. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1987. ISBN 0871691736, 276.

23 POUNTAIN, Christopher J. A History of the Spanish Language Through Texts. 1st edition.London: Routledge, 2001. ISBN 0203186052, 101-102.

24 LAPESA, Rafael. Historia de la Lengua Español. 1. vyd. Madrid: Biblioteca Románica Hispánica, 1965. ISBN 8424900723, 152.

25 Ibid., 154.

26 POUNTAIN, Christopher J. A History of the Spanish Language Through Texts. 1. vyd.Londýn: Routledge, 2001. ISBN 0203186052, 17-18.

27 Ibid., 101-102.

28 Ibid., 171-172.

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The Grammatical Change of the Shift from Latin to Spanish

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Autor: Ivana Recmanová (School of European Languages, Culture and Society; University College London) Languages, provided they are given enough time, keep evolving. Latin and Spanish are no exception apart from the fact that Latin died out centuries ago as a native tongue.

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Este video es lindo y conciso. Creo que es el video perfecto para mostrar a alguien que necesita una explicación simple sobre por qué los idiomas son diferentes de lo que son hoy en día. Usaría un libro de texto para una explicación más profunda, pero creo que esto puede ser el truco.

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Las personas que obtienen su información de Wikipedia deben estar preparadas para que cierta
información no sea completamente precisa. Al decir esto, señalaré que la página de Wikipedia para la Historia de la Lengua Española es muy interesante. Puede leer el historial completo y luego hacer clic en diferentes nombres y lugares para investigarlos también.

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The language known today as Spanish is derived from a dialect of spoken Latin, which was brought to the Iberian Peninsula by the Romans during the Second Punic War, beginning in 218 BC, and which evolved in central parts of the Iberian Peninsula after the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the fifth century. A written standard was developed in the cities of Toledo (13th to 16th centuries) and Madrid (from the 1560s). Over the past 1,000 years, the language expanded south to the Mediterranean Sea, and was later transferred to the Spanish colonial empire, most notably to the Americas. Today it is the official language of 20 countries, as well as an official language of numerous international organizations, including the United Nations.

The development of Spanish phonology is distinguished from those of other nearby Romance languages (e.g. Portuguese, Catalan) by several features:

diphthongization of Latin stressed short E and O in closed syllables as well as open (tiempo, puerta vs. Portuguese )

devoicing and further development of the medieval Spanish sibilants, producing (1) the velar fricative [x] in words such as caja, hijo, gente, and (2)-in many dialects of Spain, including the prestige varieties of Madrid, Toledo, etc.-the interdental [θ] in words such as cinco, hacer, and lazo

debuccalization and eventual loss of Latin initial /f/ in most contexts, marked in modern spelling by the silent ⟨h⟩ of words such as hablar, hilo, hoja (also in Gascon: hilh, huelha)

development of initial PL-, CL-, FL- into palatal /ʎ/ in many words, e.g., plorare → llorar, clamare → llamar, flamma → llama; cf. Portuguese chorar, chamar, chama, Catalan plorar, clamar, flama)

Vulgar Latin initial /j/ (from J-, DY-, G(E)-, G(I)-) remains before /a/, /e/ and /i/, subsequently disappearing in an unstressed syllable (yace, yeso, helar, enero, echar, hinojo vs. Portuguese jaz, gesso, gelar, janeiro, jeitar, joelho)

The following features are characteristic of Spanish phonology and also of some other Ibero-Romance languages, but not the Romance languages as a whole:

the phonemic merger of /b/ and /v/, making, for example, the noun tubo and the verb tuvo phonetically equivalent (in all contexts except those of hypercorrection or spelling pronunciation) (also in Galician, Northern European Portuguese and some Catalan and Occitan varieties)

The Latin system of four verb conjugations (form classes) is reduced to three in Spanish. The Latin infinitives with the endings -ĀRE, -ĒRE, and -ĪRE become Spanish infinitives in -ar, -er, and -ir respectively. The Latin third conjugation-infinitives ending in -ĔRE-are redistributed between the Spanish -er and -ir classes (e.g. facere → hacer, dicere → decir). Spanish verbal morphology continues the use of some Latin synthetic forms that were replaced by analytic ones in spoken French and (partly) Italian (cf. Sp. lavó, Fr. il a lavé), and the Spanish subjunctive mood maintains separate present and past-tense forms.

Spanish syntax provides overt marking for some direct objects (the so-called "personal a", see differential object marking for the general phenomenon), and uses clitic doubling with indirect objects, in which a "redundant" pronoun ( le, les) appears even in the presence of an explicit noun phrase. (Neither feature occurs in other Western Romance languages,[citation needed ] but both are features of Romanian, with pe < PER corresponding to Spanish a.) With regard to subject pronouns, Spanish is a pro-drop language, meaning that the verb phrase can often stand alone without the use of a subject pronoun (or a subject noun phrase). Compared to other Romance languages, Spanish has a somewhat freer syntax with relatively fewer restrictions on subject-verb-object word order.

Due to prolonged language contact with other languages, the Spanish lexicon contains loanwords from Basque, Hispano-Celtic ( Celtiberian and Gallaecian), Iberian, Germanic ( Gothic), Arabic and indigenous languages of the Americas.

Accents-used in Modern Spanish to mark the vowel of the stressed syllable in words where stress is not predictable from rules-came into use sporadically in the 15th century, and massively in the 16th century. Their use began to be standardized with the advent of the Spanish Royal Academy in the 18th century. See also Spanish orthography.

The standard Spanish language is also called Castilian in its original variant, and in order to distinguish it from other languages native to parts of Spain, such as Galician, Catalan, Basque, etc. In its earliest documented form, and up through approximately the 15th century, the language is customarily called Old Spanish. From approximately the 16th century on, it is called Modern Spanish. Spanish of the 16th and 17th centuries is sometimes called "classical" Spanish, referring to the literary accomplishments of that period. Unlike English and French, it is not customary to speak of a "middle" stage in the development of Spanish.

Castilian Spanish originated (after the decline of the Roman Empire) as a continuation of spoken Latin in several areas of northern and central Spain. Eventually, the variety spoken in the city of Toledo around the 13th century became the basis for the written standard. With the Reconquista, this northern dialect spread to the south, where it almost entirely replaced or absorbed the local Romance dialects, at the same time as it borrowed many words from Moorish Arabic and was influenced by Mozarabic (the Romance speech of Christians living in Moorish territory) and medieval Judaeo-Spanish (Ladino). These languages had vanished in the Iberian Peninsula by the late 16th century.

The prestige of Castile and its language was propagated partly by the exploits of Castilian heroes in the battles of the Reconquista-among them Fernán González and Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar ( El Cid)-and by the narrative poems about them that were recited in Castilian even outside the original territory of that dialect.

The "first written Spanish" was traditionally considered to have appeared in the Glosas Emilianenses located in San Millán de la Cogolla, La Rioja. These are "glosses" (translations of isolated words and phrases in a form more like Hispanic Romance than Latin) added between the lines of a manuscript that was written earlier in Latin. Nowadays the language of the Glosas Emilianenses is considered to be closer to the Navarro-Aragonese language than to Spanish proper. Estimates of their date vary from the late 10th to the early 11th century.

The first steps toward standardization of written Castilian were taken in the 13th century by King Alfonso X of Castile, known as Alfonso el Sabio (Alfonso the Wise), in his court in Toledo. He assembled scribes at his court and supervised their writing, in Castilian, of extensive works on history, astronomy, law, and other fields of knowledge.

Antonio de Nebrija wrote the first grammar of Spanish, Gramática de la lengua castellana, and presented it, in 1492, to Queen Isabella, who is said to have had an early appreciation of the usefulness of the language as a tool of hegemony, as if anticipating the empire that was about to be founded with the voyages of Columbus.

Because Old Spanish resembles the modern written language to a relatively high degree, a reader of Modern Spanish can learn to read medieval documents without much difficulty.

The Spanish Royal Academy was founded in 1713, largely with the purpose of standardizing the language. The Academy published its first dictionary in six volumes over the period 1726-1739, and its first grammar in 1771, and it continues to produce new editions of both from time to time. (The Academy's dictionary is now accessible on the Internet.) Today, each of the Spanish-speaking countries has an analogous language academy, and an Association of Spanish Language Academies was created in 1951.

Beginning in 1492, the Spanish discovery and colonization brought the language to the Americas ( Mexico, Central America, and western and southern South America), where it is spoken today, as well as to several island groups in the Pacific where it is no longer spoken by any large numbers of people: the Philippines, Palau, the Marianas (including Guam), and what is today the Federated States of Micronesia.

Use of the language in the Americas was continued by descendants of the Spaniards: Spanish criollos and Mestizos. After the wars of independence fought by these colonies in the 19th century, the new ruling elites extended their Spanish to the whole population, including the Amerindian majority, to strengthen national unity, and nowadays it is the first and official language of the resulting republics, except in very isolated parts of the former Spanish colonies.

In the late 19th century, the still-Spanish colonies of Cuba and Puerto Rico encouraged more immigrants from Spain, and similarly other Spanish-speaking countries such as Argentina, Uruguay, and to a lesser extent Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Panama and Venezuela, attracted waves of European immigration, Spanish and non-Spanish, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. There, the countries' large (or sizable minority) population groups of second- and third-generation descendants adopted the Spanish language as part of their governments' official assimilation policies to include Europeans. In some countries, they had to be Catholics and agreed to take an oath of allegiance to their chosen nation's government.

When Puerto Rico became a possession of the United States as a consequence of the Spanish-American War, its population-almost entirely of Spanish and mixed Afro-Caribbean/Spanish ( and ) descent-retained its inherited Spanish language as a mother tongue, in co-existence with the American-imposed English as co-official. In the 20th century, more than a million Puerto Ricans migrated to the mainland U.S. (see Puerto Ricans in the United States).

A similar situation occurred in the American Southwest, including California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas, where Spaniards, then criollos ( Tejanos, Californios, etc.) followed by Chicanos ( Mexican Americans) and later Mexican immigrants, kept the Spanish language alive before, during and after the American appropriation of those territories following the Mexican-American War. Spanish continues to be used by millions of citizens and immigrants to the United States from Spanish-speaking countries of the Americas (for example, many Cubans arrived in Miami, Florida, beginning with the Cuban Revolution in 1959, and followed by other Latin American groups; the local majority is now Spanish-speaking). Spanish is now treated as the country's "second language," and over 5 percent of the U.S. population are Spanish-speaking, but most Latino/ Hispanic Americans are bilingual or also regularly speak English.

The presence of Spanish in Equatorial Guinea dates from the late 18th century, and it was adopted as the official language when independence was granted in 1968.

Spanish is widely spoken in Western Sahara, which was a protectorate/colony of Spain from the 1880s to the 1970s.

In 1492 Spain expelled its Jewish population. Their Judaeo-Spanish language, called Ladino, developed along its own lines and continues to be spoken by a dwindling number of speakers, mainly in Israel, Turkey, and Greece.

In the Marianas, the Spanish language was retained until the Pacific War, but is no longer spoken there by any significant number of people. As part of Chile since 1888, Spanish is spoken by most people in Easter Island along with Rapa Nui language.

Language politics in Francoist Spain declared Spanish as the only official language in Spain, and to this day it is the most widely used language in government, business, public education, the workplace, cultural arts, and the media. But in the 1960s and 1970s,[citation needed ] the Spanish parliament agreed to allow provinces to use, speak, and print official documents in three other languages: Catalan for Catalonia, Balearic Islands and Valencia; Basque for the Basque provinces and Navarre, and Galician for Galicia. Since 1975, following the death of Franco, Spain has become a multi-party democracy and decentralized country, constituted in autonomous communities. Under this system, some languages of Spain-such as Aranese (an Occitan language of northwestern Catalonia), Basque, Catalan/Valencian, and Galician-have gained co-official status in their respective geographical areas. Others-such as Aragonese, Asturian and Leonese -have been recognized by regional governments.

When the United Nations organization was founded in 1945, Spanish was designated one of its five official languages (along with Chinese, English, French, and Russian; a sixth language, Arabic, was added in 1973).

The list of Nobel laureates in Literature includes eleven authors who wrote in Spanish ( José Echegaray, Jacinto Benavente, Gabriela Mistral, Juan Ramón Jiménez, Miguel Ángel Asturias, Pablo Neruda, Vicente Aleixandre, Gabriel García Márquez, Camilo José Cela, Octavio Paz, and Mario Vargas Llosa).

The mention of "influences" on the Spanish language refers primarily to lexical borrowing. Throughout its history, Spanish has accepted loanwords, first from pre-Roman languages (including Basque, Iberian, Celtiberian and Gallaecian), and later from Greek, from Germanic languages, from neighboring Romance languages, from Arabic, from Native American languages, and from English.

The most frequently used word that entered Spanish from (or through) Basque is izquierda "left". Basque is perhaps most evident in some common Spanish surnames, including and Echeverría. Basque place names also are prominent throughout Spain, because many Castilians who took part in the Reconquista and repopulation of Moorish Iberia by Christians were of Basque lineage. Iberian and Celtiberian likewise are thought to have contributed place names to Spain. Words of everyday use that are attributed to Celtic sources include camino "road", carro "cart", colmena "hive", and cerveza "beer". Suffixes such as - iego: mujeriego "womanizer" and - ego: gallego "Galician" are also attributed to Celtic sources.

Influence of Basque phonology is credited by some researchers with softening the Spanish labiodentals: turning labiodental [v] to bilabial [β], and ultimately deleting labiodental [f]. Others negate or downplay Basque phonological influence, claiming that these changes occurred in the affected dialects wholly as a result of factors internal to the language, not outside influence. It is also possible that the two forces, internal and external, worked in concert and reinforced each other.

Some words of Greek origin were already present in the spoken Latin that became Spanish. Additionally, many Greek words formed part of the language of the Church. Spanish also borrowed Ancient Greek vocabulary in the areas of medical, technical, and scientific language, beginning as early as the 13th century.

The influence of Germanic languages is, by most accounts, very little on phonological development, but rather is found mainly in the Spanish lexicon. Words of Germanic origin are common in all varieties of Spanish. The modern words for the cardinal directions ( norte, este, sur, oeste), for example, are all taken from Germanic words (compare north, east, south and west in Modern English), after the contact with Atlantic sailors. These words did not exist in Spanish prior to the 15th century. Instead, "north" and "south" were septentrion and meridion respectively (both virtually obsolete in Modern Spanish), while "east" was oriente (or levante), and "west" was occidente (or poniente). These older words for "east" and "west" continue to have some use in Modern Spanish.

In 711 Spain was invaded by Moors, who brought the Arabic language to the Peninsula. From then until the fall of the Emirate of Granada (1492), Spanish borrowed words from Arabic, such as alcalde "mayor", álgebra "algebra", and zanahoria "carrot". It is thought that the bilingualism of the Mozarabs facilitated the transfer of vocabulary from Arabic to Castilian.

The neighboring Romance languages- Portuguese/ Galician, Catalan, French, and Occitan-contributed greatly to the Spanish lexicon throughout the Middle Ages and into the modern era. Borrowing from Italian occurred most frequently in the 16th and 17th centuries, due largely to the influence of the Italian Renaissance.

With the development of the Spanish Empire in the New World came lexical borrowing from indigenous languages of the Americas, especially vocabulary dealing with flora, fauna, and cultural concepts unique to the Americas.

Borrowing from English has become especially strong, beginning in the 20th century, with words borrowed from many fields of activity, including sports, technology, and commerce.

The incorporation into Spanish of learned, or "bookish" words from its own ancestor language, Latin, is arguably another form of lexical borrowing through the influence of written language and the liturgical language of the Church. Throughout the Middle Ages and into the early modern period, most literate Spanish-speakers were also literate in Latin; and thus they easily adopted Latin words into their writing-and eventually speech-in Spanish. The form of Latin that Spaniards spoke and the loanwords came from was Classical Latin, but also Renaissance Latin, the form of Latin used in original works of the time.

Spanish shares with other Romance languages most of the phonological and grammatical changes that characterized Vulgar Latin, such as the abandonment of distinctive vowel length, the loss of the case system for nouns, and the loss of deponent verbs.

Syncope in the history of Spanish refers to the loss of an unstressed vowel from the syllable immediately preceding or following the stressed syllable. Early in its history, Spanish lost such vowels where they preceded or followed R or L, and between S and T.

* Solitario, which is derived from sōlitārium, is a learned word; cf. the alternate form soltero. As also "fábula" from "fabulam", although this last one has a different meaning in Spanish.

Later, after the time of intervocalic voicing, unstressed vowels were lost between other combinations of consonants:

Words capital, computar, hospital, recitar and vindicar are learned words; cf. capitālem, computāre, hospitālem, recitāre, and vindicāre and alternate forms caudal, contar, hostal, rezar, and vengar.

While voiceless intervocalic consonants regularly became voiced, many voiced intervocalic stops ( d, g, and occasionally b) were dropped from words altogether through a process called elision. Latin /b/ between vowels usually changed to /v/ in Old Spanish (e.g. habēre > aver), while Latin /p/ became /b/ ( sapere > saber). In modern times the two phonemes merged into /b/ ( haber, saber), realized as [β] between vowels (see Merger of /b/ and /v/). Latin voiced stops-/b/, /d/, and /ɡ/, which are represented orthographically as B, D, and G respectively-and also occurred in intervocalic positions also underwent lenition: , , and , but appeared in Spanish also through learned words from Classical Latin.

Many forms with d and g preserved, e.g. ligar, legal, crudo, are learned words ( Latinisms); cf. the alternate forms liar, leal and Old Spanish cruo and its Latin origin crūdus.

In virtually all the Western Romance languages, the Latin voiceless stops-/p/, /t/, and /k/, which are represented orthographically as P, T, and C (including Q) respectively-where they occurred in an "intervocalic" environment (qualified below), underwent one, two, or three successive stages of lenition, from voicing to spirantization to, in some cases, elision (deletion). In Spanish these three consonants generally undergo both voicing and spirantization, resulting in voiced fricatives: , , and , respectively. Although it was once speculated that this change came about as a transfer of phonological features from substrate Celtic and Basque languages, which were in geographical proximity to Iberian Vulgar Latin (see Sprachbund), it is now widely recognized that such change is a natural internal development. Intervocalic /p/, /t/, and /k/ reappeared in Spanish through learned words from Classical Latin and also appeared in Spanish through consonant cluster simplification from Vulgar Latin (see below), and Latin voiced stops-/b/, /d/, and /ɡ/, which are represented orthographically as B, D, and G respectively-and also occurred in intervocalic positions also underwent lenition: , , and , but appeared in Spanish also through learned words from Classical Latin and also appeared in Spanish through consonant cluster simplification from Vulgar Latin.

The phonological environment of these changes is not only between vowels but also after a vowel and before a sonorant consonant such as /r/ (Latin patrem > Spanish padre)-but not the reverse (Latin partem > Spanish parte, not * parde).

¹Latin superāre produced both sobrar and its learned doublet superar.

The verb decir, in its various conjugated forms, exemplifies different phonetic changes, depending on whether the letter <c> (Latin /k/) was followed by a front vowel or not. The Latin /k/ changes ultimately to Spanish /θ/ when followed by the front vowels (/i/ or /e/-thus dice, decimos, etc.), but in other forms, before a back vowel, /k/ is voiced to and, in the modern language, realized as a spirant [ɣ] (as in digo, diga). This also is the pattern of a few other Spanish verbs ending in -cer or -cir, as in the table below:

The stressed short E and O of Latin undergo diphthongization in many of the Western Romance languages. In Spanish this change occurs regardless of syllable shape (open or closed), in contrast to French and Italian, where it takes place only in open syllables, and in greater contrast to Catalan and Portuguese-neighboring languages on the Iberian Peninsula-where this diphthongization does not occur at all. As a result, Spanish phonology exhibits a five-vowel system, not the seven-vowel system that is typical of most other Western Romance languages. The stressed short [e] and [o] reappeared in Spanish through learned words from Classical Latin and appeared in Spanish that evolved from short vowels /i/ and /u/ from Vulgar Latin and retention of long vowels [eː] and [oː] from Vulgar Latin.

Learned words-that is, "bookish" words transmitted partly through writing and thus affected by their Latin form-became increasingly frequent with the works of Alfonso X in the mid-to-late 13th century. Many of these words contained consonant clusters which, in oral transmission, had been reduced to simpler consonant clusters or single consonants in previous centuries. This same process affected many of these new, more academic, words, especially when the words extended into popular usage in the Old Spanish period. Some of the consonant clusters affected were - ct-, - ct[i]-, - pt-, - gn-, - mn-, - mpt-, and - nct-. Most of the simplified forms have since reverted to the learned forms or are now considered to be uneducated.

Most of these words have modern forms which more closely resemble Latin than Old Spanish. In Old Spanish, the simplified forms were acceptable forms which were in coexistence (and sometimes competition) with the learned forms. The Spanish educational system, and later the Real Academia Española, with their demand that all consonants of a word be pronounced, steadily drove most simplified forms from existence. Many of the simplified forms were used in literary works in the Middle Ages and Renaissance (sometimes intentionally as an archaism), but have since been relegated mostly to popular and uneducated speech. Occasionally, both forms exist in Modern Spanish with different meanings or in idiomatic usage: for example afición is a 'fondness (of)' or 'taste (for)', while afección is 'illness'; Modern Spanish respeto is '(attitude of) respect', while con respecto a means 'with regard to'.

Most words with consonant clusters in syllable-final position are loanwords from Classical Latin, examples are: transporte [tɾansˈpor.te], transmitir [tɾanz.miˈtir], instalar [ins.taˈlar], constante [konsˈtante], obstante [oβsˈtante], obstruir [oβsˈtɾwir], perspectiva [pers.pekˈti.βa], istmo [ˈist.mo]. A syllable-final position cannot be more than one consonant (one of n, r, l, s or z) in most (or all) dialects in colloquial speech, reflecting Vulgar Latin background. Realizations like [trasˈpor.te], [tɾaz.miˈtir], [is.taˈlar], [kosˈtante], [osˈtante], [osˈtɾwir], and [ˈiz.mo] are very common, and in many cases, they are considered acceptable even in formal speech.

Another type of consonant cluster simplification involves "double" (geminate) plosives that reduced to single: -pp-, -tt-, -cc-, -bb-, -dd-, -gg- /pː, tː, kː, bː, dː, gː/ > -p-, -t-, -c-, -b-, -d-, -g- /p, t, k, b, d, g/. The simplified Spanish outcomes of the Latin voiced series -bb-, -dd-, -gg- /bː, dː, gː/ remain voiced, inducing phonemic merger with intervocalic /b/, /d/, /g/ that issued from voicing of Latin /p/, /t/, /k/, so that all are subject to the same phonetic realization as voiced fricatives: , , and , respectively.

The term "vocalization" refers to the change from a consonant to the vowel-like sound of a glide. Some syllable-final consonants, regardless of whether they were already syllable-final in Latin or brought into that position by syncope, became glides. Labials ( b, p, v) yielded the rounded glide [w] (which was in turn absorbed by a preceding round vowel), while the velar c ([k]) produced the palatal glide [j] (which could palatalize a following [t] and be absorbed by the resulting palatal affricate). (The forms debda, cobdo, and dubdar are documented in Old Spanish; but the hypothetical forms * oito and * noite had already given way to ocho and noche by the time Castilian became a written language.)

Most Romance languages have maintained the distinction between a phoneme /b/ and a phoneme /v/: a voiced bilabial stop and a voiced, usually labiodental, fricative, respectively. Instances of the /b/ phoneme could be inherited directly from Latin /b/ (unless between vowels), or they could result from the voicing of Latin /p/ between vowels. The /v/ phoneme was generally derived either from an allophone of Latin /b/ between vowels or from the Latin phoneme corresponding to the letter ⟨v⟩ (pronounced [w] in Classical Latin but later fortified to the status of a fricative consonant in Vulgar Latin). In most Romance-speaking regions, /v/ had labiodental articulation, but in Old Spanish, which still distinguished /b/ and /v/, the latter was probably realized as a bilabial fricative . The contrast between the two phonemes was neutralized in certain environments, as the fricative [β] also occurred as an allophone of /b/ between vowels, after a vowel, and after certain consonants in Old Spanish. The similarity between the stop [b] and fricative [β] resulted in their complete merger entirely by the end of the Old Spanish period. In Modern Spanish, the letters ⟨b⟩ and ⟨v⟩ represent the same phoneme (usually treated as /b/ in phonemic transcription), which is generally realized as the fricative [β] except when utterance-initial or after a nasal consonant, when it is realized as the stop [b]. The same situation prevails in northern Portuguese dialects, including Galician, but the other Portuguese dialects maintain the distinction. The merger of /b/ and /v/ also occurs in Standard Catalan in eastern Catalonia, but the distinction is retained in Standard Valencian spoken in eastern Catalonia and some areas in southern Catalonia, in the Balearic dialect, as well as in Alguerese.

In Modern Spanish, from the 16th century onward, the choice of orthographic ⟨b⟩ or ⟨v⟩ depends mainly on the etymology of the word. The orthography attempts to mimic the Latin spelling, rather than to keep the pronunciation-based spelling of Old Spanish. Thus, Old Spanish bever "to drink", bivir/vivir "to live" become beber, vivir, respectively, following the Latin spelling bibere, vīvere. The Spanish placename Córdoba, often spelled Cordova in Old Spanish (the spelling that prevailed in English until the 20th century), now reflects the spelling used by the city's Roman founders, "Corduba".

F was almost always initial in Latin words, and in Spanish most of them passed through a stage in which the consonant eventually developed to [h] and then was lost phonologically. Spelling conventions have grapheme ⟨h⟩ used in words such as humo 'smoke', hormiga 'ant', hígado 'liver' (compare Italian fumo, formica, fegato, with /f/ intact), but in terms of both structure and pronunciation, the initial consonant has been lost: /ˈumo/, /orˈmiɡa/, /ˈiɡado/. It is thought that ⟨f⟩ represented the labiodental in Latin, which underwent a series of lenition to become, successively, bilabial and then glottal (hence the modern spelling), and it was then lost altogether in most varieties; ⟨h⟩ is assumed to have been "silent" in Vulgar Latin. The first written evidence of the process dates from 863, when the Latin name Forticius was written as Ortiço, which might have been pronounced with initial [h] but certainly not [f]. (The same name appears as Hortiço in a document from 927.) The replacement of ⟨f⟩ by ⟨h⟩ in spelling is not frequent before the 16th century, but that is thought not to reflect preservation of /f/. Rather, ⟨f⟩ was consistently used to represent /h/ until the phoneme /f/ reappeared in the language (around the 16th century, as a result of loanwords from Classical Latin). Then, it became necessary to distinguish both phonemes in spelling.

The change from /f/ to /h/ occurred in the Romance speech of Old Castile and Gascon, but nowhere else nearby. Since both areas were historically bilingual with Basque, and Basque once had [h] but no [f], it is often suggested that the change was caused by Basque influence. However, this is contested by many linguists.

Most current instances of ⟨f⟩ are either learned words (those influenced by their written Latin form, such as forma, falso, fama, feria), loanwords of Arabic and Greek origin, or words whose initial ⟨f⟩ in Old Spanish is followed by a non- vowel (⟨r⟩, ⟨l⟩, or the glide element of a diphthong), as in frente, flor, fiesta, fuerte. That, along with the effect of preservation of /f/ regionally ( Asturian fumu 'smoke', formiga 'ant', fégadu 'liver'), accounts for modern doublets such as Fernando (learned) and Hernando (inherited) (both Spanish for "Ferdinand"), fierro (regional) and hierro (both "iron"), and fondo and hondo ( fondo means "bottom" and hondo means "deep"). Also, hacer ("to make") is the rootword of satisfacer ("to satisfy"), and hecho ("made") is the rootword of satisfecho ("satisfied").

Fabulāri is translated as "make stories", opposed to its Spanish derivative hablar which means "speak" or "to talk".

'H' is originally pronounced in Classical Latin, but became silent in Vulgar Latin. Thus, words were spelled without any such consonant in Old Spanish; in Modern Spanish, from the 16th century onward, it attempts to mimic the Latin spelling rather than continue Old Spanish orthography.

During the 16th century, the three voiced sibilant phonemes-dental , apico-alveolar , and palato-alveolar (as in Old Spanish fazer, casa, and ojo, respectively) lost their voicing and merged with their voiceless counterparts: , , and (as in caçar, passar, and baxar respectively). The character ⟨ ç⟩, called ⟨c⟩ cedilla, originated in Old Spanish but has been replaced by ⟨z⟩ in the modern language.

Additionally, the affricate /t͡s/ lost its stop component, to become a laminodental fricative, [s̪]. As a result, the sound system then contained two sibilant fricative phonemes whose contrast depended entirely on a subtle distinction between their places of articulation: apicoalveolar, in the case of the /s/, and laminodental, in the case of the new fricative sibilant /s̪/, which was derived from the affricate /t͡s/. The distinction between the sounds grew in the dialects of northern and central Spain by paradigmatic dissimilation, but dialects in Andalusia and the Americas merged both sounds.

The dissimilation in the northern and central dialects occurred with the laminodental fricative moving forward to an interdental place of articulation, losing its sibilance to become . The sound is represented in modern spelling by ⟨c⟩ before ⟨e⟩ or ⟨i⟩ and by ⟨z⟩ elsewhere. In the south of Spain, the deaffrication of /t͡s/ resulted in a direct merger with /s/, as both were homorganic,[citation needed ], and the new phoneme became either laminodental [s̪] (" seseo", in the Americas and parts of Andalusia) or [θ] (" ceceo", in a few parts of Andalusia). In general, coastal regions of Andalusia preferred [θ], and more inland regions preferred [s̪] (see the map at ceceo).

During the colonization of the Americas, most settlers came from the south of Spain; that is the cause, according to almost all scholars, for nearly all Spanish-speakers in the New World still speaking a language variety derived largely from the Western Andalusian and Canarian dialects.

Meanwhile, the alveopalatal fricative /ʃ/, the result of the merger of voiceless /ʃ/ (spelled ⟨x⟩ in Old Spanish) with voiced /ʒ/ (spelled with ⟨j⟩ in some words and in others with ⟨g⟩ before ⟨e⟩ or ⟨i⟩), was moved backwards in all dialects, to become (depending on geographical variety) velar [x], uvular [χ] (in parts of Spain) or glottal [h] (in Andalusia, Canary Islands, and parts of the Americas, especially the Caribbean region).

Interchange of the liquids /l/ and /r/

One unusual feature of Spanish etymology is the way in which the liquids /r/ and /l/ have sometimes replaced each other in words derived from Latin, French and other sources. For example, Spanish milagro, "miracle", is derived from Latin miraculum. More rarely, this process has involved consonants like /d/ and /n/ (as in alma, from Latin anima). Here is an incomplete list of such words:

albedrío, "will, whim, fancy", Latin arbitrium, "judgment, decision, will"

algalia, "catheter", Ancient Greek: ἐργαλεία ergaleía, "tools"

alimaña, "pest", Latin, animalĭa, "animals"

alondra, "lark", Latin alaudula

altramuz, "lupin", Hispanic Arabic

Argelia, "Algeria (nation)"

azufre, sulfur, Latin sulphur

azul, "blue", Arabic: لازورد‎ lāzaward "lapis lazuli" (cf. medieval Latin azura, French azure)

blandir, "to brandish", French brandir

cárcel, "prison", Latin carcer (cf. English "incarcerate")

Catalina, Latin Catharina (proper name; Catarina is a learned form; i.e. loanword from Classical Latin)

chaflán, "chamfer", French chanfrein.

cilantro, "coriander", Latin coriandrum

cimbrar, "shake (a stick), sway, swish", Latin cymula, "sprout, shoot (of plant)"

coronel, "colonel", French colonel, from Italian colonnello

Cristóbal, Germanic Christoffer, from Latin Christopherus (proper name)

cuartel, "quarter", French quartier

dintel, "lintel", Old French lintel

escolta, "escort", Italian scorta

estrella, "star", from Latin stella (cf. Italian stella, French étoile)

franela, "flannel", French flanelle

frasco, "flask", Germanic flasko

guirnalda, "garland", older Spanish guirlanda, cf. French guirlande

golondrina, "swallow (bird)", Latin hirundo

lirio, "lily, iris", Latin lilium

mármol, "marble", Latin marmor

miércoles, "Wednesday", Latin Mercuri [dies], "Mercury's [day]"

milagro, "miracle", Latin miraculum

nivel, "level", Latin libellum, "little balance", from libra, "balance"

olor, "smell, scent", Latin odor

palabra, "word", Latin parabola

peligro, "danger", Latin periculum (cf. English "peril")

recluta, "recruit", French recrute

regaliz(a), "liquorice", Late Latin liquiritia

roble, "oak", Latin robur, "strong"

silo, "silo", Latin sirus from Greek siros, "pit for storing grain"

taladro, "drill", Latin tarātrum < Celtic tarātron

temblar, "tremble", Latin tremulāre

templar, "temper, warm up", Latin temperō"

tiniebla(s), "darkness", Latin tenebrae

Documents from as early as the 15th century show occasional evidence of sporadic confusion between the phoneme (generally spelled ⟨y⟩) and the palatal lateral (spelled ⟨ll⟩). The distinction is maintained in spelling, but in most dialects of Modern Spanish, the two have merged into the same, non-lateral palatal sound. Thus, for example, most Spanish-speakers have the same pronunciation for haya (from the verb haber) as for halla (from hallar). The phonemic merger is called yeísmo, based on one name for the letter ⟨y⟩.

For a long time, it was known as a trait of the Andalusian dialect, and it seems to have reached Madrid and other cities of central and northern Spain only in the last 100 years or so.[dubious ] Since more than half of the early settlers of Spanish America came from Andalusia, most Spanish-speaking regions of the Americas have yeísmo, but there are pockets in which the sounds are still distinguished. Native-speakers of neighboring languages, such as Galician, Astur-Leonese, Basque, Aragonese, Occitan and Catalan, usually do not feature yeísmo in their Spanish since those languages retain the phoneme.

A related trait that has also been documented sporadically for several hundred years is rehilamiento (literally "whizzing"), the pronunciation of as a sibilant fricative or even an affricate , which is common among non-native Spanish speakers as well. The current pronunciation varies greatly depending on the geographical dialect and sociolect (with , especially, stigmatized except at the beginning of a word). Rioplatense Spanish (of Argentina and Uruguay) is particularly known for the pronunciation of both and original . A further development, the unvoiced pronunciation , during the second half of the twentieth century came to characterize the speech of "most younger residents of Buenos Aires" and continues to spread throughout Argentina.

1. Most Spanish nouns and adjectives are thought to have evolved from the ^ accusative-case forms of their Latin source words; thus words that appear in dictionaries in their nominative forms (humerus, littera, etc.) are shown here with the accusative final -m (humerum, litteram, etc.)

2. The confusion of Latin /b/ and /v/ in Spain is demonstrated by an often-cited pun in Latin, "Beati Hispani quibus vivere bibere est" [Blessed (are the) Spaniards, for whom to live is to drink], with variants such as "Beati Hispani, dum bibere dicunt vivere". The saying seems to be not really from Roman times but from the Middle Ages or even the Renaissance. See ^ Nihil Novum sub Sole.

Boyd-Bowman, Peter (1964), Índice geobiográfico de cuarenta mil pobladores españoles de América en el siglo XVI (Vol. I), Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo

Corominas, Joan (1973), Breve diccionario etimológico de la lengua castellana, Madrid: Gredos

Cravens, Thomas D. (2002), Comparative Historical Dialectology: Italo-Romance clues to Hispano-Romance sound change, Amsterdam: John Benjamins

Erichsen, Gerald (January 27, 2018), "Languages of Spain Not Limited to Spanish: Spanish is one of four official languages", ThoughtCo

Hammond, Robert M. (2001), The Sounds of Spanish: Analysis and Application (with Special Reference to American English), Somerville, Massachusetts: Cascadilla Press, ISBN 1-57473-018-5

Lapesa, Rafael (1981) [1942], Historia de la lengua española (9th ed.), Madrid: Gredos, ISBN 84-249-0072-3, ISBN 84-249-0073-1

Lathrop, Thomas A. (2003), The Evolution of Spanish, Newark, Delaware: Juan de la Cuesta, ISBN 1-58977-014-5

Lipski, John M. (1994), Latin American Spanish, London: Longman

Lloyd, Paul M. (1987), From Latin to Spanish, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society (Memoirs, Vol. 173), ISBN 0-87169-173-6

Ostler, Nicholas (2005), Empires of the Word: A Language History of the World, New York: HarperCollins, ISBN 0-06-621086-0

Penny, Ralph (2002), A History of the Spanish Language, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-01184-6, ISBN 0-521-01184-1

Spaulding, Robert Kilburn (1971) [1943], How Spanish Grew, Berkeley: University of California Press, ISBN 0-520-01193-7

Walsh, Thomas J. (1991), "The Demise of Lenition as a Productive Phonological Process in Hispano-Romance", in Harris-Northall, Ray; Cravens, Thomas D. (eds.), Linguistic Studies in Medieval Spanish, Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, pp. 149-163

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The language known today as Spanish is derived from a dialect of spoken Latin, which was brought to the Iberian Peninsula by the Romans during the Second Punic War, beginning in 218 BC, and which evolved in central parts of the Iberian Peninsula after the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the fifth century.

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Como nuevo hablante de español, me confunden con oraciones en español y oraciones en inglés. Estoy constantemente tratando de crear una oración en español utilizando el formato inglés. Este sitio web tiene más estructuras de oración de las que estamos hablando en el Capítulo 4, pero sigo pensando que es un gran sitio web para aquellos de nosotros que necesitan un curso de actualización en la estructura de la oración en español.

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How do you construct declarative sentences, negation, and questions in Spanish? How do you connect clauses using conjunctions, and shorten dependent clauses? What do we need to pay attention to in relative clauses, conditional clauses, and indirect speech? In these pages we'll explain everything you need to know about constructing Spanish sentences.

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Las oraciones simples en español son más fáciles y un poco más sencillas para un estudiante español. Las oraciones compuestas no deberían ser difíciles, pero en un idioma diferente pueden ser confusas. Este slideshow es denso, pero también tiene mucha información excelente sobre oraciones compuestas.

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COMPOUND SENTENCES IN SPANISH SULLY SILVA YENNY CADENA

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Hay muchos usos diferentes para el pronombre "se". Este video es un poco largo, pero enseña al espectador sobre algunas de las diferentes formas de "se": impersonal, reflexivo y pasivo. Las caricaturas que acompañan a las oraciones realmente ayudan a entenderlo. Algunas personas son aprendices visuales y este video lo ayudará.

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How to use "se" in spanish - the most confusing word

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Siempre he tenido problemas con los pronombres de objeto indirecto. Este sitio web ayuda a dividir la enseñanza de los pronombres indirectos en secciones. Al final de la última sección, hay un cuestionario que puedes tomar para probar tus habilidades. He encontrado este sitio web muy útil en el pasado para diferentes temas.

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1. The written lesson is below.

2. Links to quizzes, tests, etc. are to the left.

The indirect object (IO) tells us where the direct object (DO) is going.

The indirect object answers the question "To whom?" or "For whom?" the action of the verb is performed.

Sentences that have an indirect object usually also have a direct object. Remember, the IO tells us where the DO is going. Notice how the sentences below just wouldn't work without a direct object.

He gives María . . .
the book, the pen, the diamond, etc.

He buys me . . .
flowers, candy, an ironing board, etc.

Sometimes the direct object is not stated; rather it is implied, or understood.

My mother writes me every week.
DO=letter (understood)
IO=me
(My mother writes me a letter every week.)

She told him.
DO=it (understood)
IO=him
(She told it to him.)

To identify the indirect object use our two guidelines:

1. The IO tells us where the DO is going.

2. The IO answers the question "to whom?" or "for whom" the action of the verb is performed.

When a pronoun takes the place of the name of the indirect object, use the following pronouns:

In an affirmative statement with one verb, the indirect object pronoun comes immediately before the conjugated verb.

Now, focus in on one part of each of the previous examples:

Juan me compra un regalo.
John buys (for) me a gift.

Juan te compra un regalo.
John buys (for) you a gift.

Juan le compra un regalo.
John buys (for) her a gift.

Juan nos compra un regalo.
John buys (for) us a gift.

Juan os compra un regalo.
John buys (for) you-all (familiar) a gift.

Juan les compra un regalo.
John buys (for) them a gift.

Let's extract the IO phrase and its English equivalent:

Just like with the direct object, the indirect object presents a problem if one tries to translate word-for-word:

Juan me compra un regalo.
John for me he buys a gift.

The key to learning to use the indirect object pronouns is the same as the key for direct object pronouns. You must learn to think in phrases, not words. The phrases consist of a pronoun and a conjugated verb. In the following examples, note that the IO remains the same, while the subject of the phrase changes.

The IO pronouns le and les present a special problem because they are ambiguous. That is, they can stand for different things.

The following sentences, while grammatically correct, are ambiguous:

Ella le escribe una carta.
Ella les escribe una carta.

Out of context, there is no way we can know the meaning.

Ella le escribe una carta.
She writes him a letter.
She writes her a letter.
She writes you (formal) a letter.

Since le and les can mean more than one thing, a prepositional phrase is often added to remove the ambiguity.

Ella le escribe a Juan una carta.
Ella le escribe a su hermana una carta.
Ella le escribe a usted una carta.

Ella les escribe a sus padres una carta.
Ella les escribe a ustedes una carta.

Sometimes a prepositional phrase is added not for clarity, but rather for emphasis.

Juan me da a mí el dinero.
John gives me the money.
(emphasizing that the money is given to me and not to someone else)

Juan te da a ti el dinero.
John gives you the money. (emphasis on you)

There is no ambiguity in the following sentence. It can only mean one thing.

Juan me da el dinero.
John gives me the money.

The addition of a prepositional phrase merely adds emphasis.

Let's sum up the important points of this lesson:

The IO tells us where the DO is going.

The IO answers the question "to whom" or "for whom."

Sentences that have an IO usually also have a DO

Sometimes the DO is not stated, but rather is implied, or understood.

The IO pronouns are: me, te, le, nos, os, les.

Place the pronoun before the conjugated verb.

Think in phrases, do not translate word-for-word.

Le and les are ambiguous.

Prepositional phrases are often used for clarity and for emphasis.

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Indirect Object Pronouns: Part I - StudySpanish.com

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Learn how to identify an Indirect Object in Spanish and how to use the indirect object pronouns in affirmative sentences and the use of "le" and "les".

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Este gráfico de Tiempos Indicativos será muy útil para categorizar los tiempos sin confundirse. La mayoría de la gente sólo puede recordar pretérito e imperfecto, pero este tiene también simples y compuestos. Presente progresivo (también conocido como Pretérito Perfecto) y Compuesto Futuro son los que son un poco difíciles de recordar. Probablemente voy a descargar un gráfico que tiene todas las terminaciones para cada uno también.

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Prefijo palabras y
palabras sufijo son una parte importante de la morfología. Añadirlas crea
palabras nuevas que pueden significar algo diferente o igual. Este diagrama
divide a los dos y permite al lector tener ejemplos, como el resto de los
gráficos, con el fin de comprender mejor o aprender. Yo soy en su mayoría una
persona "gráfico". Me ayudan inmensamente.

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Este cuadro tiene todos los diferentes morfemas, que serán útiles cuando estudien, o echen un vistazo, para el examen. Antes de esta clase, no sabía acerca de morfemas, por lo que este gráfico me ayuda a separar mis pensamientos y ser menos confuso. Esta será otra carta que imprimiré. Los colores también ayudan a diferenciar las categorías.

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Las palabras simples son fáciles de recordar, pero las Palabras Compuestas y las Palabras Derivadas que requieren un poco más de atención. Este gráfico se imprimirá y estudiará junto con las hojas de trabajo de los capítulos que se han trabajado en clase.

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Esta sílaba tiene todas las sílabas españolas para que alguien pueda estudiar. Algunos estudiantes pueden encontrar que es más fácil memorizar las reglas de la sílaba para romper una palabra en sílabas, pero eso puede ser demasiado complicado para algunos. En su lugar, el estudiante puede trabajar para memorizar las diferentes sílabas que aparecen en esta tabla. De esa manera pueden distinguir rápidamente. Probablemente pondré estos en Quizlet.

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Es importante, al estudiar lingüística, entender las diferentes palabras del vocabulario. Una parte de esto es aprender los diferentes símbolos alófonos. Este cuestionario es importante, al estudiar lingüística, para entender las diferentes palabras del vocabulario. Una parte de esto es aprender los diferentes símbolos alófono. Este cuestionario se pone junto con el alófono y los puntos de articulación.

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Start studying Alofonos. Learn vocabulary, terms, and more with flashcards, games, and other study tools.

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Este breve video ayuda a explicar al espectador las diferencias en alófonos y fonemas. Tiene numerosos ejemplos y es un vídeo lindo y corto que es fácil de entender para el espectador. Estaba teniendo dificultades para distinguir entre los dos y este video me ayudó a entender mejor.

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Español 423 videoclip-- Created using PowToon -- Free sign up at http://www.powtoon.com/youtube/ -- Create animated videos and animated presentations for free. PowToon is a free tool that allows you to develop cool animated clips and animated presentations for your website, office meeting, sales pitch, nonprofit fundraiser, product launch, video resume, or anything else you could use an animated explainer video.

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Las acentuaciones son mucho más difíciles de entender para algunas personas en español que en inglés. Este cuadro explica las diferentes categorías de las reglas de acentuaciones. Es muy claro y categorizado muy bien. Es fácil de entender y es algo que se puede imprimir y colocar en una carpeta para una rápida visualización.

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La estudia de Saussure es un poquito complejo para mí por eso me tuve que busque para un artículo simple.  Esto articulo corto es explicar las teorías de Saussure y las definiciones de “unidades lingüísticas”, “la imagen de sonido” y “conceptos” en las explicaciones más fáciles. Para Saussure, un unidad lingüística tiene dos conceptos en el composición: el concepto y el imagen de sonido.

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Due to his theories on the structure of language, the Swiss linguist, Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913) is often known as the founder of modern linguistics.

In order to understand Saussure's linguistic theories, you have to be able to grasp the basics of his psycho-linguistic terminology and his explanation of the nature of language units.

Understanding the basic concepts of his linguistic theory is not only essential for linguistic students, but for anyone studying semiotics, or the use of various types of signs to communicate. Semiotics is also a basic element in film theory studies.

In Saussure's Course in General Linguistics, a book summarising his lectures at the University of Geneva from 1906 to 1911, he explained the relationship between speech and the evolution of language, investigating language as a structured system of signs.

It is important to note that Saussure perceived a linguistic unit to be a 'double entity,' meaning that it is composed of two parts. He viewed the linguistic unit as a combination of:

1. a concept or meaning

2. a sound-image

Linguistic Units and Sound - Images are Mental Impressions

The first point to understand is when Saussure mentioned 'linguistic units,' sound-images' and 'concepts,' he was referring to the mental processes that create these entities. He was not referring to spoken or written words, but to the mental impressions made on our senses by a certain 'thing.' It is our perception, or how we view this 'thing,' together with the sound system of our language that creates the two-part mental linguistic unit he referred to as a 'sign.'

Let's take for example the fairly new concept of 'Google.' The sound image, or impression in our minds is of the logo representing Google, and through our language system we know how that image sounds mentally. We know the concept or meaning associated with this 'sound impression' that 'Google' is a large search engine on the Internet. The connections between the two elements are made mentally without uttering or writing the word 'Google,' and the two parts formed are joined and become united as a mental linguistic unit. Saussure calls this two-part linguistic unit a 'sign.'

Understanding the Terms Sign, Signified and Signifier

The part of the sign Saussure calls the 'concept' or 'meaning' (mental impression/association of the 'thing') he named, 'signified.' The idea of what 'Google' is, for example, is signified. The part he calls the 'sound-image' (the mental 'linguistic sign' given to the 'thing') he named the 'signifier' - this is the sound Google's logo creates in our minds.

As Saussure explains, the connection between all 'signifiers' which are 'sound images' or 'linguistic signs' and what they are signifying - their signified object or concept - is arbitrary. In other words, there is not necessarily any logical connection between the two. Again, the word 'Google' exemplifies this well.

There is nothing in the word 'Google' that would suggest that it is a digital means of searching for information on the Internet. It is a random invented word. With the arrival of the Internet, in the waning years of Yahoo! a name, or 'sound image'/'linguistic sign' had to be created to describe a new search engine. However, now, when you see the 'linguistic unit' 'Google' (the 'sign'), you automatically connect it to its sound image, the signifier 'Google' - a ' linguistic sign ' which signifies a 'large search engine on the internet.'

Resources:

Ferdinand de Saussure. Course in General Linguistics. (1959). The Philosophical Library, New York City.

&copy Copyright 2012 Lesley Lanir, All rights Reserved. Written For: Decoded Science

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How to Decode Ferdinand de Saussure's Linguistic Unit: Sign, Signified and Signifier

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Due to his theories on the structure of language, the Swiss linguist, Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913) is often known as the founder of modern linguistics. In order to understand Saussure's linguistic theories, you have to be able to grasp the basics of his psycho-linguistic terminology and his explanation of the nature of language units.

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Yo descubrí esta juega de carta mientras busqué para una juega lingüística. Creo que el juegas de cartas son bien para la estudia de “fonética y fonología.” “El objetivo del juego es tener el larga lexicón de las palabras al fin”. Los niños o esas personas que son nueva a un lenguaje podrían usarlos.

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Noam Chomsky creo que lenguaje de un niño es heredado, pero se puede también ser un producto de su otoño. Para Chomsky, el lenguaje del niño es diferente que las otras funciones de conocimiento en la mente.  Él dijo que el niño es nacer con el conocimiento anterior de “sintaxis”.

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Robert Miskimon

Robert Miskimon is an experienced newsman and public relations/marketing professional. Miskimon is also a published novelist and freelance writer for a variety of media. He works with clients from concept, to planning, to final product, then to publication. Miskimon has received a national healthcare marketing award as well as two newspaper writing awards.

Are children born with a universal language syntax encoded, as it were, in their DNA - so that learning to speak and write is just a matter of fitting the particulars of their language into this template? Or, is language acquisition a more complex and subtle process of learning and thinking? These have been the polarities of a fierce linguistic controversy set off a half century ago by the publication of Noam Chomsky's "Syntactic Structures." That debate still rages on today.

Linguist Noam Chomsky challenged old ideas about language acquisition in his first book, "Syntactic Structures," published in 1957. He rejects the notion that all language must be learned afresh by each child. Instead, Chomsky says, normal children everywhere are born with a kind of hard-wired syntax that enables them to grasp the basic workings of language. The child then chooses the particular grammar and language of the environment from the available options in the brain.

Thus, the capacity for language is a biological inheritance and specific languages are then activated largely through the child's interaction with the native environment. It's as if the child's brain is a CD player already set to "play" language; when the CD for a certain language is inserted, that is the language the child learns.

Chomsky advanced his "government-binding" theory in a 1981 book, in which he says a child's native knowledge of syntax consists of a group of linguistic principles that define the form of any language. These principles are connected with parameters, or "switches," triggered by the child's language environment.

Chomsky emphasizes the importance of the child's genetic inheritance of the syntax imprint. For Chomsky, the "growth" of language is analogous to the growth of internal organs and arms and legs -- determined by internal mechanisms, but nourished by the environment -- whether verbal or nutritional.

Chomsky sees language development in the child as a separate aspect of knowledge, apart from the rest of cognition, or mental functioning.

Chomsky says knowing a language is synonymous with the capacity to produce an infinite number of sentences never previously spoken, and to understand sentences never before heard. This ability is what Chomsky calls the "creative aspect" of language.

Understanding the mechanics of language elucidates patterns of human thought, and places linguistics within the realm of psychology. Evidence that children are born with an understanding of syntax is the ease and facility with which they learn language, according to Chomsky.

Chomsky's concept clashes directly with that of behaviorist B. F. Skinner, who espoused the idea that language is a direct result of conditioning, and with psychologist Jean Piaget, viewed language acquisition as a part of overall cognitive development in children.

His theory that children use an innate "language acquisition device" to select a grammar from a limited range of options has come under fire. Chomsky's idea of a "generative grammar" presupposes the brain operates in a binary fashion, like a computer. Critics say this conflicts with evolutionary anthropology that views language acquisition as a gradual adaptation of the brain and vocal chords -- not a spectrum of binary choices.

In the 50 years since Chomsky's theory was first proposed, debate about the origins of language has shifted away from an emphasis on innate capabilities and toward a greater awareness of the role of learning. Language acquisition is now perceived as a process more complex than binary choices, in that this process requires more cognition, or thinking.

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Chomsky's Theory on Children's Language Development

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Are children born with a universal language syntax encoded, as it were, in their DNA - so that learning to speak and write is just a matter of fitting the particulars of their language into this template? Or, is language acquisition a more complex and subtle process of learning and thinking?

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Yo eligió este articulo porque es una interesante interpretación de la definición de “onomatopeya”. El articulo está diciendo que sin onomatopeya o las palabras de los sonidos, la experiencia del lector seria muy diferente. El articulo states that el escrita de los diferentes lenguajes es diferente. Por ejemplo, un perro en inglés es “bow wow” pero en español es “guau”. Esta es una herramienta buena para enseñar los niños sobre que especifico tipo de la palabra y la acción de ver y la acción de oír el sonido.

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If a tree falls in the forest in a comic book, but no one is around to write <krrrASH>, does it make a sound?

Comics are a visual medium, but sound is an essential element of the "imaginary space" their creators are building, at least according to Lee Marrs, author of the Pudge, Girl Blimp series and a "founding mommy" of Wimmen's Comix. A comic with the sound effects removed might be a significantly different reading experience, almost as though a central character had been excised.

Marrs notes that representations of sound in comics are emblematic of the art form, and over time, a canon of onomatopoeia has developed. As with any transcription, these spellings are constrained by a language's sounds and its writing system(s), so onomatopoeic words for the same sound, a barking dog or creaking floorboard, often differ from language to language. When comics are translated, the sound effects are usually converted as well.

Writing for a wide audience in comics like Wonder Woman and Batman, Marrs tended to use the standardized forms, but comparing her personal comics with the more mainstream collaborations, Marrs says, "You hear things and see things that are going on and decide more organically how to represent them."

Sometimes it's an artistic decision to tweak an old sound word or imagine an entirely new one, and sometimes the familiar vocabulary of comics onomatopoeia doesn't provide an obvious option.

Ryan North, writer of The Unbeatable Squirrel Girl, among other things, considers a script incomplete without sound effects. He explains how he finds the right spelling for novel sounds like the "language" of squirrels:

The secret to this is having a room you can be alone in, trying to make the sounds yourself, and seeing what comes out. It's similar to if you're writing a character talking with their mouth full: the only way I know to transcribe that is to stuff my fist in my mouth and write down what sounds I make when I try to talk. For Squirrel Girl I've watched a lot of squirrel videos on YouTube and tried to transcribe what noises they make, but I'm not sure I'm there yet. I am trying to up my squirrel noises game. The trick is you want something that reads as "squirrel noise" but that isn't too long or distracting. I've settled on "chit chuk chitty" style noises for now since they read easily, but I could see going to more "chhhhhtkkt" in the future. It hasn't been standardized yet, you know? We all know Wolverine's claws go "SNIKT" when they come out, but there isn't such a long and proud tradition for squirrel chatter. YET.

These representations of sound, standardized or novel, must consider not just the spelling, but visual cues suggestive of sound qualities.

Marrs explains two basic indicators: the louder the sound, the larger the word; and repetition of letters shows duration. These principles can also be applied to some extent to, say, a text message, whereas the medium of comics allows a degree of freedom to graphically imbue a sound word with expression, from a delicate pizzicato to a bone-rattling sonority. The color, shape, and weight of the lettering may hint at timbre or physical characteristics of whatever is making the noise.

But faithful transcription doesn't always drive the choice of a sound word and its particular representation. Ben Towle, author of the Web comic, mentions other considerations. On spelling: "I just make up something that looks [good] and reads well."

And on choosing the right words:

I try for words that evoke sounds, but I also take into account that those words create a rhythm when read on a page. I try to establish a nice sequence of varying words, typefaces, colors, and sizes whenever I can.

From Oyster War, courtesy of Ben Towle

And on capturing a specific sound in visual form:

Designing your sound effects lettering so that the reader "hears" the sound when reading seems like a logical approach-and I'm sure that's the intent behind a lot of the most commonly used sounds in comics-but I'm not positive that's how they actually function. I know I for sure don't really hear sounds in my head as I read comics. I think they work more just as a "this thing is making a noise" indicator-in the same way that a curvy word balloon indicates, "this is something a character is thinking." I'm thinking, for example, about sound effects like "SHATTER!" That's not so much an actual connotation of a particular sound, but rather an indication that something has broken and is making a sound in the process.

As Towle notes, sound effects are loaded with more information than just what a thing sounds like. Among the diversity of form and function, they can often clarify the events in a panel by enhancing an action that is hard to capture in a still image. A sound might suggest degree or severity, for example, of an impact. Other important storytelling information can only be communicated through sound. It might be important, for example, to indicate the origin of a noise by its position in the panel or with a "tail" pointing to the source.

Effects like <SHATTER!> emphasize this communicative aspect. They share all of the visual trappings of more onomatopoeic effects, but are clearly descriptions of action, rather than imitations of sound. "A description functions more like a caption than it does like a sound effect," says Neil Cohn of the University of California at San Diego, and author of The Visual Language of Comics (2013). Cohn developed a systematic approach to categorizing text in comics, and the sound-related subset is a new area of special interest in his research.

Art by Erica Henderson, published by Marvel Comics

Cohn ventures that because standardized sound effects become associated with certain actions, they may make comics easier to understand, especially compared with unfamiliar sound words. This echoes Marrs' approach to mainstream comics. Savvy readers recognize that <BIFF> suggests both the sound and action of a punch landing, but not a kick or slap, and certainly not an explosion or gunshot.

A visit to the friendly neighborhood comic shop, or a cup of coffee with the Sunday funnies will reveal remarkable variety in the representations of sound, a result of singular aesthetics and the many competing objectives. But one motive seems to often trump them all. As Marrs puts it, "You're looking to make things funny."

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where do sound effects in comics come from

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If a tree falls in the forest in a comic book, but no one is around to write , does it make a sound? Comics are a visual medium, but sound is an essential element of the "imaginary space" their creators are building, at least according to Lee Marrs, author of the Pudge, Girl Blimp series and a "founding mommy" of Wimmen's Comix.

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Este sitio web ofrece una breve historia de los diferentes dialectos de español. Es interesante saber por qué tantas personas suenan diferentes cuando hablan el mismo idioma. Hasta esta clase, siempre pensé que solo había español en México y español en España; ¡No es que haya otros también! Realmente disfruté este capítulo del libro y la conferencia.

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Even within a single language or language group there may be major differences in speech. The term dialect refers to those differences in intonation and pronunciation - and even words and expressions that exist in some branches of a language while absent in others.

Spanish has a rich history that spans continents and epochs, and offers a prime launching point for examining the origins and proliferation of dialects. What follows is a basic explanation of the ten major Spanish dialects, where they are spoken, and how they differ:

SPAIN (Peninsular Spanish):

Castilian
This term applies to the official Spanish language, spoken in northern and central Spain.

Andalusian
This dialect, spoken in southern Spain, is the second-most popular in the country after Castilian. However it differs greatly from northern Spanish in the ceceo/seseo distinction, the emission ("elision") of the consonants 'd' and 'r', the aspiration of the consonant 's' at the end of words, and the dropping of final consonants. These factors result in a softer and more fluid sound than that of other Spanish dialects.

Murcian
This dialect is spoken in the Autonomous Region of the Community of Murcia in the southeast of Spain.

Distinct Language Groups
There also exist several distinct language groups in Spain: Catalan, the official language of Andorra and spoken in parts of northern Spain; Basque, the language isolate of an autonomous Spanish community in the Pyrenees; Galician, the Portuguese-influenced language of Galicia, in northwestern Spain; and Extremaduran, a three-branched language spoken in the autonomous community of Extremadura of western Spain.

Canary Islands:

Canarian
The dialect of the Spanish Canary Islands closely resembles the Caribbean Spanish dialect, characterized by the aspirated 's', elided consonants, and the pronunciation of the letter 'h.' The Canarian vocabulary is also heavily influenced by Portuguese due to Portugal's efforts to colonize the islands.

Gibralter:

Llanito
Llanito is a combination of Andalusian Spanish and British English. The existence of Gibraltar as a British overseas territory results in this peculiar language combination.

The Americas:

Latin American Spanish
This is the dialect of urban mainland Mexico, Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, and the majority of Central and South American countries. While there are differences in how Spanish is spoken amongst people in these countries, Latin American Spanish is usually referred to as thus in order to differentiate between it and the Spanish spoken in Spain. The difference is similar to English as it is spoken in England vs the U.S.; U.S. English speakers can understand each other with little effort even though someone from the Midwest speaks very differently than a person from the Northeast or a person from the Southeast.

Rioplatense Spanish
This dialect is spoken in the River Basin region between Argentina and Uruguay, as well as in both countries. The predominant difference between Rioplatense and other Spanish dialects is the intonation of its speakers, which resembles Italian more so than Spanish. The 19th-century saw many Italian immigrants to this region and particularly to Buenos Aires.

Caribbean Spanish
This dialect is spoken in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and along the East coast of Mexico and Central America; it is characterized by elided middle consonants and omitted final consonants, as well as an aspirated 'r' that is pronounced like the Portuguese 'x.'

Africa:

Equatoguinean Spanish
This dialect represents the only official Spanish spoken in Africa; it has incorporated some vocabulary and pronunciation patterns from both native Guineans and immigrant Germans of Cameroon.

Coda
When you decide to take those Spanish lessons, whether it's for professional reasons, or if you want to travel, you will probably want to find out from your instructor or program director about the dialects they offer. Most of the time, the answer you'll hear is Castillian. That will be great about 98% of the time, but take the geographic, and cultural information in context, and make an informed decision! ALTA offers online language training to businesses and government agencies, so feel free to contact us for information.

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10 Spanish Dialects: How Spanish is Spoken Around the World - ALTA Language Services

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Even within a single language or language group there may be major differences in speech. The term dialect refers to those differences in intonation and pronunciation - and even words and expressions that exist in some branches of a language while absent in others. Spanish has a rich history that ...