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ASSIGNMENT: AT 2.1

REFERENCES

1.     https://www.bu.edu/articles/2019/internet-racism/

2.     https://www.tiktok.com/@giftedlachief/video/7057889502185966849?_d=secCgwIARCbDRjEFSADKAESPgo89bmwdtBF3ubEQDYdhzymyFPHB0AZ9gnpOva9C1jF0jUZATSejtNl%2ByNBp%2BHeM4G%2FZ6H%2B%2B67%2F%2FPtjaSFxGgA%3D&language=en&preview_pb=0&share_app_id=1233&share_item_id=7057889502185966849&share_link_id=AE05045A-3A0F-4696-9267-F809D5D67B28&source=h5_m&timestamp=1643451253&tt_from=copy&u_code=0&utm_campaign=client_share&utm_medium=ios&utm_source=copy&_r=1

3.

4.     https://www.apa.org/science/about/psa/2015/12/online-racial-discrimination

5.     https://academicworks.cuny.edu/hc_pubs/344

6.     https://eprints.qut.edu.au/104184/7/104184.pdf

7.     https://eprints.qut.edu.au/104184/7/104184.pdf

8.     https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1qd2h5f3

9.     https://education.uconn.edu/2021/02/25/for-students-of-color-online-racism-leads-to-real-world-mental-health-challenges/#

10. https://www.bu.edu/articles/2019/internet-racism/

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The article is about analyzing ways or strategies to help people especially young adults to cope with it in order to not get affected negatively. They should be able to focus on their positive lives so that they can continue to better their lives and build the future.

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How to fight online racism without spreading it

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These steps will help you dull the impact and limit the reach of racist content in your social media feeds.

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Online Racism Leads to Mental Health Challenges.

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Online Racism Leads to Mental Health Challenges.

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The article present the distress of racism and how it affects young people mentally and academically. As much as we are looking at how racism is like around the world but we should also look at how it affects the victims especially young people who are going to take over this country in future.

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Whether it's a "Zoombomb" filled with racial slurs, a racist meme that pops up in a Facebook timeline, or a hate-filled comment on an Instagram post, social media has the power to bring out the worst of the worst.

For college students of color who encounter online racism, the effect of racialized aggressions and assaults reaches far beyond any single social media feed and can lead to real and significant mental health impacts - even more significant than in-person experiences of racial discrimination, according to a recently published study from researchers at UConn and Boston College.

"I think we all suspected that we would find a relationship between the racism online in social media and student mental health," says lead author Adam McCready, an assistant professor-in-residence with UConn's Neag School of Education. "I think we may have been a little surprised that it was more salient, or held a stronger relationship, than in-person experiences."

Published in the February 2021 edition of the Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice, the study asked nearly 700 students of color from five different four-year colleges and universities to complete surveys in the spring of 2018 and 2019. The surveys asked students about their daily encounters with racism online and on-campus and about the quality of their interactions with various faculty and staff at their school. It also included a mental health assessment, a measurement of their sense of belonging at their institution, and questions designed to gauge their sense of ethnic identity - how strongly they felt attached to their racial group.

"Most powerfully we found that students' reported encounters with racial hostility on social media directly predicted their mental health outcomes."

- Adam McCready, Assistant Professor-in-Residence

The findings, the researchers said, support assertions that social media now constitutes an important element in the traumatic stress that students of color experience.

"Most powerfully we found that students' reported encounters with racial hostility on social media directly predicted their mental health outcomes and, to be more clear on that, we found that increased encounters with racism or discrimination online predicted increased self-reported mental health issues," McCready says. "And even when we added to our models and factored in students' in-person experiences, actually the online encounters were more salient predictors of mental health outcomes than the in-person experiences."

McCready says the study dispels a notion that online life is detached from in-person or offline experiences, especially for so-called "digital natives" - generations that have lived with the dynamics of online life often since early childhood. For these students, their online interactions represent a portion of their identity and experiences.

"If you think about it, if someone is experiencing racism on social media, in some ways it might be more targeted or it might be more explicit," he says. "There's a seamlessness, less distinction between the online experience and the in-person experience for digital natives, than there might remain for others of us who are 'digital immigrants,' who became accustomed to being engaged in social media later in life."

While the study data were collected prior to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, McCready suspects the transition to a college experience that is significantly more virtual and online would only heighten the impact of racialized aggressions on social media. The disparate effect when compared to in-person experiences may be greater, he says, because there are far fewer opportunities for in-person interactions during the pandemic.

"I think, at the broadest level, we just can't discredit an individual's online experience, and it's important to recognize that these experiences with discrimination and racial hostilities on social media do have an impact on mental health," says McCready. "And so within the college experience, and more broadly, we just can't ignore the effect of those encounters."

The researchers noted that counselors, administrators, and mental health professionals who work with students of color should take into account the impact of online experiences that the real trauma that online racism can cause. They recommended that university counseling centers include racialized trauma in their intake policies and procedures, asking questions about connection to ethnic communities and experiences with racism and discrimination, including racialized aggressions on social media.

They also stressed the importance of faculty, staff, and administrative diversity on cultivating a critical sense of belonging for students of color.

"The fact that these everyday or routine encounters with discrimination in social media continued to predict mental health issues is certainly a very strong finding and, in our minds, an important one for scholars and for practitioners to be aware of," McCready says. "I think our study opens new avenues to understand the experiences of students of color and to really consider how their encounters with racism on social media affect outcomes such as their mental health."
McCready's collaborators on the study are Heather T. Rowan-Kenyon, Nicole I. Barone, and Ana M. Martínez Alemán from Boston College. The study was supported with funding from the NASPA Foundation; for more information, visit www.naspa.org.

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Online Racism Leads to Real-World Mental Health Challenges

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For college students of color who encounter online racism, the effect of racialized aggressions and assaults reaches far beyond any single social media feed and can lead to real and significant mental health impacts - even more significant than in-person experiences of racial discrimination, acc ...

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 Race Trouble: Attending to Race and Racism in Online Interaction.

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 Race Trouble: Attending to Race and Racism in Online Interaction.

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The article shows the danger of living in a world whereby things have to be done according to the skin colour and not correct skills and capabilities of people regardless of colour. It shows that as a country if we are still looking at a skin colour for the work to be done then we are still far from achieving where we want to take this country to a better place unless we change our mindsets. The country to develop and get all the systems in order, we need everyone to join together and take it forward.

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PEER REVIEWED ARTICLE: Spatiality at the cyber-margins

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PEER REVIEWED ARTICLE: Spatiality at the cyber-margins

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The article shows the situation whereby people are doing the same job but treated differently. because of the skin colour. If in this current situation of severe racism it is a problem as a black person to create a social media platform, whereas we need the same platforms to spread the message and awareness of anti-racism, so how are we going to achieve the campaign to eradicate racism?.

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PEER REVIEWED ARTICLE: Platformed Racism

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PEER REVIEWED ARTICLE: Platformed Racism

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This article like others supports the fact that social media platforms have become a place where it is easy for people to be racist and hate for other people.

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PEER REVIEWED ARTICLE: Twitter and White Supremacy 

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PEER REVIEWED ARTICLE: Twitter and White Supremacy 

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Platform media like twitter somehow make it easy for people to continue being racist because they are preforming it in a place where by is not a contact or face to face with people. It is easy for them to think their racist thoughts and attach them for everyone to see even those once messages are directed to. Platforms like twitter has given access to white supremacists an ideal venue to present their hatred.

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Racism in this article shows that is not an inborn thing but something that is being taught. The article shows young people to be experiencing racism in everyday of their lives, and they do not understand it and why is it happening to them. This shows how agent is to take measures of eradicating racism because of the damage is going to cause for these young people when they grow up.

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Brendesha Tynes is a visiting associate professor of psychology at the University of Michigan (2015-2016). She is also an associate professor of education and psychology at the University of Southern California, where she is director of the Digital Learning and Development Lab. Her research focuses on the role of the internet in adolescent development with special attention to academic and socio-emotional outcomes. She is also interested in the use of mobile devices to enhance learning and the design of online interventions. Tynes is co-editor of the Handbook of African American Psychology and is completing a term as associate editor of the American Educational Research Journal. She received the 2015 American Educational Research Association Early Career Award, the Spencer Midcareer Award and was named one of Diverse magazine's Emerging Scholars Under 40. Her work is published in journals such as Developmental Psychology and the Journal of Adolescent Health and has been cited across a number of outlets including the New York Times, Newsweek and the Los Angeles Times.

Racial discrimination is a common stressor in the lives of adolescents of color in the U.S. Previous empirical research suggests that the majority of minority youth perceive themselves to be the victims of racial-ethnic discrimination (Benner & Kim, 2009; Harris-Britt, Valrie, Kurtz-Costes, & Rowley, 2007; Huynh & Fuligni, 2010; Martin et al., 2011; Medvedeva, 2010; Neblett et al., 2008; Pachter, Szalacha, Bernstein, & Coll, 2010; Seaton, Caldwell, Sellers & Jackson, 2008). A growing body of research also suggests that the contexts in which discriminatory experiences occur matter and have differential impacts on child and adolescent adjustment outcomes (Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006; Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000; Riina, Martin, Gardner, & Brooks-Gunn, 2013). Given the facts that 95 percent of youth have access to the internet (Madden, Lenhart, Duggan, Cortesi, & Gasser, 2013) and that adolescents of color spend 4½ more hours per day on average than their white counterparts using various forms of media, including mobile devices (Rideout, Lauricella, & Wartella, 2011), it is important to understand discriminatory experiences in electronic formats, including widely used social network sites.

Early writings on the topic of race online argued that the internet could reduce or eliminate racial discrimination that people of color typically experience in offline settings (Glaser & Kahn, 2005; Kang, 2000). Recent theorizing suggests that social media often requires users to reveal their identities and that doing so can make individuals more susceptible to experiencing racial discrimination (Kahn, Spencer, & Glaser, 2013). In addition, victims may have a potentially permanent record of their online interactions (Palfrey & Gasser, 2008) that they carry around on their devices. While we have quite an extensive literature on general forms of online victimization, research on experiences with race is surprisingly limited.

This article describes preliminary findings from two recent studies using data from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development-funded Teen Life Online and in Schools Project (Brendesha Tynes, principal investigator), a longitudinal study of the risk and protective factors associated with online victimization. The mixed-method explanatory sequential design includes online surveys, interviews, samples of online experiences provided by participants and observations from a school-based sample of diverse youth. The sample was recruited from schools in the Midwest with varying demographic compositions including relatively equal numbers of African-Americans, whites and Latinos as well as schools that were over 80 percent either Latino of African-American.

In the first study, we (with Eleanor Seaton) examine reports of online racial discrimination and the prevalence of these experiences for adolescents of color from 2010-2013. We also outline age, race and gender differences along with the contexts in which online racial discrimination occurs. In the second study, we outline the nature of these messages using thematic and content analysis of students' qualitative descriptions. We define online racial discrimination as denigrating or excluding individuals or groups on the basis of race through the use of symbols, voice, video, images, text and graphic representations. Like its offline counterpart, these experiences include racial epithets and unfair treatment by others due to a person's racial or ethnic background, such as being excluded from an online space. These incidents may be directly experienced (also called individual experiences) by victims or may be vicariously experienced or witnessed (Tynes, Giang, Williams & Thompson, 2008). Online forms of racial discrimination also include what are commonly known as "cloaked sites" that are created to spread misinformation about the history and culture of certain racial/ethnic groups. One example is "martinlutherking.org" which was created to disparage Martin Luther King Jr. and the Civil Rights Movement all while appearing to be a legitimate site.

Prevalence of Online Discrimination

Using a sample of 340 African-American, Latino, Asian and biracial adolescents (drawn from a larger sample of 1028 sixth-12th grade students at year 1), online survey data from study one revealed that 42 percent percent of minority youth indicated that they had experienced at least one direct (individual) discriminatory incident in the first year, with 55 percent in the second year and 58 percent in the third year reporting such an incident in the third year (see Table 1). Sixty-four percent of minority youth indicated that they had experienced at least one vicarious discriminatory incident in the first year, with 69 percent the second year and 68 percent the third year. The most common direct discriminatory incident across the three years was "People have shown me a racist image online." The most common vicarious discriminatory incident across the three waves was "I have witnessed people saying mean or rude things about another person's ethnic group online."

Changes in Online Racial Discrimination Over Time and Differences across Age, Race and Gender

We also found that reports of direct racial discrimination increased across the three time periods. Minority youth perceived an average of less than one incident (M=.72) at the first time period, one incident (M=.94) the second year, and slightly more than one incident (M=1.1) at the third. The results also suggested that vicarious racial discrimination increased across the three waves. Participants perceived approximately one and a half incidents of vicarious racial discrimination (M=1.43) at the first time period, and nearly two incidents of vicarious racial discrimination the second (M=1.69) and third (M=1.70) years.

Gender, race and age differences were examined in direct and vicarious discrimination over the three time points. The results indicated no gender differences in either direct or vicarious discrimination in any of the three years. This was also the case for race (note there are mean differences, but these analyses included counts only). There were, however, age differences such that middle to late adolescents perceived more direct online racial discrimination than youth in early adolescence in the first year. There were also age differences in vicarious racial discrimination; youth who were middle to late (M=1.73) perceived more vicarious discrimination than youth in early adolescence (M=1.06). There were no age differences in individual racial discrimination at time two. However, middle to late adolescents perceived more vicarious discrimination than their early adolescent (M=1.29) counterparts. There were no age differences in direct or vicarious discrimination at time three.

Contexts of Online Discrimination

The contexts for online discrimination were examined. The most frequent contexts for these experiences were social networking sites like Facebook and text messaging. Forty-four percent of minority youth indicated that they had experienced online discrimination on a social network site at time one, 51 percent at time two and 48 percent at time three. Twenty-two percent of minority youth indicated that they had experienced online discrimination through text messages at time one, 18 percent at time two and 19 percent at time three. Because researchers noted shifts in the popularity of online contexts among participants in interview data, specific sites (e.g., Tumblr, Twitter and YouTube) were assessed for the third time point. Twenty-one percent of minority youth indicated that they had experienced online discrimination on Twitter and YouTube.

Participant Descriptions of Experiences with Online Racial Discrimination

To complement survey findings, in the second study we (with Allana Zuckerman) asked African-American students in grades sixth-12th at year 1 about their worst online experiences. This question was included in the online survey about their online victimization experiences outlined in study one which 1028 students completed. The item was open-ended to allow students to provide details about this experience in their own words. African-Americans were chosen because follow-up interview data revealed they experience a particularly virulent form of online racial discrimination. Thematic and content analyses were conducted with open-ended responses across three waves of data. Narratives were coded and a word cloud with the most frequently used words was also generated using NVivo qualitative data analysis software. Thematic analysis showed emergent themes primarily revolved around the nature and content of online racial discrimination as well as the contexts in which they occur. Participants reported six primary types of experiences:

1. Racial epithets.

2. Statements that were untrue, stereotyping and implicitly racist statements.

3. Racist jokes.

4. Symbols of hate, such as the Confederate flag.

5. Threats of physical harm or death.

6. Graphic representations/actual images of dead black bodies.

Examples include the following:

"The worst thing that has happened to me on the internet is that someone threatened to kill me because of my race."

"Almost everyday on Call of Duty: Black Ops (a video game) I see Confederate flags, swastikas and black people hanging from trees in emblems and they say racist things about me and my teammates."

"The worst internet experience that I received was online scrolling down my Facebook stream and seen a picture of an Obama doll hanging by a nuce [sic] at a gas station... I showed it to my mom and my co-workers but really nothing we could do about it."

"Me and my friends were playing Xbox and some kid joined the Xbox Live party we were in and made a lot of racist jokes I found offensive."

Interestingly, experiences across time appear to account for current events and technological trends. For example, a female student reported seeing the President Obama effigy hanging during his second campaign and election year. Experiences also occur on the most popular online platforms, such as Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. The word cloud below is from year three and reflects the most commonly used words in participant narratives, including the terms racist, black, online, page, people, picture, race, angry, game and Zimmerman (a reference to George Zimmerman, who killed 17 year-old unarmed teen Trayvon Martin in 2012 and was acquitted in 2013) (see Figure 1).

Figure 1: Most Commonly Used Terms in African American Participants' Worst Experience Responses for Year 3

Implications of Findings for Adolescent Mental Health

As expected, the majority of the sample reported being victims of online racial discrimination and these reports increased across the three time periods. This is consistent with a general increase in online hate activity associated with the campaign and election of the first African-American president in the U.S. Despite claims of a post-racial America, the Simon Wiesenthal Center (2009, 2012) reported the numbers of extremist and hate sites rose from 6,000 in 2006, to 10,000 by 2009 and to 15,000 by 2011. Not only does this fringe element of society contribute to the racial discrimination that adolescents are potentially exposed to, but average internet users may also be more likely to engage in discriminatory behaviors online (Kahn et al., 2013). Given the perception of privacy online, perpetrators can feel as though they are in a large crowd of others with a low likelihood of identification, which arguably leads to less self-monitoring when expressing beliefs (Kahn et al., 2013). Moreover, research has shown that adolescents may be more likely to engage in discriminatory behaviors when they perceive they are not being monitored (Tynes, Reynolds, & Greenfield, 2004). Scholars posit that although the internet represents exemplary societal progress, online contexts often resemble pre-Civil Rights Era race relations in which prejudice is overtly expressed (Glaser & Kahn, 2005) and discrimination practices are common.

Given the increasing amount of time that adolescents and young adults spend online, experiences of racial discrimination via the internet have implications for their mental health and other developmental outcomes (Tynes et al., 2008). Studies show that online racial discrimination is associated with depressive symptoms, anxiety, lower academic motivation and increased problem behavior (Tynes et al., 2008; Tynes et al., 2014; Tynes, Hiss, Ryan, & Rose, 2015; Umana-Taylor et al., 2015). Most importantly, online racial discrimination contributes uniquely to adjustment outcomes over and above offline experiences. Given the current racial climate in the U.S., it has never been more important for researchers and practitioners to understand how race related experiences impact youth of color over time.

Equally important is the potential role these findings might play in informing the design of cyberbullying prevention and internet safety programs. They may also be used in the development of interventions that help youth to cope with and critique the information they are exposed to in online settings. These interventions should be comprehensive with an explicit focus on adaptive coping strategies and developing critical media and racial literacy.

Acknowledgments

Parts of this brief were drawn from unpublished manuscripts co-authored by Eleanor Seaton, PhD, of Arizona State University and Allana Zuckerman of Georgia State University. The order of authorship should read Tynes, Seaton & Zuckerman. I thank the co-investigators of the Teen Life Online and in Schools Project, including David Williams, PHD, Harvard University, Adriana Umaña -Taylor, PhD, (Arizona State University), Kimberly Mitchell, PhD, (University of New Hampshire) and Chad Rose, PhD, (University of Missouri), for their time and many contributions. This work was supported by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health & Human Development of the National Institutes of Health under Award Number R01HD061584. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health.

References

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Harris‐Britt, A., Valrie, C.R., Kurtz‐Costes, B., & Rowley, S.J. (2007). Perceived racial discrimination and self‐esteem in African American youth: Racial socialization as a protective factor. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 17(4), 669-682. doi: 10.1111/j.1532-7795.2007.00540.x.

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Tynes, B.M., Hiss, S., Rose, C., Umaña -Taylor, A., Mitchell, K. & Williams, D. (2014). Internet use, online racial discrimination, and adjustment among a diverse, school- based sample of adolescents. International Journal of Gaming & Computer Mediated Simulations, 6(3), 1-16.

Tynes, B.M., Hiss, S., Ryan, A. & Rose, C. (2015). Discrimination in school vs online contexts, mental health and academic motivation among diverse adolescents in the U.S. "The Social Psychology of the Classroom International Handbook." New York: Routledge.

Tynes, B., Reynolds, L., & Greenfield, P.M. (2004). Adolescence, race and ethnicity on the internet: A comparison of discourse in monitored and unmonitored chat rooms. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 25(6) 667-684. doi: 10.1016/j.appdev.2004.09.003.

Umaña-Taylor, A.J., Tynes, B.M., Toomey, R.B., Williams, D., & Mitchell, K. (2015). Latino adolescents' perceived discrimination in online and off-line settings: An examination of cultural risk and protective factors. Developmental Psychology, 51(1), 87-100.

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Online racial discrimination: A growing problem for adolescents

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Brendesha Tynes is a visiting associate professor of psychology at the University of Michigan (2015-2016). She is also an associate professor of education and psychology at the University of Southern California, where she is director of the Digital Learning and Development Lab.

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Tik Tok can you please treat us equally.

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Tik Tok can you please treat us equally.

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The video shows how racism can be stumbling block for people to progress. I thought Tik Tok will be one of the media platform that will embrace equality. It is very sad that people are being deprived opportunities just because of their skin color. The Tik Tok is powerful in this regard because this man can not go anywhere to complain about the incident as maybe he does not even know where to report.

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TikTok can you please treat us equally 🙏🥺

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When I was reading this article I was shocked to discover there are platforms that allow people even young once to post ugly and racist messages on it. The platform has been designed in a way that who ever post cannot be tracible. I wonder who created this kind of platform and what is it that he/she wanted to achieve? it has become easy for people to be racist in a way they like without fear because of the technology. It is about time to come with strategies in place as a world to root out racism, we can use the same technology to join hands to eradicate it.

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Rob Eschmann is a Boston University School of Social Work assistant professor of human behavior. His research interests include race, social media, education, violence prevention, activism, and community organizing. Eschmann's latest study, published July 26, 2019, in Social Problems, reveals how students of color react to discovering that their peers at a private university have published racist messages anonymously online. He wrote about his findings and how the internet is providing a place for people to anonymously share openly racist messages without social consequences.

Some time ago I had a debate with a friend and colleague-someone I respect and admire-about whether racism was still a serious problem in society. He saw himself as being passionately antiracist, but believed that racism was largely an evil of the past and now had a minimal impact on people's lives. I tried to use personal examples to demonstrate that racism was still alive-from experiencing microaggressions on college campuses to my numerous interactions with the police-but in the end, I don't think he got it.

He's not the only one who has a hard time recognizing modern racism. Before the civil rights movement, racism was open, ugly, and legal. Today, however, discrimination has been outlawed and racism tends to be more subtle. You could say that whereas racism showed its face in the 1950s, nowadays it's masked-hidden behind supposedly color-blind institutions and interactions.

Thankfully, a great number of scholars and activists have spent decades exploring and explaining masked racism. Research on Blacks being given longer prison sentences than Whites for committing the same crimes, unequal funding in public education, and unconscious racial bias teaches us how to recognize the subtle mechanisms and manifestations of racism in the modern era.

But for anyone who has ever read comments under a YouTube video or online news article, it is clear that not all racism in today's digital age is subtle. Some online spaces, particularly anonymous ones, provide opportunities for people to be openly racist without social consequences.

I call this the unmasking of racism. Whereas post-civil rights movement racism has remained hidden behind friendly interactions and supposedly color-blind laws, racism is now being unmasked in online spaces, revealing the types of open and ugly racist attitudes and actions that many people in the US thought were behind us.

Over the past five years, I've been researching the ways that online racism impacts people-especially people of color-and their understandings and experiences with race and racism. Often, we don't know where online racist messages come from; anonymous commenters can be anyone, anywhere in the world, and this allows us to see these online interactions as being separate from the real world.

But in a paper recently published in Social Problems, I explore the impact of an anonymous website that didn't feel so anonymous to its readers. The site, called the Politically Incorrect Confessions Page, was created to let students at a private university in the Midwest, which I will call "Mid-U," talk about uncomfortable topics.

Whereas post-civil rights movement racism has remained hidden behind friendly interactions and supposedly color-blind laws, racism is now being unmasked in online spaces, revealing the types of open and ugly racist attitudes and actions that many people in the US thought were behind us.

In reality, however, the site became known for its numerous racist and offensive messages. These racist messages hit closer to home than most online racism, because not only did the messages come from anonymous members of the college community, but they were also often written about specific people, places, groups, and events on campus.

I conducted interviews with students of color at Mid-U to understand how the messages on the site shaped their view of race and racism on campus and beyond.

The discussions revealed that the site caused students to experience challenges to their existing worldviews, coping strategies, relationships, and dominant understandings of racism. While individual reactions varied, four distinct types of response emerged.

For one group of students, the website challenged their racial worldviews. These students had been happy with the interracial dynamic at Mid-U, and didn't think racism was that big of a deal on campus. They believed that the commonalities between students transcended racial differences. So even when there were racist events on campus-like a racist-themed frat party, for example-these students saw these events as being rare, not representative of the racial climate. They believed the anonymous racist messages on the website, however, were indicative of a deeper problem. Their ways of thinking about racism were shattered as the old-fashioned, overtly racist attitudes that characterized the Jim Crow era were revealed to be present among some of their peers.

In another type of response, a group of students found that their styles of coping with racism were challenged by the anonymity of the website. Many of these students had experience and expertise in responding to contemporary forms of racism, from microaggressions to the aforementioned frat party, and were involved in antiracist-organizing efforts on campus. The website, however, made it so that they did not have a clear opponent-they didn't know who was posting on the site, so they had no one to protest or chastise. These students felt disempowered because of the technology that was protecting the identity of their racist peers.

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Another group of students believed that the website challenged their relationships with Whites. They became less trustful of their White peers, noting that anyone could have been behind the posts on the website. In an environment where relationships between different racial groups were characterized by friendliness, this response indicated that students understood that being nice could coexist with holding racist views. The messages on the website, therefore, were understood to represent the unmasking of their peers' true racial attitudes.

The last group of students were those who felt validated by the site: they had long understood the ways that racism was embedded in campus life, but had struggled to communicate this to their peers and professors. For them, the site challenged dominant understandings of racism-like my colleague believing we were living in a post-racial, color-blind world-and served as evidence of the continuing significance of race.

The Mid-U campus in my study isn't the only place where racism is being unmasked through the internet. From cell phone footage of police killing unarmed Blacks, to leaked racist emails and messages-or even Tweets from President Trump that frequently blur the line between covert and overt racism-internet-based communication is exposing the continuing significance of racism in a world that sometimes pretends to be color-blind. While those who have experienced or studied racism have long known this to be true, for many the unmasking of racism is an eye-opening experience. How will they, and we, respond?

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The Internet Is Unmasking Racism. Here's What That Means to Young People of Color

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Rob Eschmann is a Boston University School of Social Work assistant professor of human behavior. His research interests include race, social media, education, violence prevention, activism, and community organizing. Eschmann's latest study, published July 26, 2019, in Social Problems , reveals how students of color react to discovering that their peers at a private university have published racist messages anonymously online.

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The article present how the power of social media platforms have brought back the old racism and the new one. I wonder what would happen if each person in this world can use these powerful social medias to send positive messages. This world can be a better place for everyone to live in.