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The vocational model of education grew out of Cold War fears after Sputnik in 1957. It was also reinforced by "A Nation at Risk" in 1983. It centers on STEM, job readiness, and preparing students to "compete in a global economy" (Allen). Allen critiques this approach because it narrows the purpose of education to workforce training and ignores the civic mission of schools, often reinforcing inequality. (Allen 9-10)

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The civic approach argues that education should prepare students to be capable citizens, not just workers. Allen defines civic agency as involving deliberation, prophetic "frame shifting," and fair fighting for causes. Humanities and liberal arts are key because they develop critical thinking, persuasion, ethics, and judgment. Allen argues that political equality is the foundation for distributive justice (Allen 10-12)

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The National Academy of Sciences: "An educated, innovative, motivated workforce, human capital, is the most precious resource of any country in this new, flat world" (Allen 9).

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President Obama declared: "Computer Science for All... students job-ready on day one" (Allen 10).

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French economist Thomas Piketty wrote: "The poor catch up with the rich to the extent that they achieve the same level of technological knowhow, skill, and education" (Allen 9).

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In the Campaign for Fiscal Equity case, the court ruled that students need an education that enables them to follow "complex ballot propositions" and "DNA evidence at trial" (Allen 8).

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Allen highlights: "Such equality as the world has managed to achieve... can often be traced to the operations of these human capacities [verbal empowerment and social analysis]" (Allen 12)

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Data shows that 92.8% of humanities graduates voted at least once, compared to 83.5% of STEM graduates (Allen 12).

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Allen calls for protecting civic education as a constitutional right, reinvesting in humanities and social sciences, and balancing the vocational and civic approaches. Schools should prepare students to vote capably, serve on juries, deliberate in public debates, and shape policies that promote fairness (Allen 12-13).

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Allen doesn’t suggest choosing between civic or vocational goals, but rather blending them into one balanced system. She writes, “We cannot sustain democracy without participatory readiness, nor can we sustain prosperity without vocational readiness” (Allen 12). Her holistic model combines job preparedness with civic empowerment, creating education that serves both democracy and the economy. This model treats students as whole human beings whose skills must benefit both society and themselves (Allen 12–13).

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Both civic and vocational readiness depend on fairness and equality in opportunity. Allen explains that “political equality is the ground of all distributive justice” (10). This means the economy cannot function justly without equal civic participation.

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Allen’s argument centers on educating “whole human beings.” She believes education must cultivate moral reasoning, technical ability, and civic responsibility together (Allen 12). This approach values career success and social contribution equally.

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Allen’s vision shows that education has two intertwined purposes: preparing workers and forming citizens. When the two are treated separately, both democracy and the workforce suffer.

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Critics argue that civic education is less measurable or practical than vocational training. Allen responds that democratic fairness is the foundation of every other success: “Without civic learning, vocational success benefits only the privileged” (Allen 13). Education’s goal should be balanced, economic growth supported by justice and inclusion.

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After Sputnik (1957), the U.S. poured funding into STEM fields to compete globally. A Nation at Risk (1983) framed education as an economic issue, warning that a “rising tide of mediocrity” threatened national security (Allen 9). This narrowed focus to workforce training, sidelining civic and ethical education.

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In the CFE case, Judge Leland DeGrasse ruled that students must be able to analyze “complex ballot propositions” and “DNA evidence at trial” (Allen 8). This case confirmed that civic understanding is not optional, it’s part of constitutional readiness for democracy.

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Allen cites economist Joseph Stiglitz, who states that “inequality has been a choice” made through policy decisions (Allen 8). Without civic education, citizens lack the awareness to challenge such choices. This shows why vocational training alone cannot solve inequality, it’s a political problem requiring political understanding.

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If inequality is a choice, who gets to make that choice, and how can education change that?

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If inequality is a choice, who gets to make that choice, and how can education change that?

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How do today’s education policies reflect Allen’s idea of the "whole human being"?

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How do today’s education policies reflect Allen’s idea of the "whole human being"?