# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
German Empire (1871-1918) History. Every Year. EUROPE ONLY.

# data[].attributes.body
he was born on April 1, 1815, and he died on July 30, 1898, his full name was Otto Eduard Leopold, and his wife was Johanna von Puttkamer (birth 1847 -died 1884) he was German and Prussian, he was Minister President of Prussia  he has written 2 books

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
born:

April 1, 1815, Schönhausen, Altmark, Prussia [Germany]

...(Show more)

died:

July 30, 1898, Friedrichsruh, near Hamburg (aged 83)

...(Show more)

Early years

Bismarck was born at Schönhausen, in the Kingdom of Prussia. His father, Ferdinand von Bismarck-Schönhausen, was a Junker squire descended from a Swabian family that had ultimately settled as estate owners in Pomerania. Ferdinand was a typical member of the Prussian landowning elite. The family's economic circumstances were modest-Ferdinand's farming skills being perhaps less than average-and Bismarck was not to know real wealth until the rewards flowed in after the achievement of German unification. His mother, Wilhelmine Mencken, came from an educated bourgeois family that had produced a number of higher civil servants and academics. She had been married to Ferdinand von Bismarck at age 16 and found provincial life confining. When her son Otto was seven, she enrolled him in the progressive Plamann Institute in Berlin and moved to the capital to be near him. The young Bismarck resented exchanging an easy life in the country for a more circumscribed life in a large city, where in school he was pitted against the sons of Berlin's best-educated families. He spent five years at the school and went on to the Frederick William gymnasium for three years. He took his university entrance examination ( Abitur) in 1832.

With his mother's encouragement, he took up the study of law at the University of Göttingen in the kingdom of Hanover. Evidently Bismarck was a mediocre student who spent much of his time drinking with his comrades in an aristocratic fraternity. After a brief stint at the university in Berlin, he entered the Prussian civil service, where he was plagued by boredom and an inability to adhere to the hierarchical principles of the bureaucracy. His mother's death in 1839 gave him the opportunity of resigning in order to come to the assistance of his father, who was experiencing financial difficulties in the management of his estate. From 1839 to 1847 Bismarck lived the ordinary life of a Prussian country squire. Subsequently he romanticized these years on the land and wondered why he had abandoned an idyllic existence for the insecurities of a life in politics. This frequently expressed nostalgia may have been more guise than reality.

During this period he met and married Johanna von Puttkamer, the daughter of a conservative aristocratic family famed for its devout pietism. While courting Johanna, Bismarck experienced a religious conversion that was to give him inner strength and security. A subsequent critic was to remark that Bismarck believed in a God who invariably agreed with him on all issues. There is no question that the marriage was a very happy one. In fact, Bismarck's last words before dying in 1898 expressed the wish that he would once again see Johanna, who had passed away some years earlier.

His politics during the 1840s did not diverge substantially from those of a typical country squire. If anything, his politics were more conservative. He believed in a Christian state that received its sanction ultimately from the deity. The existing social and political order was to be defended in order to prevent a Hobbesian chaos of all against all. Given his views, Bismarck was welcomed as a member of the religious conservative circle around the brothers von Gerlach, who were stout defenders of the noble estate against the encroachments of bureaucratic centralization. Bismarck had nothing but sarcasm for aristocratic liberals who viewed England as a model for Prussia. In 1847 he attended the Prussian United Diet, where his speeches against Jewish emancipation and contemporary liberalism gained him the reputation of a backwoods conservative, out of touch with the dynamic forces of his age.

Bismarck's response to the liberal revolution that swept through Europe in 1848 confirmed his image as a reactionary. He opposed any concessions to the liberals and expressed contempt for the king's willingness to bargain with the revolutionaries. He even considered marching his peasants to Berlin to free Frederick William IV from the baneful influence of the rebels. With other archconservatives, including Ernst Ludwig von Gerlach, he began contributing to the Kreuzzeitung newspaper (1848) as an organ of antirevolutionary sentiment.

For Bismarck's future role, it is important to understand his analysis of the revolution. He identified the forces of change as confined solely to the educated and propertied middle class. The vast majority of Prussians, however, were peasants and artisans, who, in Bismarck's view, were loyal monarchists. The task of the forces of order was to confirm the loyalty of these two groups by means of material concessions. The economic policies of the urban middle-class radicals were rooted in pure self-interest, he maintained. The radicals would spur industrial growth at the expense of the lower middle class and the farm population. Ultimately, even the middle class itself might be won over by tactical concessions and success in foreign policy. This strategic and opportunist thinking distanced Bismarck from the ideological conservatives, who were wedded to traditional concepts of authority. His vision of a manipulative state that sustained its power by rewarding obedient groups remained with him throughout his political career.

Early career

In 1849 he was elected to the Prussian Chamber of Deputies (the lower chamber of the Prussian Diet) and moved his family to Berlin. At this stage he was far from a German nationalist. He told one of his fellow conservatives, "We are Prussians, and Prussians we shall remain.... We do not wish to see the Kingdom of Prussia obliterated in the putrid brew of cosy south German sentimentality." In 1851 Frederick William IV appointed Bismarck as the Prussian representative to the federal Diet in Frankfurt, a clear reward for his loyalty to the monarchy.

With the defeat of the revolution in central Europe, Austria had reasserted its supremacy in the German Confederation, and Bismarck, being an archconservative, was assumed to support the status quo, which included Austrian hegemony. He lived in Frankfurt for eight years, where he experienced a commercial and cultural environment quite different from that of a Prussian estate.

It was in Frankfurt that Bismarck began to reassess his view of German nationalism and the goals of Prussian foreign policy. Not only did he find the constant deference to the Austrians in Frankfurt demeaning, but he also realized that the status quo meant acceptance of Prussia as a second-rate power in central Europe. In 1854 he opposed close cooperation with Austria, arguing that it entailed "binding our spruce and seaworthy frigate to the wormy old warship of Austria." Gradually he began to consider the options that would make Prussia the undisputed power in Germany. A vision of a Prussian-dominated northern Europe and a redirection of Austrian power to the Slavic areas in the south took shape in his mind. If necessary, a war with Austria to destroy its hegemony was not to be excluded. Implementation of such a policy would be anything but conservative because it would entail radical changes in the map of Europe as it had been drawn by the conservative powers at Vienna, Austria, in 1815.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Otto von Bismarck | Biography, Significance, Accomplishments, & Facts

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Otto von Bismarck, prime minister of Prussia (1862-73, 1873-90) and founder and first chancellor (1871-90) of the German Empire whose time in office took Prussia from the weakest of the five European powers to, as the unified German Empire, the foremost military and industrial power on the Continent.

# data[].attributes.body
he was born September  15 1830 and died and July 2, 1815 his wife's name was Carmen Romero Rubio  he had 3 children he was the President of Mexico

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
This article was most recently revised and updated by

Porfiriato, the period of Porfirio Díaz's presidency of Mexico (1876-80; 1884-1911), an era of dictatorial rule accomplished through a combination of consensus and repression during which the country underwent extensive modernization but political liberties were limited and the free press was muzzled. The Díaz government, like other "progressive dictatorships" in Latin America, worked to promote railroad construction, to force reluctant peasants and indigenous groups to work on rural estates, to repress popular organizing, and in other ways to benefit the dominant elites.

During his presidency (1867-72), Benito Juárez gave Mexico its first experience of stable, good government since it won its independence from Spain in 1821, though there were those who accused him of being a dictator. Porfirio Díaz, a mestizo of humble origin and leading general during Mexico's war with the French (1861-67), became disenchanted with the rule of Juárez. In 1871 Díaz led an unsuccessful revolt against the reelection of Juárez, claiming that it had been fraudulent and demanding that presidents be limited to a single term in office. In January 1876 Díaz led another unsuccessful revolt, against Juárez's successor, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada. After then living in exile in the United States for about six months, Díaz returned to Mexico and decisively defeated government forces at the Battle of Tecoac on November 16, 1876. Having won support from a wide variety of discontented elements, Díaz took over the government and was formally elected president in May 1877.

As president, Díaz adopted a "policy of conciliation," endeavouring to end political conflicts and inviting the adherence of all important elements, including the church and the landowning aristocracy. He also began building a political machine. Because he had opposed the reelection of Tejada, Díaz stepped down as president after the end of his term, but not until he had engineered the election of an ally, Gen. Manuel González, as his handpicked successor. Dissatisfied with González's performance in office, Díaz again sought the presidency and was reelected in 1884.

Press censorship, the role of the , and foreign investment during the Porfiriato

Díaz would continue to govern Mexico until 1911. The focus of a growing cult of personality, he was reelected at the end of each term, usually without opposition. Constitutional processes were assiduously maintained in form, but in reality the government became a dictatorship. Díaz's rule was relatively mild, however, at least in contrast to 20th-century totalitarianism. Nonetheless, by the mid-1880s the Díaz regime had negated freedom of the press through legislation that allowed government authorities to jail reporters without due process and through its financial support of publications such as El Imparcial and El Mundo, which effectively operated as mouthpieces for the state. Meanwhile, the army was reduced in size, and order was maintained by an efficient police force. In particular, the Díaz regime increased the powers of the rurales, the federal corps of rural police, which became a kind of praetorian guard for the dictatorship and intimidated Díaz's political opponents.

Until near the end of his rule, Díaz seems to have retained the support of most literate Mexicans. The benefits of the Díaz regime, however, went mostly to the upper and middle classes. The mass of the population, especially in rural areas, remained illiterate and impoverished. Díaz's principal objective was to promote economic development by encouraging the introduction of foreign capital, most of it from Britain, France, and especially the United States. By 1910 total U.S. investment in Mexico amounted to more $1.5 billion. Foreign investment financed the construction of some 15,000 miles (24,000 km) of railroads. Industries, especially textiles, also were developed, and a new impetus was given to mining, especially of silver and copper. Moreover, after 1900, Mexico became one of the world's leading oil producers.

This economic growth resulted in a tenfold increase in the value per annum of foreign trade, which approached $250 million by 1910, and in a similarly vast increase in the revenue of the government. Much of the success of Díaz's economic policies was due to the científicos, a small group of officials who largely dominated the administration in its later years. Influenced by French positivist philosopher Auguste Comte, the científicos sought to solve Mexico's problems of finance, industrialization, and education through the practical application of social scientific methods, Their leader, José Yves Limantour, served as secretary of finance after 1893. If the army and the rurales were the bedrock of the Díaz dictatorship, the científicos were its intellectual window dressing. But the wealth of the científicos and their affinity for foreign capitalists made them unpopular with the rank-and-file Mexicans. On the other hand, Díaz, who personally connected little with the científicos, sought to win the favour of the uneducated masses.

Yet despite the impressive achievements of dictatorship, popular discontent began to accumulate, leading ultimately to revolution. This resultant upheaval was partly a peasant and labour movement directed against the Mexican upper classes. It was also a nationalist response to foreign ownership of much of the country's wealth. Díaz continued the La Reforma policy of breaking up the ejido (the communally held land under the traditional Indian system of land tenure) but did not take adequate measures to protect the Indians from being deprived of their holdings by fraud or intimidation. By a law of 1894, Díaz also allowed public lands to be transferred to private ownership at insignificant prices and without any limit upon the acreage that an individual might acquire. As a result, by 1910 most of the land in Mexico had become the property of a few thousand large landowners, and at least 95 percent of the rural population (some 10 million people) were without land of their own. About 5,000 Indian communities, which had held land since before the Spanish conquest, were expropriated, and their inhabitants mostly became labourers on the haciendas (large landed estates).

Díaz's agrarian policy was defended on the grounds that private ownership would promote more efficient use of the land. But, although there was a considerable increase in some commercial crops, production of basic foodstuffs remained inadequate. Indeed, despite the fact that more than two-thirds of the total population was engaged in agriculture, Mexico had to import food during the later years of the Díaz regime. Industrial workers fared better than the peasants, but they were denied the right to form unions, and on several occasions strikes were broken by government troops.

The Mexican Revolution and the end of the Porfiriato

As a consequence of these developments, socialist and anarchist ideas began to spread. Meanwhile, businesspeople and members of the Mexican middle class began to feel that Díaz had allowed foreigners to acquire too much economic power and privilege. Resentment was directed especially against the U.S. and British oil companies, who were owners of what had become the country's most valuable resource. In the autumn of 1910 a revolutionary movement was initiated by Francisco Madero, an idealistic liberal from an upper-class family. Largely because of the support of Pancho Villa, a former bandit chieftain, the revolutionaries won victories in Chihuahua. When it became apparent that Díaz, now age 80, was unable to suppress them, there were popular uprisings throughout the country. In May1911 Díaz fled into exile, and Madero was elected president. The Porfiriato had ended.
The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
Jeff Wallenfeldt.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Porfiriato | History, Facts, & Mexican Revolution

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Porfiriato, the period of Porfirio Diaz's presidency of Mexico (1876-80; 1884-1911), an era of dictatorial rule accomplished through a combination of consensus and repression during which the country underwent extensive modernization but political liberties were limited and the free press was muzzled.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
History of Italy (1861 - 2023) | Every Year

# data[].attributes.body
Giuseppe Mazzini  was born on June 22, 1805, and he died on March 10, 1872, Giuseppe Garibaldi was born on July 4, 1807, and was born June 2, 1882, they both led the revolution in 1861

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Giuseppe Mazzini, (born June 22, 1805, Genoa [Italy]-died March 10, 1872, Pisa, Italy), Genoese propagandist and revolutionary, founder of the secret revolutionary society Young Italy (1832), and a champion of the movement for Italian unity known as the Risorgimento. An uncompromising republican, he refused to participate in the parliamentary government that was established under the monarchy of the House of Savoy when Italy became unified and independent (1861).

Education and exile.

Giuseppe Mazzini was a doctor's son; his birthplace, formerly a republic, was annexed to the Kingdom of Piedmont in 1814. As a child, he gave promise of high intellectual ability, fully confirmed when he entered the University of Genoa at 14. Two years later, strongly influenced by seeing a patriot fleeing from Italy after an unsuccessful insurrection, he began to think "that we Italians could and therefore ought to struggle for the liberty of our country."

On graduating in law in 1827, he practiced as a "poor man's lawyer," wrote articles for progressive reviews, and hoped to become a dramatist or historical novelist. But his life was already shaping itself differently. His love of freedom led him to join the Carbonari, a secret society pledged to overthrow absolute rule in Italy. In 1830 he was betrayed to the police, arrested, and interned at Savona, where for three months he reviewed his political beliefs and conceived the outlines of a new patriotic movement to replace the decaying Carbonari.

When released early in 1831, he was ordered either to leave Piedmont or to live in some small town. He chose exile and went to Marseille, where his slight figure, handsome olive features, black hair and beard, and black velvet suit were soon familiar to the other Italian exiles, who accepted him as their leader. His first public gesture was an "open letter" to Charles Albert, the king of Piedmont, urging him to give Piedmont constitutional government, to lead a national movement, and to expel the Austrians from Lombardy-Venetia and their other Italian strongholds. The letter was circulated in Italy, but Charles Albert's only reaction was to threaten Mazzini with arrest if he returned to Piedmont. As a lifelong republican, Mazzini was afterward censured for this friendly approach to an autocratic sovereign; he explained that he had meant to expose Charles Albert as one who would never fight for Italian freedom.

At Marseille Mazzini spent two of his most rewarding years. He founded his patriotic movement for young men and called it Giovine Italia (Young Italy). It was designed as a national association for liberating the separate Italian states from foreign rule and fusing them into a free and independent unitary republic. Its methods were education and insurrection, and it had a moral basis derived from Mazzini's own belief in God (though he was not a Christian) and in permanent laws of progress, duty, and sacrifice. It was the first Italian democratic movement embracing all classes, for Mazzini believed that only a popular initiative could free Italy. "Neither pope nor king," he declared. "Only God and the people will open the way of the future to us."

The new movement captured the imagination of Italian youth. Branches were secretly formed in Genoa and other cities; by 1833 there were 60,000 members. Mazzini edited the propagandist journal Giovine Italia, which was smuggled into Italy with other revolutionary pamphlets. He also became the lover of a fellow exile, the beautiful Modenese widow Giuditta Sidoli.

Young Italy's attempted insurrections were failures. A projected rising in Piedmont in 1833 was discovered before it had begun; 12 conspirators were executed, one committed suicide, and Mazzini was tried in absence and condemned to death. He said prophetically, "Ideas ripen quickly when nourished by the blood of martyrs." A few months later, when he had moved to Switzerland to escape from the French police, he tried to rally 1,000 volunteers to invade Savoy (then part of the kingdom of Piedmont). Only 200 could be mustered, and the force was disbanded.

These failures destroyed Young Italy as an organization, though its spirit lived on. Mazzini turned to wider revolutionary plans, based on his faith in the brotherhood of man and his hopes for a world republican federation. He founded Young Europe and helped to establish Young Germany, Young Switzerland, and Young Poland, but his three years in Switzerland were unhappy and frustrated. Giuditta Sidoli had gone back to Italy to rejoin her children; he suffered an emotional crisis through doubts and disillusionment. In 1837 he went with a few Italian friends to live in London.

Stay in England.

England was now his real home. He lived in modest London lodgings, surrounded by books, papers, and the tame birds in which he delighted; he studied at the British Museum and wrote for English periodicals. Though he had little money, he started a school for Italian boys in London and a newspaper, Apostolato popolare ("Apostleship of the People"), in which he published part of his essay "On the Duties of Man." In 1840, with the help of Giuseppe Lamberti in Paris, he revived Young Italy, primarily as a means of building up a national consciousness among Italians everywhere. He wrote innumerable letters to his new agents in Europe and North and South America; he also became acquainted with Thomas and Jane Welsh Carlyle and other notable people.

In 1844 he was in touch with the Bandiera brothers, who made an ill-fated attempt to start a revolt in Calabria. After their execution, he told two friends who were members of Parliament of his fears that the British government was opening his letters and had passed on information about the Bandieras' plans to the Neapolitan authorities. The matter was raised in Parliament, and the government was compelled to admit that it opened private letters. There was much public indignation and widespread sympathy with Mazzini. The affair made him better known in England and brought him into contact with a notable liberal family, the Ashursts. Many English liberals supported him when he founded the People's International League in 1847.

In that year he wrote an "open letter" to the new pope, Pius IX, who had introduced liberal reforms in the Papal States. He urged the pope to unify Italy, but Pius made no comment. Mazzini returned to Italy for the first time in the revolutionary year of 1848, when the Milanese drove out their Austrian masters and Piedmont began a war to expel the Austrians from Italy. Milan welcomed him, but he was soon unpopular because he wanted Lombardy to become a republic and he thought that union with the kingdom of Piedmont, as proposed by the Milanese provisional government, was the wrong kind of pattern for the future Italy. When the Piedmontese armies withdrew and the Austrians reentered Milan, he served briefly with an irregular force under Giuseppe Garibaldi before returning to England.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Giuseppe Mazzini | Italian Revolutionary, Nationalist & Political Activist

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Giuseppe Mazzini, Genoese propagandist and revolutionary, founder of the secret revolutionary society Young Italy (1832), and a champion of the movement for Italian unity known as the Risorgimento. An uncompromising republican, he refused to participate in the parliamentary government that was

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Giuseppe Garibaldi, (born July 4, 1807, Nice, French Empire [now in France]-died June 2, 1882, Caprera, Italy), Italian patriot and soldier of the Risorgimento, a republican who, through his conquest of Sicily and Naples with his guerrilla Redshirts, contributed to the achievement of Italian unification under the royal house of Savoy.

Early life

Garibaldi's family was one of fishermen and coastal traders, and for more than 10 years he himself was a sailor. In 1832 he acquired a master's certificate as a merchant captain. By 1833-34, when he served in the navy of the kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, he had come under the influence of Giuseppe Mazzini, the great prophet of Italian nationalism, and the French socialist thinker the comte de Saint-Simon. Garibaldi, in 1834, took part in a mutiny intended to provoke a republican revolution in Piedmont, but the plot failed; he escaped to France and in his absence was condemned to death by a Genoese court.

Exile in South America

From 1836 to 1848, Garibaldi lived in South America as an exile, and these years of turmoil and revolution in that continent strongly influenced his career. He volunteered as a naval captain for the Rio Grande do Sul republic during that small state's unsuccessful attempt to break free from the Brazilian Empire. Actually, he did little more than prey on Brazilian shipping. In the course of often harrowing adventures on land and sea, he managed to elope with Anna Maria Ribeiro da Silva (Anita), a married woman, who remained his companion in arms until her death. After a succession of victories by the Brazilians in 1839-40, Garibaldi finally decided to leave the service of Rio Grande. Driving a herd of cattle, he made the long trek to Montevideo with Anita and their son. There he tried his hand as commercial traveler and teacher but could not accustom himself to civilian life. In 1842 he was put in charge of the Uruguayan navy in another war of liberation-this time against Juan Manuel de Rosas, the dictator of Argentina. The following year, again in the service of Uruguay, Garibaldi took command of a newly formed Italian Legion at Montevideo, the first of the Redshirts, with whom his name became so closely associated. After he won a small but heroic engagement at the Battle of Sant'Antonio in 1846, his fame reached even to Europe, and in Italy a sword of honour, paid for by subscriptions, was donated to him.

He was in charge of the defense of Montevideo for a short time in 1847, when he first came to the attention of Alexandre Dumas père, who later did much to foster his reputation. Garibaldi also greatly impressed other foreign observers as an honest and able man. His South American experiences gave him invaluable training in the techniques of guerrilla warfare that he later used with great effect against French and Austrian armies, which had not been taught how to counter them. These first exploits in the cause of freedom cast him in the mold of a professional rebel, an indomitable individualist who all his life continued to wear the gaucho costume of the pampas and to act as if life were a perpetual battle for liberty.

War of liberation

In April 1848 Garibaldi led 60 members of his Italian Legion back to Italy to fight for the Risorgimento, or resurrection, of Italy in the war of independence against the Austrians. He first offered to fight for Pope Pius IX, then-when his offer was refused-for Charles Albert, the king of Piedmont-Sardinia. The king, too, rebuffed him, for Garibaldi's conviction as a rebel in 1834 was still remembered; moreover, the regular army despised the self-taught guerrilla leader. Therefore, Garibaldi went to the aid of the city of Milan, where Mazzini had already arrived and had given the war of liberation a more republican and radical turn. Charles Albert, after his defeat at the hands of the Austrians at Custoza, agreed to an armistice, but Garibaldi continued in the name of Milan what had become his private war and emerged creditably from two engagements with the Austrians at Luino and Morazzone. But at the end of August, heavily outnumbered, he had to retreat across the frontier to Switzerland.

For a time Garibaldi settled down in Nice with Anita (whom he had married in 1842) and their three children, but his resolve to help free Italy from foreign rule was stronger than ever. He was confirmed in his purpose by his belief-which he and only a handful of others shared with Mazzini-that the many Italian states, though often engaged in internecine warfare, could nonetheless be unified into a single state. When Pius IX, threatened by liberal forces within the Papal States, fled from Rome toward the end of 1848, Garibaldi led a group of volunteers to that city. There, in February 1849, he was elected a deputy in the Roman Assembly, and it was he who proposed that Rome should become an independent republic. In April a French army arrived to restore papal government, and Garibaldi was the chief inspiration of a spirited defense that repulsed a French attack on the Janiculum Hill. In May he defeated a Neapolitan army outside Rome at Velletri, and in June he was the leading figure in the defense of Rome against a French siege. There was no chance at all of holding the city, but the gallantry of the resistance became one of the most inspiring stories of the Risorgimento. Refusing to accept defeat, Garibaldi led a few thousand men out of Rome and through central Italy in July 1849, maneuvering to avoid French and Austrian armies, until he reached the neutral republic of San Marino.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Giuseppe Garibaldi | Biography, Redshirts, Significance, & Facts

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Giuseppe Garibaldi, Italian patriot and soldier of the Risorgimento, a republican who, through his conquest of Sicily and Naples with his guerrilla Redshirts, contributed to the achievement of Italian unification under the royal house of Savoy. Learn more about Garibaldi in this article.