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The invisible primary for the 2020 election began in November. The democrats were unclear on who their final candidate would be at this time. On the contrary the Republican party had already had their minds set on Trump as their nominee.

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For the Democratic party Joe Biden would be running and his campaign began on April 25th, 2019.
For the Republican party Trump was the candidate and his campaign began on June 18th, 2019.

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The caucus and primary for the 2020 election took place from the months Feb.-Aug. Trump obviously won for the Republicans because he was the only candidate. For the democrats Biden took nearly all the states.

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On August 11th Biden announce he would be running with Kamala Harris and was nominated to represent the democratic party. His main competitor was Bernie Sanders.

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The Democratic National Convention was held from August 17-20. It was held at the Wisconsin Center in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. The Democratic Party chose former vice president Joe Biden to run for president and Senator Kamala Harris of California for Vice president.

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The nominees visit states and speak to there supporters, they also raise money for there campaigns. Biden began his campaigning on April 25, 2019. The Biden campaign raised $6.3 million dollars in the first 24 hours.

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The 2020 Presidential Election was on Tuesday, November 3. Biden received 306 electoral votes while Trump received 232. Biden received 51.3% of the votes with 81,284,666 and Trump received 46.9% of the votes with 74,224,319

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In order to be elected president you need 270 electoral votes from the states. Joe Biden received 306 electoral votes while Trump only received 232 electoral votes

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https://www.democracyinaction.us/2020/chrn/prep20.html

https://www.cnn.com/election/2020/primaries-and-caucuses

https://www.ncsl.org/research/elections-and-campaigns/2020-state-primary-election-dates.aspx

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Each election cycle is unique. The 2020 cycle was characterized by a very large field of Democratic hopefuls in the early stages, in part precipitated by the tenor, policies and chaos of the Trump presidency. The large Democratic field was almost the inverse of the 2016 race, when 17 Republicans vied for the GOP nomination with no clear frontrunner. In contrast to the ridiculously large early Democratic field, on the Republican side President Trump was seen as the almost inevitable nominee. The big difference from 2016 is that Trump is an incumbent president seeking re-election and has infrastructure in place to facilitate his re-election. While Democrats sort out who their nominee will be, Trump has the bully pulpit of the White House and his campaign, which really never stopped, has been building a robust operation, fully complemented by the RNC (+).

The 2020 race had an earlier start than in the last two presidential cycles and was more similar to 2007 [ recent cycles]. In the 2015-16 cycle Sen. Ted Cruz became the first major candidate to formally announce his candidacy, on Mar. 23, 2015, and the bulk of formal announcements occurred in May and June 2015. By the end of March 2019 there were already more than a dozen declared Democratic candidates, and by May over 20 had declared their candidacies. The field included six women, three African Americans, a Latino, an Asian and a gay man; there is a forty year spread between the youngest and the oldest candidate. Among the hopefuls were seven U.S. Senators, four members of the U.S. House, governors and former governors, mayors, and several individuals from the private sector.

The nascent Democratic campaigns set to work raising money, attracting talent, building organizations and staking out positions. As with a germinating sprout or seedling, this is a vulnerable time for a candidacy; negative stories can be particularly damaging in this period when more engaged citizens are forming their first impressions. Campaigns focus much of their resources on preparing for the four early state contests.

As 2019 progressed the candidates, Democratic voters and the media became more fully engaged. Various "cattle show" events afforded the candidates opportunities to make their cases to audiences of activists. Candidates sought to distinguish themselves from the crowded field and present themselves as the one who coulld make the strongest challenge to President Trump. The first Democratic debates in June and July took place over two nights to accomodate the large number of candidates, but the DNC criteria limited successive debates so that only six candidates were on stage at the final debate before the Iowa caucuses on January 14. Campaigns built up extensive field organizations in the early states and spent millions on advertising campaigns. They flooded potential voters with mail and calls. Meanwhile, behind the scenes, campaigns pursued the vital but unglamorous work of getting on state ballots and lining up full delegate slates. Along the way the field became "tier-ized." Top-tier candidates get prominent coverage, while "the rest of the field" candidates face the challenge of not being taken quite as seriously and getting less coverage and less prominent coverage.

Before the first contest in Iowa, more than a dozen Democrats had ended their bids after failing to gain traction or running out of money. While many candidates were falling by the wayside, the entry of billionaire Michael Bloomberg into the race in November could short circuit the Democrats' nominating process. From the outset Bloomberg said he would skip the four early state contests. He did not participate in the numerous multi-candidate forums that the other candidates had been engaging in over many months. Instead, in the pre-primary period, Bloomberg built up huge organizations in the Super Tuesday states, paying for top talent and investing hundreds of millions of dollars in TV advertising. According to its FEC filing, the Bloomberg campaign had spent an astounding $460 million through the end of Jan. 2020.

Once an individual has decided to run he or she can take many different approaches en route to formally announcing his or her candidacy and entering the race. In the pre-campaign period and early primary period, they may use vehicles such as leadership PACs, 527 organizations, and 501(c)(4)s to conduct pre-campaign or one could say "pseudo-campaign" activities.

Without filing with the Federal Election Commission, an individual can engage in very limited testing the waters activities such as "conducting a poll, telephone calls, and travel" for the purpose of determining whether he or she should become a candidate ( 1, 2). Although there is normally a $5,000 threshold that triggers candidate registration with the FEC, individuals can continue in "testing the waters" mode without becoming candidates provided they do not cross certain boundaries, such as referring to themselves as candidates or raising more money than is reasonably needed. If the individual does become a candidate, activities in the testing the waters period must be reported. For example, U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell (CA) was among the most active of the pre-candidates in 2017-18, financing his travel through his congressional committee.

Most often individuals forego the testing the waters phase and file with the FEC to establish an exploratory committee or a full-fledged campaign committee, which brings with it the requirement of filing reports on contributions and expenditures. Candidates are required to file a statement of candidacy and a statement of organization with the FEC (>). The committee must also be incorporated. Once an individual has established an exploratory committee it is likely, but not certain, that he or she will run. The exploratory label provides time for the candidate and the campaign team to gear up operations. Transforming an exploratory committee into a full fledged campaign committee is simply a matter of amending the statement of organization.

In terms of timing of a candidate's announcement, ultimately the candidate needs to "run his or her own race" weighing personal and professional factors. Still, outside forces are at play. The crowded field seeking to take on Trump in 2020 may have created an impetus for some candidates to get in to the race earlier than they might have wanted to. There are other reasons for a presidential hopeful to get in sooner rather than later. Long-shot candidates may figure they will need more time to build up their campaigns. Thus U.S. Rep. John Delaney (MD) announced his candidacy in July 2017 and entrepreneur Andrew Yang entered in Feb. 2018.

At the same time there are reasons why a presidential prospect may want to put off becoming a candidate for a bit. A full campaign is a grind, requiring long hours, extensive travel, incessant fundraising demands and intense media scrutiny. Taking a measured approach can allow the prospect to "line up his or her ducks." Former Vice President Joe Biden took this tack in announcing in late April 2019. From a strictly financial point of view, a later start can mean a less costly campaign. Once a hopeful launches, he or she has to give up many activities and becomes subject to the reporting requirements of the FEC. For this cycle many candidates chose to enter in the first quarter of 2019, but some held off until after the first quarter fundraising period had concluded.

Elected officials currently holding office must be mindful of their constituents. Officials who were up for re-election in 2018 avoided much overt 2020 activity until after Nov. 6. Governors have their full range of executive responsibilities to tend to. For example, in the first part of 2019, potential candidate Gov. Steve Bullock (D-MT) was wrestling with Medicaid expansion in his home state which forced him to cancel a New Hampshire trip and he wanted to get through the legislative session. Senators and congressmen must balance missing votes with the need to be out on the trail.

In several instances, health issues affected the timing of a candidate's announcement. Sen. Michael Bennet was treated for prostate cancer, while former U.S. Rep. Joe Sestak tended to cancer in his daughter and former Gov. Deval Patrick delayed his bid due to cancer in his wife.

Also affecting calculations are filing deadlines and the dates of the first contests. In the 2008 and 2012 cycles, the Iowa caucuses were held on January 3. The national parties have reined in the frontloading push, so the 2016 Iowa caucuses were held on February 1 and the 2020 Iowa caucuses on February 3.

There were several late entrants: retired Adm. and former U.S. Rep. Joe Sestak (June 22), investor Tom Steyer (July 9), former Gov. Deval Patrick (Nov. 14) and former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg (Nov. 24). The Patrick and Bloomberg announcements were very late. Late entrants from recent cycles include Gov. Rick Perry (R-TX) (Aug. 13, 2011) former Sen. Fred Thompson (R-TN) (Sept. 6, 2007), and Gen. Wesley Clark (D) (Sept. 17, 2003). In his successful 1992 campaign Gov. Bill Clinton (D) announced on Oct. 4, 1991.

The Announcement

Some candidates have a tendency to draw their announcements out and try to milk as much publicity out of them as possible. For example, a pre-candidate may appear on a talk show or late night program, drop the news that he or she plans to establish an exploratory committee, then some days or weeks later get a bit more news by actually establishing an exploratory committee, and then still later on formally announce that he or she is a full-fledged candidate. Relatively few candidates took the exploratory route in the 2019-20 cycle. The most common scenario for the 2020 Democrats was to release an announcement video and follow it sometime later with an actual annoucement event.

A candidate's announcement event is full of symbolism (+). Everything from the location to the introductory speakers can help convey the message. Surrounded by family and cheering supporters, the candidate outlines the themes that he or she will call upon repeatedly during the course of the campaign. Candidates usually do an extensive round of media appearances in conjunction with their announcements. Many candidates will do an announcement tour, delivering the same or similar speeches at stops in key states. There is no requirement that a candidate do any kind of announcement event, but it is a nice way to set out the tone and objectives of a campaign. The problem with a big announcement event is the attention only lasts for one news cycle. Thus some candidates opt to forego the expense and trouble of a formal announcement event and simply announce their campaigns in media appearances or via web video.

In addition to those who enter the race, there are those who decide not to run. One can recall a number of examples of potential candidates who came quite close to entering the race before pulling the plug. Most famously in Dec. 1991 then-Gov. Mario Cuomo (D-NY) had a chartered plane ready to take him to New Hampshire before announcing that he would not run due to the demands of governing New York. This cycle Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-OH) seemed poised to run. He focused on his re-election campaign in 2018, waiting until after Election Day to ramp up his activity through his America Works PAC. Brown "campaigned" for several months on the theme of the "Dignity of Work" before his surprise announcement on Mar. 7, 2019 that he would not run.

Candidates file two forms with the FEC:
Form 1 is the Statement of Organization and Form 2 is the Statement of Candidacy.
This table shows the dates the Form 2s were filed, i.e. received, by the FEC.
The DNC also had candidates sign a"Presidential Candidate Written Affirmation."

Seemingly every presidential cycle, there is discussion about the possibility that a credible independent candidate could emerge, but by the end of the primary season it never happens. In the 2016 cycle former Sen. Jim Webb (D) had a look at an independent run as did former Mayor Michael Bloomberg. This cycle attention focused on former Starbucks executive chairman Howard Schultz (+). In June 2018 Schultz left his position at Starbucks, and his appearance on the Jan. 27, 2019 CBS News'"60 Minutes" crystallized matters. "I am seriously thinking of running for president," Schultz stated. "I will run as a centrist independent outside of the two-party system." However, he did not seem to be attracting much support, health issues intervened, and on Sept. 6 he formally ended the effort.

In recent cycles there has also been talk of a unity ticket. In 2011 the group Americans Elect set a goal of achieving ballot status in all 50 states; it aimed to "nominate a nonpartisan ticket that puts country before party, and American interests before special interests." The effort showed promise but proved to be a fiasco (+).

The contacts and networks built up during the pre-campaign period provide a starting point for building campaign organizations. A large pool of talent is available from 2018 mid-term election campaigns. In addition to their national campaign teams, candidates must also build organizations in key states. Intense efforts and resources are focused on the four early states of Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina, although some candidates' strategies may involve bypassing or emphasizing one or more of those states.

Race for Money

Central to this building phase is money. Before the first vote is cast in a caucus or primary, candidates engage in " the money primary." They must bring in enough money to hire talent, open offices, sustain their organizations and spread their messages. Early money is particularly important, and campaigns seek to put the best possible spin on their early fundraising numbers. Under the law, an individual can contribute up to $2,800 to a candidate for federal office for a primary (+), but the campaigns particularly prize small dollar donations as evidence of grassroots support. In his 2016 campaign Sen. Bernie Sanders made much of his average contribution of a bit more than $27 (>). Most or all of the Democratic candidates are eschewing money from PACs and federal lobbyists, but some have gone further. For example, many have signed on to a "no fossil fuel money pledge (+)." Vowing equal access for anyone who joins her campaign, Sen. Elizabeth Warren ruled out high dollar fundraising events and call time to solicit wealthy donors (+), sort of an anti-Clinton approach.

The Democratic field largely took shape during the first quarter of 2019, and the campaigns' Q1 FEC reports, covering Jan. 1-Mar. 30, 2019 and due on April 15, gave an early indication of how they were faring. Finance reports for the second quarter, due on July 15 showed Mayor Pete Buttigieg, former Vice President Joe Biden, Sen. Elizabeth Warren and Sen. Bernie Sanders did well. Sanders, Warren and Buttigieg also did well in the third quarter 2019. In addition to considering how much a campaign has raised, it is also important to look at its "burn rate," or how much it is spending.

The 2020 Democratic candidates by and large discouraged the formation of nominally independent super PACs, which can raise and spend unlimited sums in support of a candidate. The pro-Biden Unite the Country was most active. A couple of pro-Booker super PACs, Dream United and United We Win, formed. The pro-Inslee Act Now on Climate ran some early TV ads, and later the pro-Patrick Reason to Believe PAC was on TV. These scattered efforts stood in contrast to the Republican campaign of 2015-16, when a parallel universe of super PACs supporting the major GOP candidates was very active from early on. [After the New Hampshire primary, two super PACs formed, Kitchen Table Conversations to support Klobuchar and Persist PAC to support Warren].

Besides soliciting donations at events, on-line, via phone or mail, or by selling merchandise there are other ways that campaigns can bring in money. Sitting Senators or congressmen can start with a fundraising advantage for they have the ability to convert funds from their re-election committees to their presidential campaign committees. A wealthy candidate can also boost his or her campaign; in 2007-08 Mitt Romney made $44.7 million in contributions and loans to his campaign and Hillary Clinton lent $13.2 million to her campaign. In 2015-16 Donald Trump self financed much of his primary campaign. In 2019-20 Tom Steyer is spending millions on his campaign and Michael Bloomberg could spend as much as $1 billion. Ultimately, however, a campaign is probably better off if it can create enough enthusiasm so that the money flows in.

Finally, although it is almost academic, it should be noted that there is still a voluntary system of partial public financing in place (>). Candidates qualify by raising $5,000 in contributions of $250 each of 20 states and agreeing to spending limits. Matching funds are made available starting in January of the presidential campaign year. In 2016 the overall national spending limit was $48.07 million. Major party candidates with any chance at the nomination now routinely opt out of this system so as to be able to spend more than the limit. In 2016, only Martin O'Malley (D) and Jill Stein (G) participated.

Campaign Heats Up

To attract money and talent, a candidate must convince the party activists and donors that he or she can wage a winning campaign. One of the major underlying themes in the Democratic primary is whether a progressive or moderate nominee would be the strongest candidate to take on Trump.

Several of the 2020 candidates who might have been marginalized did achieve major candidate status. Perhaps most remarkable was the ascent of South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg. Entrepreneur Andrew Yang's early start and policy focus served him well; he drew large crowds and made the debates. Author and spiritual advisor Marianne Williamson's lack of experience in elective office and abstract New Age rhetoric raised skepticism about her candidacy, but she has a national reputation, did a lot of preparatory travel in 2018 and was able to qualify for the first two debates. By contrast, although Miramar (FL) Mayor Wayne Messam did a well staged announcement event, he had not put in significant groundwork for a campaign in advance of his entry into the race and he effectively disappeared after that.

An attractive or credible candidate and ample resources are starting points for a successful campaign. In a crowded field, candidates need to distinguish themselves and find a "lane" or "track." As the 2016 Republican nominating contest showed, a large field can lead to an unexpected outcome. In June 2015, Donald Trump was seen as a joke, but he ended up vanquishing 16 other candidates. Whether there will be a surprise outcome in 2020 remains to be determined, but one can look at such factors as the favorable media coverage, endorsements, policy proposals, the ground game, performances in candidate forums and debates, and the ad campaign to get a sense of how a campaign is faring.

Favorable Media Coverage
In the early stages of the campaign favorable media coverage is like gold. Campaigns highlight positive stories and feature articles (+), linking to them and forwarding them on as they seek to show growing support. Favorable quotes are used in lit. pieces. In particular, South Bend (IN) Mayor Pete Buttigieg, who started as a unknown exploratory candidate, raised his profile significantly following favorable reviews of early appearances such as his March 10 CNN town hall (+).

Endorsements
Endorsements are a key part of establishing credibility. Sens. Kamala Harris (CA) and Cory Booker (NJ) did impressive work lining up home state endorsements early on (+). Of all the campaigns, former Vice President Joe Biden's was most focused on lining up individual endorsements. However, it is not the number of endorsers, but their prominence, the respect with which they are viewed and their effectiveness as supporters and surrogates that matters. An endorsement from a legislator or local official carries more weight than that of unknown activist. Some candidates will trickle out endorsements one or two at a time and others will announce a longer list. The timing of endorsements is interesting; there are early endorsers, late endorsers, and alson non-endorsers. Endorsements from organizations can provide a boost to a campaign. Early endorsements have included the Progressive Campaign Change Committee and Working Families Party for Warren, Progressive Democrats of America and Democratic Socialists of America for Sanders, International Association of Fire Fighters for Biden, and LGBTQ Victory Fund for Buttigieg (+).

Policy
Campaigns are about ideas and a candidate can advance his or her standing introducing serious policy proposals ; Sen. Elizabeth Warren (MA) excelled in this area early on (+). Candidates seek to differentiate themselves from the other candidates in the field; activists are paying attention to the candidates' views on such major issues as the nature of capitalism, Medicare for All, and the Green New Deal.

Candidate Forums
There are many"cattle shows" where some or many candidates speak to party, ideological or interest groups appearing on stage in succession, not at the same time. Three of the earliest such events were the Heartland Forum, which drew four candidates to Storm Lake, Iowa on March 30 (+), the We the People Membership Summit in Washington, DC on April 1, where eight candidates are spoke (+), and Rev. Al Sharpton's NAN Convention in New York City on April 3-6, where about a dozen candidates spoke (+). In the months since then there were as many as ten or eleven of these multi-candidate events per month. Forums provide a good opportunity to compare the candidates in a less controlled setting than the televised debates. At the party events candidates deliver versions of their stump speeches while in the interest group forums they delve into specific issues in interviews and questions from members of the group.

Debates
Televised debates are tightly controlled events. With short speaking times and many candidates, they are not the best way for citizens to learn about the candidates' positions, but one can see how the candidates perform under pressure and try to stand out. The debates do have relatively large audiences and are important benchmarks in the months leading up to the first contests. Campaigns, local Democratic and other activist groups organize debate watch parties around these much anticipated events. On Dec. 20, 2018 the DNC announced a framework for 2020 presidential primary debates that envisages 12 debates, six in 2019 and six in 2020 (+). Participation in the first seven debates was based on the candidates' ability to meet polling and grassroots contribution thresholds which were announced as 2019 has progressed. The first two debates were held over two consecutive nights because of the large field of candidates. As criteria were tightened, a number of candidates bowed out after failing to meet them. Critics and excluded candidates have pointed to a lack of transparency in how the DNC came up with their rules, and questioned a system wherein a wealthy candidate such as Tom Steyer can effectively buy his way onto the stage, but others with years of public service like Sen. Michael Bennet or Gov. Steve Bullock are excluded.

Ground Game
While the campaigns' national organizations set the direction, the state organizations are where "the rubber meets the road." In early states, field organizers build off of candidate apperances, following up with potential supporters and interacting with activists and local party leaders. To better mobilize supporters, campaigns open state headquarters and field offices in these early states. State campaign staff work to line up support from activists as well as endorsements from local party leaders, elected officials and other influencers. Potential voters in early states are bombarded by calls and text messages as the campaigns seek to engage them.

Ad Campaigns
The ad campaigns began to gear up in summer 2019. Earlier, in 2018, the Delaney campaign made a significant investment in TV advertising in Iowa and there were a number of smaller tactical buys in the first part of 2019, but investor Tom Steyer really kicked it off.

Actually Getting on the Ballot
By Fall 2019 media and public attention turn more and more to the four early states where a lucky few voters will finally have a say. While a successful campaign will have focused most of its attention on these early states, it will not have ignored other states. Several of the more resourced campaigns have been building out their organizations in Super Tuesday states, notably Bloomberg, Warren and Sanders. By early Jan. 2020 Bloomberg, who is skipping the four early state scrums altogether, built up a massive organization of 500 staff out in the states. Warren has organization in most of the Super Tuesday states. Sanders has particularly focused on California. At the other end of the spectrum are smaller, less resourced campaigns whose very survival depends upon a good showing in one or more of the early states.

Even small campaigns must lay the groundwork for qualifying for primary ballots around the country in the event their candidate does well. Each state has its own rules-some are tortuous, others expensive and others, like New Hampshire, are relatively straightforward. In November and December, filing deadlines start coming up in individual states. For example, New Hampshire statutes state, "Declarations of candidacy shall be filed between the first Monday in November and the third Friday in November, or during such other time period as the secretary of state shall announce." In delegate-rich California, which has moved its primary forward to March 3 ( 1, 2), the period for declarations of candidacy and nomination papers runs to Dec. 6, 2019 and the Secretary of State will certify the list of candidates on Dec. 26. Beyond simply meeting deadlines, campaigns must work to line up full delegate slates, or they may run into problems later on.

While the battle to determine who will challenge Trump draws the headlines, in the background the national Democratic party (+) and its allies ( 1, 2) are working to ensure that the eventual nominee will have the tools and resources to succeed in the general election.

Exit Stage Left (Out Before the First Votes are Cast)

For some candidates, the months of planning and preparation, hard work and handshaking are not enough to make it to the starting line, let alone secure the party's nomination. Reality sets in, and it becomes impossible to continue without going into debt.

Most often a candidate just issues a statement or video upon leaving the race, offering thanks to supporters, initial insights into what the candidate feels he or she accomplished, and thoughts on future activity. Sometimes an exiting candidate will hold an press conference to announce the end of his or her quest; and on rare occasions he may hold an event with family, staff and supporters. The candidate may also take this opportunity to throw his or her support to one of the remaining contenders, but most often that will come later. Meanwhile reporters offer their assessments on why the candidate failed to gain more support, and campaign staff wind up operations and look for new positions.

And on the Republican Side

President Trump's team methodically built its organization during the pre-primary period. With few exceptions, Republicans remain the party of Trump. He is firmly in control of the Republican National Committee; Trump Victory, the merged field/fundraising operation of the RNC and the Trump campaign, began ramping up in March 2019. Trump also has allies leading many state parties. Although three long-shot challengers-former Gov. Bill Weld, former U.S. Rep. Joe Walsh, and former Rep. and Gov. Mark Sanfor-emerged, they faced obstacles such as cancelled primary contests and unhelpful state and local parties ( 1, 2).

The launch of the impeachment inquiry on Sept. 24, 2019 added an element of drama to an already chaotic period. The impeachment trial in the Senate started as the Iowa caucus campaign enters the home stretch. Trump and his allies argued that Democrats were trying to overturn the 2016 election. Trump continued to hold MAGA rallies and his campaign continued its activities as per normal. The Wesleyan Media Project reported, "Since October 1, Trump has spent just under $5 million on ads that have both attacked Joe Biden for alleged corruption and attacked Democrats for launching an impeachment investigation against him." As of the eve of the Iowa caucuse it appeared all but certain that Trump will be the Republican nominee, although one could still envisage an scenario where the Trump narrative implodes and a Nikki Haley or someone else ends up on the stage in Charlotte on the night of Aug. 27, 2020 accepting the party's nomination.

During the year Trump has also made appearances at a number of high profile events which are important to energizing the GOP base, including the American Conservative Union's Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) on Feb. 27-Mar. 2, 2019, the Faith & Freedom Coalition's Road to Majority on June 27-29, 2019 (>) and the Family Research Council's Values Voter Summit on Oct. 11-13, 2019 (>).

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Pre-Primary Period: 2020 Presidential Campaign - Democracy in Action

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Each election cycle is unique. The 2020 cycle was characterized by a very large field of Democratic hopefuls in the early stages, in part precipitated by the tenor, policies and chaos of the Trump presidency. The large Democratic field was almost the inverse of the 2016 race, when 17 Republicans vied for the GOP nomination with no clear frontrunner.